(iL^       /f^^g*^^^  ^^*<f  J^-iC 


/^f-5 


LIBRA^RY 

OP   THE 

Theological 

Seminary, 

PRINCETON,    N.  J. 

Case, 

.:fisiwi... 

■D-iv+sion k 

Shelf, 
Book, 

-1.1^4 
i&33    ' 

...SjSi:.t  ion         

W. — — 

X-  f^  i-  'h^ 


THE 

OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT 

CONNECTED, 
THE  HISTORY  OF  THE  JEWS, 

AND 

NEIGHBOURING   NATIONS; 

FROM    THE 

DECLENSION  OF  THE  KINGDOMS  OF  ISRAEL  AND  JUDAH, 

TO     THE 

TIME  OF  CHRIST. 

/ 
BY  HUMPHREY  PRIDEAUX,  D.  D. 

DEAN    OF    NORWICH. 
SECOND  AMERICAN,  FROM  THE  TWENTIETH  LONDON  EDITION. 

TO    WHICH    IS    PREFIXED, 

THE  LIFE  OF  THE  AUTHOR, 

CONTAINING    SOME    LETTERS    WHICH    HE    WROTE  IN  DEFENCE    AND    ILLUS- 
TRATION   OF    CERTAIN    PARTS    OF    HIS    CONNEXIONS. 

THE   WHOLE 

ILLUSTRATED  WITH  MAPS  AND  PLATES. 


IN   TWO   VOLUMES. 

VOL.  n. 


BALTIMORE: 
WILLIAM  AND  JOSEPH  NEAL. 

1833. 


PREFACE  TO  PAl 


The  Second  Part  of  this  History,  which  I  now  offer  to  the  puDncfcompletea 
the  whole  of  what  I  intend.  My  first  purpose  was  to  have  concluded  at  the 
birth  of  our  Saviour,  and  to  have  left  what  thenceforth  ensues  to  the  ecclesias- 
tical historian  of  the  Christian  church,  to  whom  it  properly  belongs.  But  since 
what  is  to  connect  the  Old  Testament  with  the  New,  will  there  best  end  where 
the  dispensation  of  the  Old  Testament  endeth,  and  that  of  the  New  begins;  and 
since  that  was  brought  to  pass  in  the  death  and  resurrection  of  our  Saviour,  I 
have  drawn  down  this  history  thereto.  For  then  the  Jewish  church  was  abo- 
lished, and  the  Christian  erected  in  its  stead;  then  the  law  of  Moses  ceased, 
and  that  of  Christ  and  his  Gospel  commenced,  and  therein  the  accomplishment 
of  all  the  prophecies  of  the  Old  Testament,  relating  to  the  person  of  the  Mes- 
siah, which  began  at  his  birth,  was  fully  perfected.  And  therefore,  here  I  have 
thought  it  properest  to  fix  the  conclusion  of  this  work.  But,  to  avoid  encroach- 
ing too  far  upon  the  Christian  ecclesiastical  historian,  I  have  from  the  time  of 
Christ's  birth  treated  but  in  a  very  brief  manner,  of  what  afterward  ensued  to 
his  death;  and  have  passed  over  the  whole  time  of  the  public  ministration  both 
of  him  and  his  forerunner.  For  all  things  that  were  done  therein  being  fully 
related  in  the  four  Gospels,  which  are,  or  ought  to  be,  in  every  one's  hands, 
barely  to  repeat  them  here  would  be  needless,  and  all  that  can  be  done  beyond 
a  bare  repetition,  is  either  to  methodise  them  according  to  the  order  of  time,  or 
to  explain  them  by  way  of  interpretation;  but  the  former  belonging  to  the  har- 
monist, and  the  latter  to  the  commentator,  they  are  both  out  of  the  province  I 
have  undertaken. 

I  having,  in  the  Preface  to  the  First  Part  of  this  History,  recommended  to 
the  reader,  for  his  geographical  guidance  in  the  reading  of  it,  the  maps  of  Cel- 
larius,  the  bookseller  hath,  in  the  third  edition  of  that  part,  inserted  into  it  as 
many  maps  out  of  him  as  may  be  useful  for  this  purpose.  And  there  hath 
also  been  added,  in  the  same  edition,  a  map  of  the  temple  of  Jerusalem, 
which  had  been  drawn  and  published  by  me  in  a  single  sheet  some  years 
before.     All  these  may  serve  for  the   Second  Part  as  well  as  for  the  First. 

Perchance  there  may  be  some,  who  will  think  the  history  which  I  give 
of  the  Jewish  cycle  of  eighty-four  years,  and  of  the  other  cycles,  which,  as 
well  as  that,  have  been  made  use  of  for  the  fixing  of  the  time  of  Easter, 
to  be  too  long  a  digression  from  that  which  is  the  main  subject  of  this  work. 
And  therefore,  I  think  it  necessary  to  acquaint  the  reader,  that  I  have  been 
led  hereto  by  these  following  inducements: — First,  To  give  him  an  account 
of  the  controversies  which  happened  among  Christians  about  the  time  of 
celebrating  Easter,  during  the  use  of  this  eighty-four  years'  cycle  among 
them.  Secondly,  To  explain  one  important  part  of  our  ancient  English  his- 
tory, by  showing  upon  what  foot  that  dissension  about  Easter  stood,  which 
was  here  carried  on  between  our  British  and  Saxon  ancestors  on  the  ac- 
count of  the  same  Jewish  cycle,  during  the  whole  seventh  and  eighth  cen- 
tuiy,  which  hath  no  where  else,  that  I  know  of,  had  a  thorough  and  clear 
account  given  of  it.  And,  lastly,  To  open  the  way  to  a  better  understand- 
ing of  the  modern  dispute,  which  our  dissenters  have  here  set  on  foot 
among  us,  upon  the  same  argument:  for  they  allege  it  as  one  reason  of 
their  dissensions,  that  Easter  is  put  wrong  in  the  calendar  before  the  Com- 
mon Prayer  Book,  and  that  therefore  they  cannot  give  their  assent  and 
consent  thereto. 

It  is  a  very  odd  thing  that  this  sort  of  people,  who  are  against  keeping  any 
Easter  at  all,  should  raise  any  quarrel  about  the  time  of  its  observance.  But 
since  they  are  pleased  so  to  do,  I  will  here  apply  what  is  written  in  the  ensu- 


4  PREFACE. 

ing  history,  about  the  time  of  this  festival,  to  the  present  case,  and  endeavour 
thereby  to  give  them  full  satisfaction  in  it.  In  order  whereto  I  shall  lay  down 
first,  The  rule  in  the  calendar,  against  which  the  objection  is  made:  secondly. 
The  objection  itself  that  is  urged  against  it;  and  then,  in  the  third  place,  I  shall 
give  my  answers  thereto. 

I.  The  words  of  the  rule  in  the  calendar,  as  they  lie  in  the  page  next  after 
the  months  of  the  year,  are  these  following: — "  Easter  day  is  always  the  first 
Sunday  after  the  first  full  moon,  which  happens  next  after  the  one-and-twen- 
tieth  day  of  March.  And  if  the  full  moon  happens  upon  a  Sunday,  Easter  day 
is  the  Sunday  after." 

II.  The  objection  urged  against  this  rule  is.  That  if  we  take  the  common 
almanacks,  in  which  the  new  moons  and  full  moons  are  set  down  as  they  are 
in  the  heavens,  it  will  seldom  be  found,  that  the  first  Sunday  after  the  first  full 
moon,  which  happens  next  after  the  one-and-twentieth  day  of  March,  is  the 
Easter  day,  which  is  appointed  to  be  observed,  according  to  the  tables  in  the 
Common  Prayer  Book;  and  that  therefore,  if  the  rule  be  true,  the  tables  must 
be  false.  And  this,  the  dissenters  think,  is  reason  enough  for  them  to  deny 
their  assent  and  consent  to  the  whole  book. 

III.  I  answer  hereto,  first,  That  it  must  be  acknowledged  this  objection  would 
be  true,  were  it  the  natural  full  moon  that  is  meant  in  the  rule.  But  besides 
the  natural  full  moon,  that  is,  that  which  appears  in  the  heavens,  when  the  sun 
and  moon  are  in  direct  opposition  to  each  other,  there  is  also  an  ecclesiastical 
full  moon,  that  is,  a  full  moon  day,  so  called  by  the  church,  though  there  be  no 
natural  full  moon  thereon.  To  explain  this  by  a  parallel  case,  it  is  in  the  same 
manner,  as  there  is  a  political  month,  and  a  political  year,  different  from  the 
natural.  The  natural  month  is  the  course  of  the  moon,  from  one  new  moon 
to  another;  the  j^olitical  month  is  a  certain  number  of  days,  which  constitute  a 
month  according  to  the  political  constitution  of  the  country  where  it  is  used. 
And  so  a  natural  year  is  the  course  of  the  sun  from  a  certain  point  in  the  zo- 
diac, tin  it  come  about  again  to  the  same;  but  the  political  year  is  a  certain 
number  of  months  or  days,  which  constitute  a  year,  according  to  the  political 
constitution  of  the  country  where  it  is  used.  And  so,  in  like  manner,  there  is 
a  natural  new  moon  day,  and  an  ecclesiastical  new  moon  day.  The  natural 
new  moon  day  is  that  on  which  the  natural  new  moon  first  appears,  and  the 
fourteenth  day  after  is  the  natural  full  moon  day.  And  the  ecclesiastical  new 
moon  day  is  that  which  by  the  ecclesiastical  constitutions  is  appointed  for  it, 
and  the  fourteenth  day  after  is  the  ecclesiastical  full  moon  day.  And  the  primes, 
that  is,  the  figures  of  tlie  golden  numbers  which  are  in  the  first  column  of  every 
month  in  the  calendar,  are  there  placed  to  point  out  both,  that  is,  the  ecclesi- 
astical new  moon  day  first,  and  then,  by  consequence  from  it,  the  ecclesiastical 
full  moon  day,  which  is  the  fourteenth  day  after.  This  order  was  first  ap- 
pointed from  the  time  of  the  council  of  Nice;'  and  then  the  natural  new  moon 
and  full  moon,  and  the  ecclesiastical  new  moon  and  full  moon,  fell  exactly  to- 
gether. And  had  the  nineteen  years'  cycle,  called  the  cycle  of  the  moon 
(which  is  the  cycle  of  the  golden  numbers,)  brought  about  all  the  new  moons 
and  full  moons  exactly  again  to  the  same  point  of  time  in  the  Julian  year,  as  it 
was  supposed  that  it  would,  when  this  order  was  first  made,  they  -vyould  have 
always  so  fallen  together;  but  it  failing  hereof  by  an  hour  and  almost  a  half, 
hereby  it  hath  come  to  pass,  that  the  ecclesiastical  new  moon  and  full  moon 
have  overshot  the  natural  new  moon  and  full  moon  an  hour  and  near  a  half  in 
every  nineteen  years,  which,  in  the  long  process  of  time  that  hath  happened 
since  the  council  of  Nice,  hath  now  made  the  difference  between  them  to 
amount  to  about  four  days  and  a  half;  and  so  much  the  ecclesiastical  new  moons 
and  full  moons  do  at  this  time,  in  every  month,  overrun  the  natural.  However, 
the  church,  still  abiding  by  the  old  order,  still  observes  the  time  of  Easter,  ac- 
cording to  the  reckoning  of  the  ecclesiastical  moon,  and  not  according  to  that 

1  This  council  was  held  A.  D.  325. 


PREFACE.  5 

of  the  natural.  And  therefore  it  is  of  the  ecclesiastical  full  moon,  and  not  of 
the  natural,  that  this  rule  is  to  be  understood,  and  consequently,  what  the  dis- 
senters object  against  it,  from  the  full  moon  in  the  heavens,  is  nothing  to  the 
purpose.  But  if  it  be  still  objected,  that  this  ecclesiastical  full  moon,  difterent 
from  the  natural,  is  the  product  of  error,  for  that  it  hath  its  original  from  astro- 
nomical mistake  in  the  church's  falsely  supposing,  that  the  new  moons  and  full 
moons  would,  after  every  nineteen  years,  all  come  over  again  to  the  same  point 
of  time  in  the  Julian  year,  as  in  the  former  nineteen  years,  whereas  they  do 
not  so  by  an  hour  and  a  half,  and  that,  therefore,  there  is  still  an  error  in  this 
matter;  the  answer  hereto  is,  that  it  would  be  so,  were  the  feast  of  Easter,  and 
the  time  of  observing  it,  appointed  by  divine  institution:  but  since  both  are  only 
by  the  institution  of  the  church,  wherever  the  church  placeth  it,  there  it  is 
well  and  rightly  observed.     But, 

Secondly,  Were  it  truly  the  natural  full  moon,  and  not  the  ecclesiastical, 
that  is  meant  in  the  rule,  yet  since  in  this  supposal  it  would  be  only  an  astro- 
nomical, and  not  a  theological  error,  this  rule  may  be  used  without  sin;  and  the 
use  of  it  is  all  that  the  declaration  of  assent  and  consent  obligeth  to,  as  it  is 
more  than  once  plainly  expressed  in  the  act  that  enjoins  it. 

Thirdly,  But  it  seems  to  me  that  neither  the  calendar,  nor  this  rule  belong- 
ing thereto,  is  within  that  declaration,  and  therefore  no  eri'or  in  either  can  be 
urged  as  a  reason  against  it.  For  Ihe  assent  and  consent  required  to  be  given 
by  the  Act  of  Uniformity  is,  "  To  the  book  of  Common  Prayer,  and  adminis- 
tration of  the  sacraments  and  other  rites  and  ceremonies  of  the  church  of  Eng- 
land, together  with  the  Psalter  or  Psalms  of  David,  pointed  as  they  are  to  be 
•  sung  or  said  in  churches,  and  the  form  and  manner  of  making,  ordaining,  and 
consecrating,  of  bishops,  priests,  and  deacons;"  but  neither  the  calendar,  nor 
this  rule  belonging  to  it,  can  be  brought  under  any  of  these  particulars;  and 
therefore  cannot  be  contained  within  that  declaration  at  all.  If  it  be  said,  that 
the  words  rites  and  ceremonies  include  the  calendar,  and  with  it  all  the  rules  be- 
longing thereto,  my  answer  is,  that  the  astronomical  calculations,  and  the  ap- 
pointing thereby  the  times  of  the  moveable  feasts,  concerning  which  our  whole 
present  dispute  is,  cannot  be  called  either  rites  or  ceremonies.  If  it  be  farther 
urged,  that  both  the  calendar  and  the  rule  are  in  the  book,  the  reply  hereto  is, 
so  are  several  acts  of  parliament;  but  no  one  will  say,  that  by  the  declaration 
any  assent  or  consent  is  given  unto  them.     But, 

Fourthly,  Supposing  all  to  be  in  this  case  as  the  dissenters  object,  to  make 
such  a  trifle  to  be  a  reason  of  breaking  communion,  and  separating  from  the 
church,  is  what  men  of  common  sense  or  common  integrity  may  be  ashamed 
of.  They  may  as  well  urge  the  errata  of  the  press  against  this  declaration:  for 
these  afford  as  good  a  reason  against  it  as  the  other.  This  shows  how  hard 
they  are  put  to  it  to  find  reasons  for  their  separation,  when  they  urge  such  a 
wretched  and  frivolous  one  for  it  as  this. 

Thus  much  of  the  objection,  so  far  as  the  dissenters  have  urged  it.  But  there 
being  something  that  may  be  farther  said  on  the  same  argument,  with  much 
more  plausible  appearance  of  reason,  which  the  dissenters  have  taken  no  notice 
of,  I  shall  do  it  for  them,  that  so  by  answering  it  I  may  clear  this  whole  matter, 
and  thereby  fully  justify  the  usage  of  our  church  herein.  For  it  may  be  ob- 
jected, that,  allowing  the  full  moon  in  the  rule  of  the  calendar  above  mention- 
ed to  be  the  ecclesiastical  full  moon,  and  not  the  natural,  yet  the  making  of 
Easter  day  to  be  the  next  Sunday  after  that  full  moon,  is  contrary  to  the  rule 
which  all  other  churches  have  gone  by  till  Pope  Gregory's  reformation  of  the 
calendar,'  and  contrary  also  to  the  present  usage  of  our  own.  For,  first,  It  is 
contrary  to  the  rule  which  all  other  churches  have  gone  by  till  the  said  reforma- 
tion of  Pope  Gregory;  because,  till  then,  from  the  time  of  the  council  of  Nice, 
their  rule  hath  been,  that  Easter  day  is  always  to  be  the  first  Sunday  after  the 
first  fourteenth  moon  which   shall  happen   after  the  one-and-twentieth  day  of 

1  This  reformation  was  made  A.  D.  1582,  and  gave  birth  to  what  we  call  the  New  Style. 


6  PREFACE. 

March,  which  fourteenth  moon  is  therefore  termed  the  Paschal  term:  but  the 
full  moon  never  happens  till  the  fifteenth  day  of  the  moon;  and  therefore,  to 
put  Easter  day  on  the  first  Sunday  after  the  said  full  moon,  will  be  to  make  the 
first  fifteenth  moon  after  the  said  one-and-twentieth  of  March  to  be  the  Paschal 
term  instead  of  the  fourteenth,  which  no  church  in  the  whole  Christian  world 
hath  ever  yet  done.  And,  secondly,  It  is  contrary  to  the  present  usage  of  our 
own  church:  for  in  the  table  subjoined  to  the  said  calendar,  Easter  day  is  every 
where  put  on  the  Sunday  next  after  the  first  fourteenth  moon  after  the  one-and- 
twentieth  day  of  March,  and  never  otherwise.  And  therefore,  should  Easter 
day  be  always  put,  according  to  the  rule  above  mentioned,  on  the  next  Sunday 
after  the  full  moon  of  that  rule,  seeing  no  full  moon  can  ever  happen  till  the 
fifteenth  day  of  the  moon,  Easter  day  would  sometimes  fall  on  a  Sunday  dif- 
ferent from  that  where  it  is  placed  in  the  tables;  as,  for  example,  Anno  1G68, 
the  placing  of  Easter  on  the  first  Sunday  after  the  fifteenth  day  of  that  moon, 
would  make  it  fall  on  the  twenty-ninth  of  March,  but  the  tables  place  it  on  the 
twenty-second  of  March,  which  was  the  Sunday  before,  and  then  it  was  ac- 
cordingly observed.  And,  Anno  1678,  the  placing  of  Easter  on  the  first  Sun- 
day after  the  fifteenth  day  of  that  moon  would  make  it  fall  on  the  seventh  of 
April,  but  the  tables  place  it  on  the  last  of  March,  which  was  the  Sunday  be- 
fore, and  there  it  was  accordingly  observed.  And  so  it  will  be  found  in  many 
other  instances.  And  therefore,  if  the  rule  by  which  all  other  churches,  till 
Pope  Gregory's  reformation  of  the  calendar  above  mentioned,  observed  their 
Easter,  be  right,  and  if  the  tables  whereby  our  church  keeps  that  festival  be 
right,  then  the  rule  which  is  in  our  Common  Prayer  Book  must  be  false,  and 
consequently  cannot  be  assented  to  as  true.     Thus  far  the  objection. 

The  answer  hereto  is,  that  there  is  a  twofold  reckoning  of  the  moon's  age, 
the  astronomical  and  the  vulgar;  the  astronomical  reckoning  is  from  the  con- 
junction of  the  moon  with  the  sun,  the  vulgar  from  its  first  appearance,  which 
is  never  till  the  next  day  after  the  conjunction.  The  Jews  followed  the  vulgar 
reckoning,  and,  according  thereto,  accounted  that  to  be  the  first  day  of  the  moon 
which  was  the  first  day  of  its  appearance,'  as  I  have  already  shown  in  the  Pre- 
face to  the  First  Part  of  this  History,  and  by  this  reckoning  settled  the  times 
of  their  Paschal  festival;  which  usage  the  ancient  Christians"  borrowing  from 
them,  did  the  same  in  their  settling  the  feast  of  Easter,  and  so  it  hath  continued 
to  be  done  ever  since.  The  first  day  therefore  of  the  moon,  which  is  marked 
out  by  the  prime  in  the  calendar  of  our  Common  Prayer  Book,  is  not  the  day 
of  its  conjunction  with  the  sun,  but  the  day  of  its  first  appearance,  Avhich  is 
always  the  day  after;  and  the  fourteenth  day  from  thence  is  the  fifteenth  from 
its  conjunction;  on  which  fifteenth  day  the  full  moon  happens,  which  being 
applied  to  the  Paschal  moon,  solves  the  whole  difficulty  of  this  objection.  For 
the  fourteenth  day  of  that  moon,  as  reckoned  from  its  first  appearance,  wiU  be 
from  its  conjunction  the  fifteenth  day  on  which  the  full  moon  happens.  And 
therefore,  this  fourteenth  day  of  the  moon  being  the  same  with  the  full  moon, 
and  both  the  same  with  that  which  hath  ever  been  the  Paschal  term,  the  first 
Sunday  after  which  is  Easter  day,  the  said  Paschal  term  may  be.  expressed  by 
either  of  them:  and  therefore,  this  rule  in  the  calendar  of  our  Common  Prayer 
Book,  in  that  it  expresseth  it  by  the  full  moon,  doth  the  same,  as  if  it  had  ex- 
pressed it  by  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  moon,  and  consequently,  it  is  not  to  be 
charged  with  any  fault  or  error  in  this  matter.  And  thus  having  opened  the 
cause  in  all  its  points,  I  shall  leave  the  further  prosecution  of  it  to  those  who 
shall  think  fit  to  contend  about  it.  All  that  I  pui-pose  hereby  is  only  to  give 
such  light  into  it,  that  neither  side  may,  like  the  Andebato?,  fight  in  the  dark, 
as  both  in  the  handling  of  this  particular  seem  hitherto  to  have  done. 

In  the  compiling  of  this  History,  I  have  taken  all  the  helps  that  the  Jewish 

1  Talmud  in  Rosh  Ilabhanuh.  Maimoniilcs  in  Kiddush  Hachodesh.  Selden  de  Anno  Civili  Veterum  Ju- 
dseornin. 

2  The  ancient  Christians  appointed  thpir  Easter  by  the  same  rule  by  which  the  Jews  appointed  their  Pass- 
over, and  the  Asian  churches  for  a  long  while  observed  it  on  the  same  day  with  them. 


PREFACE.  7 

writers  could  supply  me  with;  but  these,  I  must  confess,  are  very  poor  ones» 
Of  the  succession  of  the  presidents  and  vice-presidents  of  their  Sanhedrin,  by 
whom  they  say  their  traditions  were  handed  down  from  Simon  the  Just,  and 
the  men  of  the  ^eat  synagogue,  I  have  given  their  names  as  far  as  this  His- 
tory goes.  But,  besides  their  names,  there  being  scarce  any  thing  related  of 
them,  but  what  carries  with  it  a  manifest  air  of  improbability  and  fable,  I  have 
forborne  troubling  the  reader  with  such  trash.  Only  about  Hillel  and  Shammai 
I  have  enlarged:  for  their  followers  constituting  two  opposite  sects  among  the 
Jews,  in  the  same  manner  as  the  Scotists  and  Thomists  among  the  schoolmen, 
their  names  run  through  both  their  Talmuds  and  all  their  Talmudic  writings,  and 
they  are  of  all  that  have  been  in  that  station  within  the  compass  of  this  History, 
of  the  most  eminent  note  and  fame  among  them,  and  have  had  more  said  of 
them  than  all  the  rest.  And  therefore  I  have  given  as  full  an  account  of  them 
as  the  Jewish  writers  can  afford  me  within  the  limits  of  a  just  credibility. 

But  nothing  can  be  more  jejune  and  empty  than  the  histories  which  the  rab- 
binical Jews  give  of  themselves.  Josephus's  History  in  Greek  is  a  noble  work; 
but  they  disown  and  condemn  it,  and  instead  of  it  would  obtrude  upon  us  an  He- 
brew Josephus,  under  the  name  of  Josippon  Ben  Gorion.  This,  they  say,  is  the 
true  and  authentic  Josephus;  but  ours,  that  is,  the  Greek  Josephus,  a  false  one. 
There  is  a  Josephus  Ben  Gorion  mentioned'  in  Josephus's  History  of  the  Jewish 
War,  who  is  there  said  to  have  been  one  of  the  three  to  whose  conduct  that 
war  was  first  committed.  This  person,  the  impostor  who  composed  this  book, 
mistaking  for  Josephus  the  historian,  set  forth  that  spurious  work  under  his  name, 
intending  thereby  to  quash  the  credit  of  the  true  Josephus,  which  we  have  in 
■  Greek,  as  if  that  were  the  imposture,  and  this  in  Hebrew  the  only  true  and  authen- 
tic work  of  that  historian;  but  the  book  itself  proves  the  fraud:  for  there  is  in  it 
mention  made  both  oP  names  and  things,  which  had  no  being  till  many  hun- 
dreds of  years  after  the  time  in  which  it  is  pretended  the  book  was  written, 
neither  was  it  heard  of,  or  ever  quoted  by  any  author,  till  above  a  thousand 
years  after  that  time.  Solomon  Jarchi,  a  French  Jew,  who  flourished  about  the 
year  of  our  Lord  1140,  is  the  first  who  makes  mention  of  it.  After  that  it  is 
quoted  by  Aben  Ezra,  Abraham  Ben  Dior,  and  R.  David  Kimchi,  who  all  three 
lived  in  the  same  century.  After  this  it  became  generally  owned  by  the  Jews, 
and  hath  obtained  that  credit  and  esteem  among  them,  as  to  be  held,  next  the 
sacred  writings,  a  book  of  principal  value  among  them;  and  was  one  of  the 
earliest  of  their  books  that  hath  been  published  in  print  by  them:  for  it  was 
printed  at  Constantinople  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1490,  which  was  within  fifty 
years  after  the  first  invention  of  that  art;  and  hereon  it  became  so  generally  re- 
ceived and  valued  by  that  people,  that,  twenty  years  after,  there  came  out  ano- 
ther edition  of  it  from  the  same  place,  and  after  that  a  third,  at  Venice,  A.  D. 
1544.  What  Munster  hath  published  of  it  is  no  more  than  an  epitome  of  this 
author;  but  the  whole  of  it  is  in  the  Constantinopolitan  and  Venice  editions.  It 
is  divided  into  six  books  and  ninety-seven  chapters.  The  best  that  can  be  said 
of  it  is,  that  it  is  written  in  an  elegant  Hebrew  style,  and  therefore  on  this  ac- 
count is  very  fit  for  the  use  of  young  students  in  the  Hebrew  language.  But  as 
to  the  subject  matter,  it  is  every  where  stuffed  with  apocryphal  and  Talmudic 
fables;  most  of  that,  which  is  not  of  this  sort,  is  taken  from  the  true  Josephus; 
but,  it  is  to  be  observed,  that  what  the  impostor  takes  from  him  is  from  the 
Latin  version  of  Ruffinus,  and  not  from  the  Greek  original,  which  leads  him 
into  several  blunders.  But  who  this  author  was,  or  where  or  when  he  wrote 
his  book  is  uncertain.  Scaliger^  conjectures  that  he  was  a  Jew  of  Tours  in 
France;  but  his  reason  for  it  being  only,  that  he  speaks  more  of  the  places  about 
Tours,  than  of  any  other  parts  of  France,  this  doth  not  prove  the  thing.   But  it 

1  Lib.  2.  Xs(p.  fiS. 

2  For  in  that  book  there  is  mention  made  of  Lombardy,  France,  England,  Hungary,  Turltey,  &c.  which 
are  all  modern  names,  and  never  heard  of  till  several  hundred  years  after  the  time  in  which  it  is  pretended 
this  book  was  written. 

3  In  Elencho  Tnhaer.    JVicolai  Serarii,  cap.  4. 


8  PREFACE. 

being  sufficiently  proved  that  the  book  is  an  imposture,  it  is  of  no  moment  to 
know  who  was  the  true  author  of  it,  or  where  or  when  he  lived.  Mr.  Gagnier, 
a  French  gentleman,  now  living  in  Oxford,  hath  lately  given  a  very  accurate 
Latin  version  of  this  work,  according  to  the  best  edition  of  it.  It  is  to  be  wished 
that  his  learned  pains  had  been  employed  about  a  better  author. 

For  several  hundred  years  after  the  destruction  of  the  temple  at  Jerusalem, 
where  Josephus  ends,  no  other  Jew  hath  written  any  history  of  the  affairs  of 
that  people,  tiU  about  the  tenth  century  after  Christ.  But  the  sect  of  the  Kar- 
raites  (who,  adhering  only  to  the  written  word,  rejected  all  traditions)  then 
prevailing,  and  often  pressing  the  Rabbinists,  their  antagonists  in  this  contro- 
versy, to  make  good  the  succession  through  which  they  pretended  to  have  re- 
ceived their  traditions,  this  did  put  several  of  their  learned  men  upon  the  hunt 
for  it;  and  they  having  raked  through  both  their  Talmuds,  and  from  them,  gotten 
together  some  historical  scraps  to  serve  for  this  purpose,  with  these  poor  mate- 
rials have  endeavoured  to  compose  something  like  a  history  of  their  nation, 
giving  an  account  therein,  how  their  traditions  were  delivered  down  from  Moses 
to  the  prophets,  and  from  the  prophets  to  the  men  of  the  great  synagogue,  and 
from  the  men  of  the  great  synagogue  to  the  doctors,  who  afterward,  in  a  con- 
tinued series,  handed  them  down  from  one  to  another,  through  after  generations. 
Of  this  sort  they  have  some  few  historical  composures  among  them,  but  such 
as  are  very  mean  and  contemptible.  They  all  begin  from  the  creation  of  the 
world,  and,  as  far  as  the  scriptures  of  the  Old  Testament  go,  they  write  from 
them,  but  often  interpose  fabulous  glosses  and  additions  of  their  own.  From  the 
time  where  the  Old  Testament  scriptures  end,  the  two  Talmuds  supply  them, 
and  from  the  time  where  the  Talmuds  end,  they  are  supplied  from  the  tradi- 
tions that  were  afterward  preserved  among  them.  And  an  account  of  their  doc- 
tors, and  the  succession  of  them  in  their  chief  schools  and  academies  in  Judea, 
Babylonia,  and  elsewhere,  is  the  main  subject  which,  after  the  scriptural  times, 
they  treat  of.  And  of  these  historical  books  there  are  but  seven  in  all,  that  I 
know  of,  among  them,  and  they  are  these  following:  1.  Sede  01am  Rabbah; 
2.  Teshuvoth  R.  Sherira  Gaon;  3.  Seder  Olara  Zeutah;  4.  Kabbalah  R.  Abra- 
ham Levita  Ben  Dior;  5.  Sepher  Juchasin;  6.  Shalsheleth  Haccabbalah;  7.  Ze- 
mach  David.  The  four  first  are  the  ancientest,  but  all  of  them  have  been 
written  since  the  beginning  of  the  ninth  century,  and  are  very  short.  The 
three  last  are  much  larger,  but  of  a  very  modern  composure,  being  all  of  them 
written  since  the  time  of  our  King  Henry  VIII.  I  will  here  give  an  account  of 
each  of  them  in  their  order. 

I.  Seder  01am  Rabbah,  i.  e.  the  Larger  Chronicon,  is  so  called,  in  respect  to 
Seder  01am  Zeutah,  i.  e.  the  Lesser  Chronicon,  which  was  afterward  composed. 
However,  notwithstanding  this  great  name,  it  is  but  a  short  history,  and  treats 
mostly  of  the  scriptural  times.  Buxtorf '  tells  us  it  reached  down  to  the  time 
of  Adrian  the  Roman  emperor,  and  his  vanquishing  Ben  Chuzibah  the  impos- 
tor, who  did  then  set  up  for  the  Messiah.  I  have  not  seen  any  copy  of  that 
history  which  reacheth  down  so  far,  but  no  doubt  that  great  and  learned  man 
did,  otherwise  he  would  have  told  us  so.  The  author  is  commonly  said  to.have 
been  R.  Jose  Ben  Chaliptha,  who  flourished  a  little  after  the  beginning  of  the 
second  century  after  Christ,  and  is  said  to  have  been  master  to  R.  Judah  Hak- 
kadosh,  who  composed  the  Mishnah.  But  R.  Azarias,  the  author  of  Meor 
Enaim,  in  the  third  part  of  that  book  (which  he  calls  Imre  Binah,)  tells  us,  that 
he  had  seen  an  ancient  copy  of  this  book,  in  which  it  was  written,  that  the  au- 
thor lived  seven  hundred  and  sixty-two  years  after  the  destruction  of  the  temple 
of  Jerusalem,  which  refers  his  time  to  the  year  of  Christ  832.  It  was  most 
certainly  written  after  the  Babylonish  Talmud;  for  it  contains  many  fables  and 
dotages  taken  from  thence. 

II.  Teshuvoth  R.  Sherira  Gaon,  i.  e.  the  Answers  of  R.  Sherira,  Sublime 
Doctor,  is  an  historical  tract,  written  by  way  of  questions  and  answers  by  him 

I  Bibliotlieca  Rabbinica,  p.  386. 


PREFACE.  ^  9 

whose  name  it  bears.  It  is  a  very  short  piece,  and  is  usually  inserted  with 
some  other  historical  fragments  in  the  editions  of  Juchasin.  He  was  ^Echma- 
lotarch  in  Babylonia,  and  head  of  all  the  Jewish  schools  and  academies  in  that 
country,  which  dignity  he  obtained  A.  D.  967,  and  continued  in  it  thirty  years, 
that  is,  till  the  year  997,  when  he  resigned  it  to  R.  Haia  his  son,  who  was  the 
last  that  bore  the  title  of  Gaon,  or  Sublime  Doctor.  For  in  his  time,  i.  e.  Anno 
1037,  the  Mahometan  king  that  then  reigned  over  Babylon,'  expelled  the  Jews 
out  of  all  those  parts,  and  thereon'  all  their  schools  and  academies  which  they 
had  there  were  dissolved,  and  all  the  degrees  and  tides  of  honour,  which  on 
the  account  of  learning  used  to  be  conferred  in  them,  utterly  ceased;  and  no 
learned  man  hath  since  that  time,  among  the  Jews,  assumed  any  higher  name 
or  title  of  honour  in  respect  of  his  learning  than  that  of  Rabbi. 

III.  Seder  01am  Zeutah,  i.  e.  the  Lesser  Chronicon,  is  so  called  in  respect 
to  Seder  01am  Rabbah,  or  the  Greater  Chronicon.  This  book  was  written,  as 
it  is  therein  expressed,  one  thousand  and  fifty-three  years  after  the  destruction 
of  the  temple  at  Jerusalem,  that  is,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1123.  Who  was 
the  author  of  it  is  not  known.  It  is,  agreeable  to  its  name,  a  very  short  chroni- 
con, and  is  carried  down  from  the  beginning  of  the  world  to  the  year  4-52  after 
the  destruction  of  the  temple  of  Jerusalem,  that  is,  to  the  year  of  our  Lord  522. 
Eight  generations  after  are  named  in  it,  but  nothing  more  than  their  names  is 
there  mentioned  of  them. 

IV.  Sepher  Kabbalah  R.  Abraham  Levita,  ^Ben  Dior,  i.  e.  the  Book  of  Tradi- 
tion, by  Rabbi  Abraham  the  Levite,  the  son  of  Dior,  is  an  historical  tract,  chiefly 
intended  to  give  an  account  of  the  succession  of  those,  by  whom  the  traditions 
of  the  Jews,  as  they  pretend,  from  the  time  of  Moses,  were  handed  down  to 
them  from  generation  to  generation.  It  begins  from  the  creation  of  the  world, 
and  ends  at  the  year  of  Christ  1160.  The  author  of  it  was  R.  Abraham  the 
Levite,  whose  name  it  bears  in  the  title.  He  flourished  in  the  time  where  his 
book  ends.  He  writes  much  from  Josippon  Ben  Gorion,  and  was  one  of  the 
first  that  gave  credit  to  that  spm-ious  book. 

V.  Sepher  Juchasin,  i.  e.  the  Book  of  Genealogies,  is  a  history  of  the  Jews, 
much  larger  than  all  the  four  above  mentioned  put  together.  It  begins  from 
the  creation  of  the  world,  and  is  continued  down  to  the  year  of  our  Lord  1500. 
In  the  process  and  series  of  it  an  account  is  given  of  the  succession  of  the  Jew- 
ish traditions  from  Mount  Sinai,  and  of  all  their  eminent  doctors,  teaching  and 
professing  them,  down  to  the  time  where  the  book  ends.  The  author  of  it  was 
R.  Abraham  Zacuth,  who  first  published  it  at  Cracow,  in  Poland,  in  the  year 
of  our  Lord  1580. 

VI.  Shalsheleth  Haccabbalah,  i.  e.  the  Chain  of  Tradition,  is  an  historical 
book  of  the  same  contents  with  Sepher  Juchasin.  The  author  of  it  was  Rabbi 
Gedaliah  Ben  Jechaiah,  who  first  published  it  at  Venice  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  1587. 

VII.  Zemach  David,  i.  e.  a  Branch  or  Sprout  of  David,  is  a  history  treating 
of  the  same  subject  as  the  two  last  preceding.  It  begins  as  they  do,  from  the 
creation  of  the  world,  and  is  continued  down  to  the  year  of  Christ  1592,  in 
which  year  it  was  first  published  at  Prague  in  Bohemia.  The  author  was  Rabbi 
David  Gans,  a  Bohemian  Jew.  There  is  extant  a  Latin  version  of  this  book, 
composed  by  William  Henry  Vorstius,  the  son  of  Conrad  Vorstius,  and  pub- 
lished by  him  at  Leyden,  A.  D.  1644. 

By  this  it  may  be  seen  how  little  light  into  ancient  times  is  to  be  gotten  from 
histories  of  so  modern  and  mean  a  composure,  neither  can  any  thing  better  be 
expected  from  their  own  writings.  If  any  thing  of  ancient  history  be  found 
any  where  in  them  more  than  what  is  scriptural,  it  is  either  taken  from  one  of 

1  On  this  expulsion  nut  of  the  east,  they  flocked  into  the  west,  and  from  that  time  Spain,  France  England, 
and  Germany,  were  filled  with  them. 

2  The  chiefestof  their  academies  were  Naherda,  Sora,  and  Pombeditha,  towns  in  Babylonia. 

3  Others  call  him  R.  Abraham  Ben  David,  but  by  mistake,  for  that  R.  Abraham  was  another  person.  See 
Buxtorfs  Bibliotheoa  Rabbinica,  p.  403. 

Vol.  II.— 2 


10  PREFACE. 

the  histories  which  I  have  here  given  an  account  of,  or  from  the  Talmud,  which 
is  the  common  fountain  from  which  they  all  draw.  For  this  is  the  best  au- 
thority they  have,  and  how  mean  this  is  I  have  already  shown. 

My  living  at  a  distance  from  the  press  hath  deprived  me  of  the  opportunity 
of  correcting  the  errors  of  it:  but  this  defect  hath  been  supplied  by  my  very 
worthy  friend  Mr.  Brampton  Gurdon,  who  hath  been  pleased  to  take  on  him  the 
trouble  of  correcting  the  last  revise  of  every  sheet;  and  I  know  no  one  more 
able  to  correct  the  errors,  not  only  of  the  printer,  but  also  of  the  author,  wher- 
ever I  may  have  been  mistaken  in  any  particular  contained  in  this  book,  he 
being  a  person  eminently  knowing  in  aU  those  parts  of  literature  that  are  treat- 
ed of  through  the  whole  of  it,  and  otherwise  of  that  worth  and  learning,  as  may 
justly  recommend  him  to  every  man's  esteem. 

I  shall  be  glad  if  this  Second  Part  of  my  History  may  be  as  acceptable  to  the 
public  as  the  former  hath  been.  I  must  confess  it  hath  been  written  under 
greater  disadvantages,  by  reason  of  the  decays  which  have  since  grown  upon 
me.  It  hath  always  been  the  comfort  as  well  as  the  care  of  my  life,  to  make 
myself  as  serviceable  as  I  could  in  all  the  stations  which  I  have  been  called  to. 
With  this  view  it  hath  been,  that  I  have  entered  on  the  writing  of  any  of  those 
works  that  I  have  offered  to  the  public;  and  I  hope  I  have  by  all  of  them  in 
some  measure  served  my  generation.  But  being  now  broken  by  age,  and  the 
calamitous  distemper  mentioned  in  the  Preface  to  the  former  Part  of  this  His- 
tory, I  find  myself  superannuated  for  any  other  undertaking,  and  therefore 
must,  I  fear,  spend  the  remainder  of  my  days  in  a  useless  state  of  life,  which 
to  me  will  be  the  greatest  burden  of  it.  But  since  it  is  from  the  hand  of  God, 
I  will  comport  myself  with  all  patience  to  submit  hereto,  till  my  great  change 
shall  come,  and  God  shall  be  pleased  to  call  me  out  of  this  life  into  a  better: 
for  which  I  Avait  with  a  thorough  hope  and  trust  in  his  great  and  infinite  mercy, 
through  Jesus  Christ  our  Lord,  to  whom  be  glory,  honour,  and  praise,  for  ever 
and  ever. 

Humphrey  Prideaux. 
Norwich,  Jan.  1,  1717-18. 


^i 


o  rfuciiasui, 


''■''--^^?F^ 


?t  .. 


^  OnvtYr^ ' 


m 


THE  ^^Ui&&t^^r^rf^ly£ 

OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAJ^NT  , 

CONNECTED 
w 

THE  HISTORY 

OP     THE 

JEWS  AND  NEIGHBOURING  NATIONS, 

FROM 
THE  DECLENSION  OF  THE  KINGDOMS  OF  ISRAEL  AND  JUDAH  TO  THE  TIME  OF  CHRIST. 


PART  II. 


BOOK  I. 

J?n.  291.  Ptolemy  Soter  14.] — Eleazer,  the  brother  of  Simon  the  Just,*  suc- 
ceeded him  in  the  high-priesthood  at  Jerusalem,  and  there  executed  this  office 
fifteen  years.^  But  whereas  Simon  the  Just  had  been  also  president  of  the  San- 
hedrin,  or  national  council  of  the  Jews,  he  was  in  this  last  charge  succeeded 
by  Antigonus  of  Socho,'  to  which  he  was  recommended  by  his  great  learning. 
For  he  was  an  eminent  scribe  in  the  law  of  God,  and  a  great  teacher  of  righte- 
ousness among  the  people.  And  he  being  the  first  of  the  Tannaim  or  Mishni- 
cal  doctors,  from  his  school  all  those  had  their  original  who  were  afterward  called 
by  that  name.  And  these  were  all  the  doctors  of  the  Jewish  law  from  the  death 
of  Simon  the  Just  to  the  time  that  Rabbi  Judah  Hakkadosh  composed  the  Mish- 
nah,  which  was  about  the  middle  of  the  second  century  after  Christ,  as  hath 
been  before  observed.  In  the  Gospels,  they  are  sometimes  called  scribes,  some- 
times lawyers,  and  sometimes  those  that  sat  in  Moses's  seat.  For  those  differ- 
ent appellations  all  denote  the  same  profession  of  men,  that  is,  those  who  hav- 
ing been  brought  up  in  the  knowledge  of  the  law  of  God,  and  the  tradition  of 
the  elders  concerning  it,  taught  it  in  the  schools  and  synagogues  of  the  Jews, 
and  judged  according  to  it  in  their  Sanhedrins.  For  out  of  the  number  of  these 
doctors  were  chosen  aU  such  as  were  members  of  those  courts,  that  is,  either  of 
the  great  Sanhedrin  of  seventy-two,  which  was  for  the  whole  nation,  or  of  the 
Sanhedrin  of  twenty-three,  which  was  in  every  city  of  Judah.  And  such  were 
Nicodemus,  Joseph  of  Arimathea,  and  Gamaliel:  and  in  respect  hereof  it  is  that 
they  are  called  elders,  counsellors,  and  rulers,  because,  being  of  the  number  of 
those  who  were  chosen  into  these  councils,  they  did  there  declare  and  execute 
those  laws,  by  which  they  ruled  and  governed  the  people. 

The  Jews  tell  us  great  things  of  this  Simon  the  Just,  and  speak  of  great  alter- 
ations that  happened  on  his  death  in  some  parts  of  their  divine  worship,  and 
the  signs  of  the  divine  acceptance,  that  had  till  then  appeared  in  the  perform- 

1  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  3.    Chronicon  Alexand.  Eusebii  Chronicon.  2  Chronicon  Alexandrinum. 

3  Juctiasin,  Shalslieleth  Haccabbala,  et  Zemach  David.  R.  A.  Levita  in  Historica  Cabbala. 


12  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

ance  of  them.  For  it  is  said  in  the  Jerusalem  Talmud/  that  "All  the  time  of 
Simon  the  Just,  the  scape-goat  had  scarce  come  to  the  middle  of  the  precipice 
of  the  mountain,  from  whence  he  was  cast  down,  but  he  was  broken  into  pieces: 
but,  when  Simon  the  Just  was  dead,  he  fled  away  alive  into  the  desert,  and  was 
eaten  of  the  Saracens.  While  Simon  the  Just  lived,  the  lot  of  God  in  the  day 
of  expiation  went  forth  always  to  the  right  hand:  but  Simon  the  Just  being 
dead,  it  went  forth  sometimes  to  the  right  hand  and  sometimes  to  the  left.  All 
the  days  of  Simon  the  Just,  the  little  scarlet  tongue  looked  always  white:  but 
when  Simon  the  Just  was  dead,  it  looked  sometimes  white  and  sometimes  red. 
All  the  days  of  Simon  the  Just,  the  west  light  always  burnt;-  but,  when  he  was 
dead,  it  sometimes  burnt  and  sometimes  went  out.  All  the  days  of  Simon  the 
Just,  the  fire  upon  the  altar  burnt  clear  and  bright,  and,  after  two  pieces  of  wood 
laid  on  in  the  morning,  they  laid  on  nothing  else  the  whole  day  after;  but  when 
he  was  dead,  the  force  of  the  fire  languished  in  such  a  manner  that  they  were 
forced  to  supply  it  all  the  day.  All  the  days  of  Simon  the  Just,  a  blessing  was 
sent  upon  the  two  loaves,^  and  the  shevz-bread;'*  so  that  a  portion  came  to  eveiy 
priest,  to  the  quantity  of  an  olive  at  least;  and  there  were  some  who  did  eat, 
and  there  were  others  to  whom  something  remained  after  they  had  eaten  their 
fill:  but  when  Simon  the  Just  was  dead,  that  blessing  was  withdrawn;  and  so 
little  remained  to  each  priest,  that  those  who  were  modest  withdrew  their  hands, 
and  those  who  were  greedy  still  stretched  them  out."  For  the  explication  here- 
of, it  is  to  be  observed,  that,  on  the  great  day  of  expiation,  which  was  a  most 
solemn  fast  among  the  Jews,  kept  by  them  every  year  on  the  tenth  day  of  their 
month  Tizri  (which  answers  to  our  September,^)  two  goats  were  brought  into 
the  inner  court  of  the  house  of  the  Lord,  and  there,  on  the  north  side  of  the 
altar,  presented  before  the  high-priest,  the  one  to  be  the  scape-goat,  and  the 
other  to  be  sacrificed  unto  the  Lord.  And  in  order  to  determine  which  of  them 
should  be  for  each  purpose, **  lots  were  cast  to  decide  the  matter;  the  manner  of 
which  was  as  followeth.  The  goats  being  put  one  before  the  right  hand  of  the 
high-priest,'  and  the  other  before  the  left  hand,  an  urn  was  brought,  and  placed 
in  the  middle  between  them,  and  two  lots  were  cast  into  it  (they  might  be  of 
wood,  silver,  or  gold,  but  under  the  second  temple  they  were  always  gold.)  On 
the  one  of  these  was  written  For  the  Lord,  and  on  the  other  Fo)-  the  scape-goat; 
which  being  well  shaken  together,  the  high-priest  put  both  his  hands  into  the 
urn,  and  with  his  right  hand  took  out  one  lot,  and  with  his  left  hand  the  other, 
and  according  to  the  writing  on  them  were  the  goats  appointed,  as  they  stood 
on  each  hand  of  the  high-priest,  either  for  the  Lord,  to  be  sacrificed  to  him,  or 
to  be  the  scape-goat,  to  be  let  escape  into  the  wilderness:  that  is,  if  the  right 
hand  lot  were  For  ihe  Lord,  then  the  goat  that  stood  before  him  at  the  right 
hand  was  to  be  sacrificed,  and  the  other  to  be  the  scape-goat;  but  if  the  left 
hand  lot  were  For  the  Lord,  then  the  goat  that  stood  at  the  left  hand  was  to  be 
sacrificed,  and  the  other  to  be  the  scape-goat,  and  therefore,  whereas  it  is  said, 
that  the  lot  of  God,  till  the  death  of  Simon  the  Just,  went  forth  always  to  the 
right  hand,  the  meaning  is,  that  till  then  the  high-priest  always  drew  out  with 
his  right  hand  the  lot  For  the  Lord,  and  with  his  left,  that  For  the  scape-goat; 
but  afterward  with  each  hand  sometimes  one  lot,  and  sometimes  the  other.  As 
soon  as  the  goats  were  thus  appointed  each  to  their  proper  use,  the  high-priest 
bound  upon  the  head  of  the  scape-goat  a  long  piece  (they  call  it  a  tongue)  of 
scarlet.  And  this  is  that  scarlet  tongue,  which,  the  Talmud  saith,  looked  al- 
ways white  till  the  death  of  Simon  the  Just,  but  afterward  sometimes  white  and 
sometimes  red.     And  the  change  of  red  into  white  being  here  spoken  of  as  a 

1  Mishna  et  Geniara  Hierosol.  in  Yoma. 

2  That  is,  the  most  western  of  the  seven  lamps  of  the  golden  candlesticks,  which  stood  in  the  holy  place 
in  the  temple. 

3  That  is,  the  two  wave-loaves  offered  in  the  feast  of  Pentecost,  of  which  see  Lev.  xxiii.  15—21. 

4  That  is,  the  twelve  loaves  of  shew-bread,  which  were  placed  upon  the  shew-bread  table  in  the  holy 
place  every  sabbath,  and  taken  away  the  next  sabbath  after,  and  divided  among  the  priests  that  then 
officiated.    See  Lev.  xxiv.  5 — 10.  5  Mishnah  in  Yoma.    Maimonides  in  Yom.  Haccipiuiin. 

6  Lev,  xvi.  8.  7  Mishnah  et  Maimonides,  ibid. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  13 

sign  of  God's  accepting  of  the  expiation  of  that  day,  hither  may  be  referred 
what  is  said  in  Isaiah,  (ch.  i.  ver.  18,)  "Though  your  sins  be  as  scarlet,  they 
shall  be  as  white  as  snow;  though  they  be  red  like  crimson,  they  shall  be  as 
wool;"  or  rather  to  this  text  may  be  referred  the  foundation  of  all  that  they  say 
of  this  matter.  After  the  goat  for  the  Lord  was  olfered  up  in  sacriiice  to  him, 
the  scape-goat  was  brought  before  the  high-priest,  who,  laying  both  his  hands 
upon  his  head,  confessed  over  him  all  the  iniquities  of  the  children  of  Israel, 
and  all  their  transgressions,  and  all  their  sins;  by  that  ceremony  putting  them 
all  upon  the  head  of  that  goat:  and  then  sent  him  away  by  a  fit  person  into  the 
wilderness.  The  place  where  they  led  him  was  a  rock  or  precipice  at  the  dis- 
tance of  twelve  miles  from  Jerusalem,  where  he  was  to  be  let  escape,  to  carry 
away  the  sins  of  the  children  of  Israel  with  him  far  out  of  sight.  Till  the  time 
of  Simon  the  Just,  the  Talmud  saith,  this  goat  was  always  dashed  in  pieces,  in 
the  fall,  on  his  being  let  loose  over  the  precipice;  but  that  afterward  he  always 
escaped,  and  flying  into  Arabia,  was  there  taken  and  eaten  by  the  Saracens. 

An.  288.  Ptolemy  Soter  17.] — Demetrius  having,  as  he  thought,  thoroughly 
settled  his  affairs  in  Greece  and  Macedon,'  made  great  preparations  to  recover 
his  father's  empire  in  Asia;  for  which  purpose  he  got  together  an  army  of  a 
hundred  thousand  men,  and  a  fleet  of  five  hundred  sail  of  ships,  which  was  a 
greater  force,  both  by  sea  and  land,  than  had  been  gotten  together  by  any  prince 
since  the  time  of  Alexander  the  Great. 

An.  287.  Ptolemy  Soter  18.] — This  alarming  Ptolemy,  Lysimachus,  and  Se- 
leucus,''  they  all  three  entered  into  a  confederacy  together  for  their  mutual  de- 
fence against  his  designs,  and  also  drew  in  Pyrrhus,  king  of  Epirus,  to  join  with 
■  him  herein.  And,  therefore,  while  Lysimachus  invaded  Macedonia  on  the  one 
side,  Pyrrhus  did  the  same  to  the  other.  This  drew  Demetrius  out  of  Greece 
(where  he  was  tJien  attending  his  preparations  for  the  Asian  expedition)  back 
into  Macedonia,  for  the  defence  of  that  country.  But  before  he  could  arrive 
thither,  Pyrrhus  having  taken  Beroea,  a  great  city  in  Macedonia,  where  many 
of  Demetrius's  soldiers  had  tlieir  families,  friends,  and  effects,  the  news  hereof 
no  sooner  got  into  the  army,  but  it  put  all  into  disorder  and  mutiny,  many  de- 
claring, that  they  would  fcilow  him  no  farther,  but  return  home  to  defend  their 
friends,  families,  and  fortunes,  in  their  own  country;  whereon  Demetrius,  see- 
ing his  interest  absolutely  lost  among  them,  fled  in  the  disguise  of  a  private  sol- 
dier into  Greece,  and  all  his  army  revolted  to  Pyrrhus,  and  made  him  their 
king.  Demetrius  on  his  return  into  Greece,  having  there  ordered  his  affairs  in 
the  best  manner  his  present  circumstances  would  admit,  committed  the  care  of 
all  he  had  in  those  parts  to  Antigonus  his  son,  and  with  all  the  remainder  of 
his  forces  that  could  be  spared  from  thence  (which  amounted  to  about  eleven 
thousand  men,)  went  on  board  his  fleet,  and  sailed  into  Asia,  there  in  a  desperate 
manner  to  seek  his  fortunes.  On  his  arrival  at  Miletus,  he  took  that  city,  and 
there  married  Ptolemais,  the  daughter  of  Ptolemy.  She  was  brought  to  him 
thither  by  Eurydice  her  mother,  the  wife  of  Ptolemy,  and  sister  of  Phila,  De- 
metrius's former  wife,  who  died  a  little  before  of  a  dose  of  poison,  which  she 
desperately  took  on  her  husband's  flight  out  of  Macedonia,  to  avoid  tiie  calamity 
which  she  thought  would  follow  that  declension  of  his  fortune.  However,  this 
did  not  hinder  Ptolemy  from  marrying  his  daughter  to  him,  and  of  this  marriage 
was  born  Demetrius,  who  afterward  reigned  in  Cyrene. 

From  Miletus,  Demetrius  invaded  Caria  and  Lydia,^  and  having  taken  many 
cities  from  Lysimachus,  in  those  provinces,  and  there  much  augmented  his 
forces  with  new  recruits,  at  length  made  himself  master  of  Sardis.  But  on  the 
coming  of  Agathocles,  the  son  of  Lysimachus,  with  an  army  against  him,  he 
was  forced  again  to  quit  all  that  he  had  taken,  and  marched  eastward.  His  in- 
tentions in  taking  this  rout  were  to  pass  into  Armenia  and  Media,  and  seize 
those  provinces.     But  Agathocles,  having  coasted  him  all  the  way  in  his  march, 

1  Plutarch,  in  Demetrio  et  Pyrrlio.    Justin.  lib.  16.  c.  2.  2  Plutarch,  et  Justin,  lib.  16.  c.  2. 

3  Plutarcb.  in  Deraetrio. 


14  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

reduced  him  to  great  distress  for  want  of  provisions  and  forage,  which  brought 
a  sickness  into  his  army,  that  destroyed  a  great  number  of  them,  and,  when  he 
attempted  to  pass  Mount  Taurus  with  the  remainder,  he  found  all  the  passes 
over  it  seized  by  Agathocles:  whereby  being  obstructed  from  proceeding  any 
farther  that  way,  he  marched  backward  to  Tarsus  in  Cilicia,  a  town  belonging 
to  Seleucus,  and  from  thence  signified  to  that  prince  the  calamitous  condition 
he  was  reduced  to,  earnestly  prayed  relief  and  assistance  from  him  for  the  sub- 
sisting of  himself  and  the  forces  that  followed  him.  Seleucus,  being  moved 
with  this  representation  of  his  doleful  case,  at  first  took  compassion  on  him, 
and  ordered  his  heutenants  in  those  parts  to  furnish  him  and  his  forces  with  all 
things  necessary.  But  afterward  being  put  in  mind  of  the  valour  and  enter- 
prising genius  of  this  prince,  and  of  his  great  abilities  in  the  arts  and  strata- 
gems of  war,  and  his  undaunted  boldness  for  the  attempting  of  any  design  he 
should  have  an  opportunity  for,  he  began  to  think  that  the  setting  up  of  such  a 
man  again  might  tend  to  the  endangermg  of  his  own  affairs,  and  therefore,  in- 
stead of  helping  him  any  farther,  he  resolved  to  lay  hold  of  this  opportunity 
absolutely  to  crush  him,  and  accordingly  marched  against  him  with  an  army  for 
this  purpose:  of  which  Demetrius  having  received  intelligence,  he  seized  on 
those  fastnesses  of  Mount  Taurus  where  he  could  best  defend  himself,  and  from 
thence  sent  again  to  Seleucus,  entreating  him  that  he  would  permit  him  to  pass 
into  the  east,  that  there  seizing  some  country  of  the  barbarous  nations,  he  might 
therein  pass  the  remainder  of  his  life  in  quiet  and  repose;  or  otherwise,  if  he 
liked  not  this,  that  he  would  at  least  allow  him  quarters  for  that  winter,  and  not 
in  the  rigorous  season  of  the  year,  drive  him  out  in  a  naked  and  starving  con- 
dition into  the  very  jaws  of  his  enemies,  to  be  devoured  and  destroyed  by  them. 
But  Seleucus  not  at  all  liking  his  design  of  going  into  the  east,  this  first  part  of 
his  request  served  only  to  increase  his  jealousy,  and  therefore  all  that  he  would 
grant  him  was,  to  take  winter-quarters  in  Cataonia  (a  province  confining  upon 
Cappadocia)  for  two  months  during  the  severity  of  the  winter,  and  after  that  to 
be  gone.  And  then  he  immediately  put  guards  on  all  the  passes  of  the  moun- 
tains leading  from  Cilicia  into  Syria,  to  obstruct  his  coming  that  way.  Deme- 
trius finding  himself  hereby  pent  up  and  beset,  that  is,  by  Agathocles  on  the 
one  side,  and  by  Seleucus  on  the  other,  was  necessitated  to  betake  himself  to 
force  for  the  extricating  of  himself,  and  therefore  falling  upon  Seleucus's  forces, 
that  guarded  the  passes  of  the  mountains  into  Syria,  he  drove  them  thence  and 
entered  through  them  into  that  country. 

An.  286.  Ptolemij  Soter  19.] — But  when  he  was  ready  to  have  proceeded  far- 
ther on  some  bold  enterprise  for  the  restoring  of  affairs,'  he  was  taken  with  a 
dangerous  sickness,  which  lasted  forty  days.  In  the  interim  most  of  his  men 
deserted:  whereby  finding  himself,  on  his  recovery,  reduced  to  the  utmost  ne- 
cessity, he  resolved  to  make  a  desperate  attempt  upon  Seleucus,  by  storming 
his  camp  in  the  night,  with  that  small  handful  of  his  forces  that  stiU  remained 
with  him.  But  his  design  being  discovered  by  a  deserter,  and  thereby  disap- 
pointed just  as  he  was  ready  to  have  put  it  in  execution,  and  many  more  of 
his  soldiers  deserting  from  him  hereon,  he  attempted  to  make  a  retreat  back 
over  the  mountains,  and  if  possible  that  way  again  reach  his  fleet.  But  finding 
all  the  passes  there  seized  against  him,  he  Avas  forced  to  take  shelter  in  the 
woods;  but  being  there  ready  to  be  starved,  he  was  brought  at  length  to  the 
necessity  of  surrendering  himself  into  the  hands  of  Seleucus,  who  having  caused 
him,  under  a  strong  guard,  to  be  carried  to  the  Syrian  Chersonesus  near  Laodi- 
cea,  there  kept  him  a  prisoner  till  he  died.  He  allowed  him  there  the  freedom 
of  a  park  to  hunt  in,  and  all  other  accommodations  both  for  the  pleasures  as 
well  as  the  necessaries  of  life.  Whereon  giving  himself  wholly  up  to  eating, 
drinking,  gaming,  and  laziness,  he  passed  away  the  remainder  of  his  life  in 
those  voluptuous  and  idle  enjoyments,  till  at  length,  having  fed  up  his  body 
hereby  to  an  excessive  fatness,  and  filled  it  with  gross  and  noxious  humours, 

1  Plutarch,  in  Demetrio, 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  15 

he  fell  into  that  sickness,  of  which  he  died  in  this  confinement,  after  he  had 
passed  in  it  three  years,  and  had  lived  to  the  fifty-fourth  year  of  his  age. 

All  the  time  of  his  confinement,  Seleucus  frequently  sent  him  kind  messages, 
with  promises  of  a  release  from  his  captivity,  assuring  him,  that  as  soon  as  An- 
tiochus  and  Stratonice  should  be  returned  again  to  court,  the  articles  of  his  re- 
storation should  be  settled  by  them  to  his  content.  This  Stratonice  was  the 
daughter  of  Demetrius,  and  had  been  first  married  to  Seleucus  (as  hath  been 
above  related,)  but  was  then,  by  an  unparalleled  example,  become  the  wife  of 
Antiochus  his  son.  The  manner  how  it  come  to  pass  is  thus  related:  Strato- 
nice being  a  very  beautiful  lady,'  Antiochus  fell  in  love  with  her;  but  not  dar- 
ing to  own  his  passion,  he  silently  languished  under  it,  and  at  length,  through 
the  violence  of  it,  fell  desperately  sick.  Erasistratus,  an  eminent  Greek  physi- 
cian, having  the  care  of  him  in  his  sickness,  soon  found  out  what  the  distemper 
was,  but  to  discover  who  was  the  person  that  had  kindled  this  flame  in  him, 
was  the  difficulty;  for  the  finding  of  this  out,  he  carefully  attended  his  patient 
when  visited  by  any  of  the  court  ladies,  and  observing,  that  whenever  Strato- 
nice came  into  his  chamber,  great  alterations  were  made  in  his  pulse,  in  his 
countenance,  in  his  behaviour,  and  in  every  thing  else  about  him,  which  the 
passion  of  love  could  reach;  and  that  nothing  of  this  happened  when  any  other 
lady  came  to  make  him  a  visit,  he  thereby  fully  discovered  that  Stratonice  was 
the  sole  object  of  that  violent  love  which  caused  his  sickness;  and  finding  that 
nothing  else  could  cure  him  of  it,  but  the  enjoyment  of  the  person  beloved,  for 
the  bringing  of  this  about,  he  thus  craftily  managed  the  matter:  The  next  time 
that  Seleucus  inquired  of  him  about  his  son's  sickness,  he  told  him  that  his  dis- 
ease was  love,  and  that  he  must  necessarily  die  of  it,  because  he  could  not  have 
the  person  he  loved,  and  he  could  not  live  without  her.  Seleucus  being  sur- 
prised at  this  account,  asked  why  he  should  not  have  the  person  he  loved;  "  be- 
cause (saith  the  physician)  he  is  in  love  with  my  wife,  and  I  cannot  part  with 
her." — "  How!  not  part  with  her  (replied  Seleucus,)  to  save  my  beloved  son's  life; 
how  then  can  you  pretend  to  be  my  friend?" — "Sir  (said  the  physician,)  pray 
make  it  your  own  case:  would  you,  I  pray,  part  with  your  wife  Stratonice  for 
the  sake  of  Antiochus?  And  if  you,  who  are  his  most  tender  father,  will  not 
do  it  for  a  most  beloved  son,  how  can  you  expect  it  from  any  other?" — "  Oh  (re- 
plied Seleucus,)  would  to  God  the  safety  of  my  son  were  put  upon  this  issue,  I 
would  then  gladly  part  with  Stratonice,  or  any  thing  else  to  effect  his  recovery!" 
"Why  then  (said  Erasistratus,)  you  are  the  only  physician  that  can  cure  him, 
for  it  is  the  love  of  Stratonice  that  hath  cast  him  into  this  disease,  which 
he  languisheth  with,  and  nothing  can  restore  him  but  the  giving  of  her  to  him 
to  wife."  Hereon  Seleucus  havmg  easily  enough  prevailed  with  Stratonice  to 
accept  of  a  young  prince  for  her  husband  instead  of  an  old  king,  she  was  given 
to  him  to  wife,  after  she  had  borne  children  to  his  father,  and  they  being  thereon 
crowned  king  and  queen  of  Upper  Asia,  were  sent  thither  to  govern  those  pro- 
vinces, and  there  they  were  all  the  time  that  Demetrius  was  in  his  confinement 
in  Syria.  And  from  this  abominable  incestuous  marriage  (the  like  whereof  was 
not  heard  of  among  the  Gentiles  in  St.  Paul's  time)*  sprung  all  that  race  of  Sy- 
rian kings,  who  so  grievously  persecuted,  vexed,  and  oppressed  God's  people 
in  Judah  and  Jerusalem,  as  will  be  hereafter  related. 

An.  285.  Ptokmy  Soter  20.] — Ptolemy  Soter  having  reigned  in  Egypt  twenty 
years  from  the  time  of  his  assuming  the  title  of  king,  and  thirty-nine  from  the 
death  of  Alexander,^  placed  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  one  of  the  sons  which  he 
had  by  Berenice,  on  the  throne,  and  made  him  king  in  copartnership  with  him. 
He  had  several  sons  by  other  wives,  one  of  which  was  Ptolemy,  surnamed  Ce- 
raunus,  or  the  Thunderer,  who  being  born  to  him  by  Euiydice,  the  daughter 
of  Antipater,  and  the  elder  of  the  two,  expected  the  crown  after  his  father,  as 

1  Plut.  in  Demetrio.  Appian.  in  Syriacis.  Valerius  Maxiraus,  lib.  5.  c.  7.  Lucianus  de  Oea  Syria.  Juli- 
anus  in  Misopogne. 

2  1  Cor.  V.  1. 

3  Pausan.  in  Atticis.     Justin,  ib.  16.  c.  2.     Diog.  Laert.  in  Demet.  Plial. 


16  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

due  to  him  before  the  other  by  virtue  of  his  birthright.  But  Berenice,  who 
came  first  into  Egypt  only  as  companion  to  Eurydice,  when  she  first  married 
Ptolemy,  having  also  become  his  wife,  and  by  reason  of  her  beauty  been  ex- 
ceedingly beloved  by  him,'  she  gained  hereby  such  an  ascendant  over  him 
above  all  his  other  wives,  that  she  carried  it  for  her  son.  And  therefore  being 
now  past  eighty,  and  apprehending  the  day  of  l)is  death  not  to  be  far  off,  he 
determined  to  put  the  crown  upon  his  head,  while  he  yet  lived,  that  so  there 
might  be  no  war  nor  contention  about  it  after  his  death.  Whereupon  Ptolemy 
Ceraunus,^  not  bearing  this  preference  of  his  younger  brother  before  him,  fled 
first  to  Lysimachus,  whose  son  Agathocles  had  married  Lysandra  his  sister  by 
'the  same  mother,  and  after  that  on  the  death  of  Agathocles  went  to  Seleucus, 
who  received  him  with  great  kindness,  which  he  repaid  with  the  most  villanous 
treachery,  as  will  be  hereafter  related. 

An.  284.  Ptolemy  Philadelph.  1.] — In  the  first  year  of  the  reign  of  Ptolemy 
Philadelphus  (which  was  the  first  year  of  the  one  hundred  and  twenty-fourth 
Olympiad)  was  finished  the  great  tower  or  light-house  in  the  island  of  Pharus 
over  against  Alexandria,^  commonly  called  the  tower  of  Pharus,  which  hath 
been  reckoned  among  the  seven  wonders  of  the  world.  It  was  a  large  four- 
square pile  of  building,  all  built  of  white  marble,  and  had  always  fires  main- 
tained on  the  top  of  it  for  the  direction  of  seamen.  It  cost  in  the  building  eight 
hundred  talents.  This,  if  computed  by  Attic  talents,  amounts  to  one  hundred 
and  sixty-five  thousand  pounds  of  our  sterling  money:  but  if  by  Alexandrian 
talents,  it  will  come  to  twice  as  much.  The  architect  who  built  it  v/as  Sostra- 
tus  of  Cnidus,  who  craftily  endeavoured  to  usurp  the  honour  of  it  with  poste- 
rity to  himself  by  his  fraudulent  device.  The  inscription  ordered  to  be  set  on 
it  being  "King  Ptolemy  to  the  gods  the  saviours,  for  the  benefit  of  those  who 
pass  by  sea,"  instead  of  Ptolemy's  name  he  craftily  engraved  his  own  in  the 
solid  marble,  and  then  tilling  up  the  hollow  of  the  engraved  letters  with  mor- 
tar, wrote  upon  it  what  was  directed.  So  the  inscription,  which  was  first  read, 
was  according  as  it  was  ordered,  and  truly  ascribed  the  work  to  King  Ptolemy 
its  proper  founder;  but  in  process  of  time,  the  mortar  being  worn  off,  the  in- 
sci'iption  then  appeared  to  be  thus:  "  Sostratus,  the  Cnidian,  son  of  Dexiphanes, 
to  the  gods  the  saviours,  for  the  benefit  of  those  who  pass  by  sea,"  which, 
being  in  lasting  letters  deeply  engraved  into  the  marble  stones,  lasted  as  long 
as  the  tower  itself.  This  tower  hath  been  demolished  for  some  ages  past. 
There  is  now  in  its  place  a  castle  called  Farillon,''  where  a  garrison  is  kept  to 
defend  the  harbour,  perchance  it  is  some  remainder  of  the  old  work.  Pharus 
was  at  first  wholly  an  island,  at  the  distance  of  seven  furlongs  from  the  conti- 

1  Vide  Theocrili  Idylliiim  17.  2  Appian.  in  Syriacis.     Mpmnonis  Excerpta  apud  Photium. 

3  Pliii.  lib.  3t).  c.  12.  Strabo,  lib.  17.  p.  791.  Eustatliii  Comment,  in  Dionysii  Periegesin.  Siiidas  in  (papo; 
Eusebii  Chronicon,  p.  66.  Sleplianus  Byzantinus.  Geographia,  Nubiens-is,  Vetiis  Scholiastes  in  Lucianum. 
This  old  Greek  scholiast  is  at  the  end  of  GrEevius'a  edition  of  Lucian's  works,  published  at  Amsterdam,  Anno 
1687.  That  which  I  quote  it  for,  is  a  passage  taken  out  of  it  by  Nicholas  Lloyd  in  his  Geographical  Lexi- 
con, where,  under  the  word  Pharus,  he  tells  us  in  the  words  of  that  scholiast,  that  this  tower  was  TnfxyiMvoi 
o-raJaioi;  t>,i/  5riLsup>ii/  e.ti  t'^xv  tou  ccipo;  Brs^jiv  cuot'  kttoV  op»(!-,js!i  ^ii>.o,>i,  i.  e.  "  That  it  was  a  square  of  a  fur- 
long (i.  e.  six  hundred  feet)  on  every  side,  and  ascended  up  so  high  into  the  air,  that  it  might  be  seen  at  the 
distance  of  a  hundred  miles."  Though  this  determines  the  breadth  to  a  certain  measure,  yet  it  doth  not  the 
height,  but  in  an  uncertain  manner.  But  this  defect  is  supplied  by  Eben  Adris,  an  Arabic  author,  in  his  book 
called,  by  the  Latin  translator,  Geographia  Nubiensis.  For  there  he  tells  us  (Clim.  3.  part  3,)  that  this  tower 
or  lighthouse  of  Pharus,  was  three  hundred  cubits  (i.e.  four  hundred  and  fifty  feet)  high.  But  both  these  ac- 
counts are  very  improbable,  and  the  former  is  contradicted  by  what  Josephus  tells  us  of  it  (De  Bello  Judaico, 
Jib.  6.  p.  914,)  for,  speaking  nf  the  tower  of  Phasslus  at  Jerusalem,  which  he  describes  to  be  a  square  building 
of  forty  cubits  (i.  e.  sixty  feet,)  on  every  side,  and  ninety  cubits  (i.  e.  a  hundred  and  thirty-five  feet)  high, 
saith  of  it,  that  it  was  like  the  lower  of  Pharus  near  Alexandria;  tii  Tipio%>)  Ss  toKu  fin^i^v  >iv,  i.  e.  "  But  as 
to  its  circumference  it  was  much  larger."  And  Josephus,  having  often  seen  both  these  towers,  could  not  be 
mistaken  herein.  Were  the  tower  of  Pharus  of  the  breadth  of  six  hundred  feet  on  every  side,  and  of  the 
height  of  four  hundred  and  fifty  feet,  it  would  within  thirty  feet  be  as  high  as  the  great  pyramid,  and  stand 
upon  altogether  as  much  ground,  in  a  direct  perpendicular  building,  as  that  doth  in  a  pyramidal;  which  would 
render  it,  beyond  all  other  buildings  in  the  world,  very  prodigious;  and  were  itso,  Josephus  could  not  have 
said  in  reference  to  it  the  words  above  recited.  But  against  Josephus,  as  to  this  matter,  it  may  be  objected, 
that  if  the  tower  of  Pharus  were  ao  much  less  than  the  tower  of  Phasselus  at  Jerusalem,  how  caine  it  ever  to 
be  reckoned  one  of  the  seven  wonders  of  the  world?  It  would  be  an  answer  to  this  objection  if  we  could 
say  the  words  of  Josephus,  as  above  recited,  were  to  be  referred  to  the  tower  of  Pharus,  and  not  to  that  of 
Phaaaelus,  but  the  grammatical  construction  will  not  admit  it.  And  Josephus  in  another  place  descriheth 
Phasaelus  to  have  been  irupyoi/  o\jSiv  iKxtt-,,  tou  hxtx  -mv  iy»pi',  i.  e.  "  a  tower  not  less  than  that  of  I'iiurus," 
which  utterly  excludeth  this  last  interpretation.    See  Josephus  Antiq.  lib.  10.  cap.  9.  p.  560. 

•i  Thevcnol'a  Travels,  part  1,  book  2,  chap.  1. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  17 

nent,  and  had  no  other  passage  to  it  but  by  sea.  But  it  hath  many  ages  since 
been  turned  from  an  island  into  a  peninsula,'  by  being  joined  to  the  land  in  the 
same  manner  as  Tyrus  was,  by  a  bank  carried  through  the  sea  to  it,  which  was 
anciently  called  in  Greek  the  Heptastndiuvi,  i.  e.  the  seven  furlong  bank,  because 
seven  furlongs  was  the  length  of  it.  This  work  was  performed  by  Dexiphanes, 
the  father  of  Sostratus,  about  the  same  time  that  Sostratus  finished  the  tower, 
and  seems  to  have  been  the  more  difficult  undertaking  of  the  two.  They  being 
both  very  famous  architects,  were  both  employed  by  Ptolemy  Soter  in  the 
works  which  he  had  projected  for  the  beautifying,  adorning,  and  strengthening 
the  city  of  Alexandria:  the  father  having  undertaken  the  Heptastadium  at  the 
same  time  that  his  son  did  the  tower,  they  finished  both  these  works  at  the 
same  time,  that  in  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus.  Those 
who  attribute  the  making  of  the  Heptastadium  to  Cleopatra  follow  Ammianus 
Marcellinus,^  whose  relation  concerning  it  cannot  be  true;  for  it  contradicts 
Cffisar's  Commentaries,  and  many  other  authors,  that  are  better  to  be  credited 
in  this  matter. 

Toward  the  end  of  this  year  died  Ptolemy  Soter,^  king  of  Egypt,  in  the  second 
year  after  his  admitting  of  his  son  to  sit  on  his  throne  with  him,  being  at  the 
time  of  his  death  eighty-four  years  old."*  He  was  the  wisest  and  best  of  his 
race,  and  left  an  example  of  prudence,  justice,  and  clemency,  behind  him, 
which  none  of  his  successors  cared  to  follow.  During  the  forty  years  in  which 
he  governed  Egypt,  from  the  death  of  Alexander  he  had  brought  that  country 
into  a  very  flourishing  condition,  which  administering  great  plenty  to  his  suc- 
cessors, this  administered  to  as  great  luxury  in  them,  in  which  they  exceeded 
most  that  lived  in  their  time. 

A  little  before  his  death,  this  very  same  year,  was  brought  out  of  Pontus  to 
Alexandria  the  image  of  Serapis,  after  three  years  sedulous  endeavour  made 
for  the  obtaining  of  it:  concerning  which  we  are  told,  that  while  Ptolemy,^  the 
first  of  that  name  that  reigned  in  Egypt,  was  busying  himself  in  fortifying 
Alexandria  with  its  walls,  and  adorning  it  with  temples  and  other  public  build- 
ings, there  appeared  to  him  in  a  vision  of  the  night  a  3^oung  man  of  great  beauty, 
and  of  more  than  human  shape,  and  commanded  him  to  send  to  Pontus,  and 
fetch  from  thence  his  image  to  Alexandria,  promising  him  that  he  should  make 
that  city  famous  and  happy,  and  bring  great  prosperity  to  his  whole  kingdom; 
and  then,  on  his  saying  this,  ascended  up  into  heaven  in  a  bright  flame  of  fire 
out  of  his  sight.  Ptolemy,  being  much  troubled  hereat,  called  together  the 
Egyptian  priests  to  advise  with  them  about  it;  but  they  being  wholi}'^  ignorant 
of  Pontus,  and  all  other  foreign  countries,  could  give  him  no  answer  concern- 
ing this  matter;  whereon,  consulting  one  Timotheus  an  Athenian,  then  at  Alex- 
andria, he  learnt  from  him,  that  in  Pontus  there  was  a  city  called  Sinope,  not 
far  from  which  was  a  temple  of  Jupiter,  which  had  his  image  in  it,  with  ano- 
ther image  of  a  woman  standing  nigh  him,  that  was  taken  to  be  Proserpina. 
But,  after  awhile,  other  matters  putting  this  out  of  Ptolemy's  head,  so  that  he 
thought  no  more  of  it,  the  vision  appeared  to  him  again  in  a  more  terrible  man- 
ner, and  threatened  destruction  to  him  and  his  kingdom,  if  his  commands  were 
not  obeyed; — which  Ptolemy  being  much  terrified,  immediately  sent  away  am- 
bassadors to  the  king  of  Sinope  to  obtain  the  image.  Thev  being  ordered  in 
their  way  to  consult  Apollo  at  Delphos,  Avere  commanded  by  him  to  bring  away 
the  image  of  his  father,  but  to  leave  that  of  his  sister.  Whereon  they  pro- 
ceeded to  Sinope,  there  to  execute  their  commission  in  the  manner  as  directed 
by  the  oracle.  But  neither  they,  with  all  their  solicitations,  gifts,  and  presents, 
nor  other  ambassadors  that  were  sent  after  them  with  greater  gifts,  could  obtain 
what  they  were  sent  thither  for,  till  this  last  year.  But  then  the  people  of 
Sinope,  being  grievously  oppressed  by  a  famine,  were  content,  on  Ptolemy'a 

1  Stinhn,  lib.  17.  p.  792.  Plin.  lib.  5.  c.  31.  et  lib.  13.  c.  II.  Cssaris  Comment,  de  Bello  Civili,  lib.  3.  Pom- 
ponius  Mela.  lib.  2.  c.  7.  2  Lib.  22.  cap.  lli. 

3  Pausanias  in  Atticip.  Eiispbii  Chroniron.  4  Liicianiis  in  Macrobiis. 

d  Tacitus  Histor.  lib.  4.  cap.  83,  84.    Pluiarchus  de  Isjde  et  Osiride.    Clemens  Alex.indrinu&in  Protrepttco, 

Vol.  11.-3 


18  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

relieving  them  with  a  fleet  of  corn,  to  part  with  their  god  for  it,  which  they 
could  not  be  induced  to  do  before.  And  so  the  image  was  brought  to  Alexan- 
dria, and  there  set  up  in  one  of  the  suburbs  of  that  city  called  Rhacotis,  M'here 
it  was  w^orshipped  by  the  name  of  Serapis;  and  this  new  god  had  in  that  place, 
awhile  afler,  a  ver^'  famous  temple  erected  to  him,  called  the  Serapeum;  and 
this  was  the  first  time  that  this  deity  was  either  Avorshipped  or  known  in  Egypt; 
and  therefore  it  coidd  not  be  the  patriarch  Joseph  that  was  worshipped  by  this 
name,  as  some  would  have  it.  For,  had  it  been  he  that  was  meant  hereby, 
this  piece  of  idolatry  must  have  been  much  ancienter  among  them,  and  must 
also  have  had  its  original  in  Egv'pt  itself,  and  not  been  introduced  thither  from 
a  foreign  country.  Some  of  the  ancients  indeed  had  this  conceit,  as  Julius 
Firmicus,*  Ruffinus,*  and  others;  but  all  the  reason  they  give  for  it  is,  that  Se- 
rapis was  generally  represented  by  an  image  with  a  bushel  on  its  head,  which 
they  think  denoted  the  bushel  wherewith  Joseph  measured  out  to  the  Egyptians 
his  corn  in  the  time  of  the  famine;  whereas  it  might  as  well  denote  the  bushel 
with  which  Ptolemy  measured  out  to  the  people  of  Sinope  the  com  with  which 
he  purchased  this  god  of  them.  However,  this  same  opinion  is  embraced  by 
several  learned  men  of  the  moderns,^  and  for  the  support  of  it  against  what  is 
objected  from  the  late  reception  of  Serapis  among  the  Egyptian  deities,  they 
w^ll  have  Serapis  to  have  been  an  ancient  Egyptian  god,  and  the  same  with 
their  Apis,  and  that  Serapis  was  no  other  than  Apis  tv  so^^  that  is,  ^^pis  in  his 
coffin,  and  for  this  they  quote  some  of  the  ancients.^  Their  meaning  is,  that 
while  the  sacred  buU,  which  the  Eg}-ptians  worshipped  for  their  great  god,  was 
alive,  he  was  called  Apis,  and  that,  when  he  was  dead  and  salted  up  in  his  cof- 
fin, and  buried,  he  was  called  Serapis,  that  is,  ^/Jpis  in  soro  (i.  e.  in  his  coffin,) 
from  whence  they  say,  his  name  was  at  first  Soroapis,  made  up  of  the  compo- 
sition of  these  two  words,  Soros  and  Apis  put  together,  and  that,  by  corruption 
from  thence  it  came  to  be  Serapis.  But  what  is  there,  that,  after  this  rate, 
learned  men  may  not  tenter  any  thing  to?  But  the  worst  of  it  is,  the  ancient 
Egj'ptians  did  not  speak  Greek.  The  Ptolemies  first  brought  that  language 
among  them;  and,  therefore,  had  Serapis  been  an  ancient  god  worshipped  in 
that  countn^'  before  the  Ptolemies  reigned  there,  his  name  could  not  have  had 
a  Greek  etymology.  Much  more  might  be  said  to  show  the  vanity  of  this  con- 
ceit, were  it  worth  the  reader's  while  to  be  troubled  with  it.  It  is  certain  Se- 
rapis was  not  originally  an  Egyptian  deity  anciently  worshipped  in  that  country 
(as  he  must  have  been,  had  it  been  Joseph  that  was  there  worshipped  under 
that  name,)  but  was  an  adventitious  god,  brought  thither  from  abroad  about  the 
time  which  we  now  treat  of.  The  ancient  place  of  his  station,  Polybius  tells 
us,*  was  on  the  coast  of  the  Propontis,  on  the  Thracian  side,  over-against  Hie- 
rus,  and  that  there  Jason,  when  he  went  on  the  Argonautic  expedition,  sacri- 
ficed unto  him.  From  thence,  therefore,  the  people  of  Sinope  had  this  piece 
of  idolatry,  and  from  them  the  Egyptians,  in  the  manner  as  I  have  related; 
and  tiU  then  this  deity  was  wholly  unknown  among  them.  Had  it  been  other- 
wise, Herodotus,  w^ho  is  so  large  in  his  account  of  the  Egj-ptian  gods,  could 
not  have  escaped  taking  notice  of  him;  but  he  makes  not  the  least  mention  of 
him  as  W'orshipped  in  that  country,  neither  doth  any  other  author  that  wrote 
before  the  times  that  the  Ptolemies  reigned  in  Egypt.  And,  when  his  image 
was  first  set  up  in  Alexandria,  Nicocreon,  then  king  of  Cyprus,  as  having 
never  heard  of  him  before,^  sent  to  know  what  god  he  was,  which  he  would 
not  have  done  had  he  been  a  deity  anciently  worshipped  by  the  EgA'ptians. 
For  then  Nicocreon,  who  was  a  very  learned  prince,  must  necessarily  before 
that  time  have  had  full  knowledge  of  him.  And  Origen,'  who  was  an  Egyp- 
tian, speaks  of  him  as  a  god  not  long  before  received  in  that  country.  And  it 
is  to  be  observed,  that  as  he  was  a  new  god,  so  he  brought  in  with  him  among 

1  In  Librode  Errore  Prophanarum  Religionem.  2  Hist.  lib.  2.  c.  23. 

3  Vossiug,  Ouzelius,  Spencerus,  aliique. 

4  Nymphiodorus.    Clem.  Alexandr.  Euseb.    Prip.  Evanp.  lib.  10.  C.  12.    RufRn.  ibidem. 

5  Lib.  4.  p.  307.  6  Macrob.  Saturnal,  lib.  1.  c.  20.  7  Contra  Celsum,  lib.  5. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  19 

the  Egyptians  a  new  way  of  worship.  For,  till  the  time  of  the  Ptolemies,  the 
Egyptians'  never  offered  any  bloody  sacrifices  to  their  gods,  but  worshipped 
them  only  Avith  their  prayers  and  frankincense.  But  the  tyranny  of  the  Ptole- 
mies having  forced  upon  them  the  worship  of  the  two  foreign  gods,  that  is,  Sa- 
turn and  Serapis,  they  in  this  worship  lirst  brought  in  the  use  of  bloody  sacrifi- 
ces among  that  people.  However,  they  continued  always  so  averse  hereto,  that 
they  would  never  suffer  any  temple  to  be  built  to  either  of  those  gods  within 
any  of  the  walls  of  their  cities;  but,  wherever  they  were  in  that  country,  they 
were  always  built  without  them  in  their  suburbs.  And  they  seem  only  to  have 
been  the  Egyptians  of  the  Greek  original  who  comforted  hereto,  and  not  those 
of  the  old  race.  For  they  still  retained  their  old  usage  in  all  their  old  temples, 
and  could  never  be  induced  to  offer  the  blood  of  beasts  in  any  of  them;  for  this 
was  alwa3's  an  abomination  unto  them  from  the  beginning.  And  therefore, 
when  the  children  of  Israel  desired  leave  of  Pharaoh  to  go  three  days'  journey 
into  the  wilderness,  to  offer  sacrifices  unto  the  Lord,"-  they  gave  this  for  the 
reason  of  it,  that  their  religion  obliging  them  to  offer  to  their  god  the  bloody  sa- 
crifices of  sheep  and  oxen,^  and  other  living  creatures,  they  dur^t  not  do  this 
in  the  sight  of  the  Egyptians,  lest  they  should  stone  them,  because  such  sort 
of  sacrifices  were  an  abomination  to  that  people;^  and,  therefore,  they  desired 
that  they  might  go  to  the  distance  of  three  days'  journey  from  them  to  perform 
this  part  of  their  worship  unto  their  god,  that  being  thus  far  out  of  their  sight 
and  observation,  they  might  give  them  no  offence,  nor  provoke  them  by  it  to 
any  mischief  against  them. 

In  that  place,  in  the  suburb  Rhacotis,  where  the  image  of  Serapis,  which 
Ptolemy  brought  from  Sinope,  was  set  up,  was  afterward  built  a  verj"^  famous 
temple  to  that  idol,  called  the  Serapeum,  which  Ammianus  Marcellinus  tells  us 
did,'  in  the  magnificence  and  ornaments  of  its  buildings,  exceed  all  other  edifi- 
ces in  the  world,  next  that  of  the  capital  at  Rome.  Within  the  verge  of  this 
temple  there  was  also  a  library,^  which  was  of  great  fame  in  after-ages,  both 
for  the  number  and  value  of  the  books  it  was  replenished  with.  Ptolemy  Soter 
being  a  learned  prince,  as  appeared  by  the  History  of  the  Life  of  Alexander, 
written  by  him  (which  was  of  great  repute  among  the  ancients,  though  not  now 
extant,®)  out  of  the  affection  he  had  for  learning;  founded  at  Alexandria^  a 
museum  or  college  of  learned  men  for  the  improving  of  philosoph}',  and  all 

1  Macrob.  Saturnal.  lib.  1.  cap.  7.  His  words  are:  "  Nunquam  fas  fiiit  jEgyptiis  peeudibus  aut  panpiiine, 
sed  precibus  et  fbure  scJo-placare  decs."  This  was  true  of  the  ancient  Egyptians.  For.among  the  ancients] 
Porphyry  tells  us,  (De  Abstinentia,  lib.  2.  s.  59,)  that  the  sacrifices  with  which  they  worshipped  their  gods] 
were  cakes  and  frails  of  the  earth;  and  he  tells  us  in  the  same  book  (lib.  4.  s.  15,)  of  the  Syrians,  who  were 
nest  neishbours  to  tlie  Egyptians,  and  agreed  in  many  things  with  them,  that  they  offered  no  living  creatures 
»n  sacrifice  to  tfceir  gods.  But  this  could  not  be  true  of  the  Egyptians  in  Herodotus's  time.  For'it  appears 
from  him,  that  they  then  offered  some  animals  in  sacrifices  to  their  gods,  but  those  were  very  few;  much  the 
greatest  numfcer  m  them  were  excepted,  till  the  Ptolemies  witii  the  Grecian  gods  brought  in  the  Grecian  way 
of  worsUipfjing  them  with  all  manner  of  sacrifices;  and  of  this,  perchance,  may  be  understood  what  Macro- 
bius  tells  us  of  this  matter.  Ale.\ander  Sardus,  in  his  book  De  Moribus  et  RitibusGentium.  (lib.  3. cap.  15,) 
fcath  these  words:  "  Dicehat  Pythagoras  se  aliquandoconciliodeorum  interfuisse.  etdidicisse  eos^gyptiorurn 
sacrificia  probare,  qui  libationibus  constant,  thure,  et  laudibus;  non  placere,  animantiuin  cjedes;  qus  tamen 
postea  immnlarunt  iEgyptii,  ut  soli  gallum,  cygnum,  taurum;  Veneri  Columbam:  et  syderibus,  qu»  cum  Sy- 
deribus  similitudinem  habent."  Thismakes  fully  for  «1iat  I  have  said.  Sardus  had  it  fromancient  authority, 
but  doth  not  name  his  author. 

2  E.'sod.  viii.  26.  27. 

3  The  chief  cause  of  this  abomination  was, that  raanyof  those  living  cre.itures  which  the  Jews  offered  is 
sacrifice  were  worshipped  as  gods  by  the  Egyptians,  and  therefore  were  never  slain  by  them,  nor  could  they 
bear  the  slaying  of  them  by  others:  of  which  Biodor^us  Siculus  gives  us  a  suiUcient  instance  (lib.  1.  p.  75. 
edit.  Hannv.,)  where  his  words  are  as  follow:  "  Such  a  superstition  toward  those  sacred  animals  was  ingene- 
rated  in  their  minds,  and  every  one  of  them  was  in  his  affections  so  obstinately  bent  to  pay  honour  aiid  ve- 
neration to  them,  that,  at  a  time  when  Ptolemy  their  king  was  not  yet  declared  a  friend  of  the  Romans,  and 
all  the  people  studied  to  court  and  pay  otiservance  to  all  that  came  out  of  Italy,  out  of  fear  of  the  Romans, 
that  they  might  not  sive  them  any  cause  of  displeasure,  or  re;ison  for  war  aeainst  them,  a  Roman  then  in 
Egypt  happening  to  have  slain  a  cat.  the  multitude  jmraediutely  running  together,  beset  the  house  where  the 
Roman  was,  and  neither  the  nobles  sent  by  the  king  to  deprecate  their  rage,  nor  the  fear  of  the  Romans, 
could  withhold  them  from  punishing  this  man  with  death,  though  it  was  by  chance,  and  not  wilfully,  that  he 
did  the  fact.  Thus  far  Dioidorus.  But  sheep  and  cows,  which  the  Jews  sacrificed,  were  in  a  higher  degree 
sacred  among  the  Egyptians  than  their  cats;  and  forthis  reason  they  could  not  have  borne  the  Jewish  sacrifi- 
ces among  them. 

4  Lib.  22.  cap.  Ifi.  p.  343. 

5  Marcellinus,  ihid.  Epiphanius  de  Ponderibus  et  Mensnris.     Tertullianus  in  .'Vpologetico,  cap.  18. 

6  Arrianus  in  Prsfatione  ad  Historiam  de  Expeditione  Alexandri.  Plutarchusin  Alexandro.  Q.  Curtius. 
iib.  9.  c.  8. 

7  Strabo,  lib.  17.  p.  793.    Plutarchus  in  libro  quo  probat  non  posse  jucunde  vitani  agi  ex  E^curj  prieceptSs. 


20  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

other  knowledge,  like  that  of  the  Royal  Society  at  London,  and  the  Royal  Aca- 
demy of  Sciences  at  Paris.  And,  for  this  use  he  got  together  a  library  of  books,* 
which,  being  augmented  by  his  successors,  grew  afterw'ard  to  a  very  great  bulk. 
Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  the  son  of  Soter,  left  in  it,  at  the  time  of  his  death,"  a  hun- 
dred thousand  volumes.  Those  that  reigned  after  him  of  that  race  still  added 
more  to  them,^  till  at  length  they  amounted  to  the  number  of  seven  hundred 
thousand  volumes.  Their  method  in  the  collecting  of  them  was  thus:  They 
seized  all  the  books  that  were  by  any  Greek  or  other  foreigner  brought  into 
Egypt,''  and,  sending  them  to  the  museum,  caused  them  there  to  be  written  out 
by  those  of  that  society  whom  they  there  maintained,  and  then  sent  the  tran- 
scripts to  the  owners,  and  kept  the  originals  to  lay  up  in  the  library.  And 
particularly  it  is  said  of  Ptolemy  Euergetes,  that  having  thus  borrowed  of  the 
Athenians  the  works  of  Sophocles,  Euripides,  and  ^Eschylus,  he  sent  them  back 
the  copies,  which  he  had  caused  very  fairly  to  be  transcribed,  and  retained  the 
originals  for  his  library,  giving  them  fifteen  talents  over  and  above  for  the  same.* 
The  museum  being  placed  in  the  region  of  the  city  called  Bruchium,^  near  the 
king's  palace,  there  the  library  was  at  first  placed  also,  and  had  great  resort 
made  to  it:  but  afterward,  when  it  was  filled  with  books  to  the  number  of  four 
hundred  thousand  volumes,  the  other  library  within  the  Serapeum  was  erected 
by  way  of  supplement  to  it,^  and  it  was  therefore  called  the  daughter  of  the 
former;*  and  that  grew  up  to  have  three  hundred  thousand  volumes  placed  in  it: 
and  these  two  put  together  made  up  the  number  of  seven  hundred  thousand 
volumes  in  the  whole,  of  which  the  royal  libraries  of  the  Ptolemean  kings  at 
Alexandria  were  said  to  consist.  When  Julius  Csesar  waged  war  against  the 
Alexandrians,^  it  happened  that  the  library  in  Bruchium  Avas  burned,  and  the 
four  hundred  thousand  volumes  that  were  laid  up  in  it  were  all  consumed.'" 
But  that  in  the  Serapeum  still  remained,"  and  there  we  may  suppose  it  was  that 
Cleopatra  laid  up  the  two  hundred  thousand  volumes  of  the  library  of  Pergamus 
which  Antony  gave  unto  her:"'  with  which,  and  other  books  there  reposited,  the 
latter  Alexandrian  library,  being  much  augmented,  soon  grew  up  to  be  larger, 
and  of  more  eminent  note,  than  the  former;  and  although  it  had  sometimes  been 
rifled  on  the  commotions  and  revolutions  that  happened  in  the  Roman  empire 
(as  Orosius  particularly  complains  it  had  been  in  his  time,")  yet  it  was  as  often 
repaired  and  replenished  again  with  its  full  number  of  books,  and  continued  for 
many  ages  to  be  of  great  fame  and  use  in  those  parts,  till  at  length  it  underwent 
the  same  fate  with  the  other,  and  was  also  burned  and  finally  destroyed  by  the 
Saracens,  on  their  making  themselves  masters  of  that  city.  This  happened  in 
the  year  of  our  Lord  642'''  in  the  manner  as  foUoweth:  Johannes  Grammaticus, 
the  famous  Aristotelian  philosopher,  being  then  living  at  Alexandria,  when 
the  city  was  taken,  and  having  much  ingratiated  himself  with  Amrus  Ebnol 
As,  the  general  of  the  Saracen  army,  and  by  reason  of  his  great  learning  made 
himself  acceptable  unto  him,  he  begged  of  him  the  royal  library  of  Alexandria: 
to  this  Amrus  replied,  that  this  was  not  in  his  power,  but  was  wholly  in  the 
disposal  of  the  caliph  or  emperor  of  the  Saracens;  but  he  promised  that  he  would 
send  to  him  his  request;  and  accordingly  he  wrote  to  Omar,  the  then  caliph, 
about  it.  His  answer  hereto  was.  That  if  those  books  contained  what  was 
agreeing  with  the  Alcoran,  there  was  no  need  of  them,  for  the  Alcoran  alone 

1  Constat  ex  Suida  Zenodntum  Ephesium  priefiisse  Bibliothecae  Alexandrinae  sub  PtolemiBO  primo. 

2  Eiiseb.  in  Clironico,  p.  66.     Syncellus.  p.  271.     Cedrenus. 

3  Anim.  Marcellinus,  lib.  22.  cap.  10.     A.  Gellms,  lib.  6.  cap.  17.     Isidor.  Grig.  lib.  6.  cap.  3. 

4  Galenus  in  Coininenl.  secundo  in  tertiiim  libriim  Hippocratis  de  niorbis  vulfraribiis. 

5  This  amounts  to  three  thousand  and  tiinely-three  pounds  fifteen  sliillingsof  our  money. 

6  Epiphaniusde  Ponderibuset  Mensuris.     Strafeo,  lib.  17. 

7  Epiphan.  ibid.    Tertullian.  in  Apologeticn,cap.  18.    Clirysoslomus  eontra  Judsos,  lib.  1. 

8  Epiphan.  ibid. 

9  Plutarchus  in  Julio  Ca'.sare.     Animianiis  Marcellinus,  lib.  22.  c.  10.     Dion.  Cassius,  lib.  42.  p.  202. 

10  Livius  apud  Senecani  de  Tranquillitate.     Uro.aius,  lib.  6.  cap.  15. 

11  Tertullian,  Chryso.xlonui.s,  Epiphanius,  Orosius,  and  others  of  the  ancients,  speak  of  this  library  in  the 
Serapeum  as  still  remaining  in  their  time. 

12  Plutarchus  in  Antonio. 

13  Orosius,  lib.  6.  cap,  15.    This  author  wrote  his  history  about  the  year  of  our  Lord  417. 

14  Abulpharagius  in  HistoriaDynastienouie,  p.  114. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  21 

was  sufficient  of  itself  for  all  truth;  but  if  they  contained  what  was  disagreeing 
with  the  Alcoran,  they  were  not  to  be  endured;  and  therefore  he  ordered,  that 
whatsoever  the  contents  of  them  were,  they  should  all  be  destroyed:  whereon 
being  distributed  among  the  public  baths,  they  served  as  fuel,  for  six  months, 
to  heat  all  the  baths  of  Alexandria,  which  shows  how  great  the  number  of  them. 
And  in  this  manner  was  that  inestimable  treasure  of  learning  wholly  destroyed. 
According  to  TertuUian'  and  St  Chrysostom,"'^  the  Alexandrian  library,  in  which 
the  Greek  translation  of  the  Hebrew  scriptures,  called  the  Septuagint,  was  laid 
up,  was  that  of  the  Serapeum;  but,  according  to  Epiphanius,^  it  was  that  in  the 
Bruchium,  and  they  were  only  the  translations  of  Aquila,  Symmachus,  and 
Theodotion,  that  were  reposited  in  the  Serapeum.  The  museum,  which  stood 
in  Bruchium,  still  lasted,  after  the  Ubrary  adjoining  it  had  been  consumed,  till 
at  length  that  whole  quarter  of  the  city  was  destroyed  in  a  war  which  they  had 
with  Aurelian  the  Roman  emperor.  For  Ammianus  MarcelUnus  tells  us,*  that, 
till  then  it  had  been  for  a  long  time  the  habitation  of  excellent  men,  meaning  the 
society  of  those  learned  men  who  had  been  there  maintained  for  the  advance- 
ment of  human  knowledge.  Strabo,  in  the  description  of  this  museum/  tells 
us,  that  it  was  a  large  building  adjoining  to  the  palace,  and  standing  near  the 
port;  that  it  was  surrounded  with  a  portico  or  piazza,  wherein  the  philosophers 
walked  and  conversed  together;  that  the  members  of  the  society,  which  were 
there  admitted,  were  under  the  government  of  a  president,  whose  office  was  of 
that  consideration  and  dignity,  that  during  the  reign  of  the  Ptolemies,  he  was 
always  appointed  by  those  kings,  and  afterward  by  the  Roman  emperors;  and 
that  they  had  within  this  building  a  common  hall,  where  they  did  eat  together, 
being  there  plentifully  provided  for,  at  the  public  charge.  For  this  museum, 
from  its  first  erection,  had  been  endowed  with  large  revenues  for  this  purpose; 
and  therefore  Timon  the  Phliasian,  who  was  contemporary  with  Ptolemy,  the 
first  founder  of  it,*^  called  it  -rxK^^.,  because  there  the  philosophers  were  main- 
tained with  plenty  of  food,  like  birds,  as  he  said,  fatted  in  a  coop;  for  that  word 
in  Greek  signified  a  vessel  used  to  put  victuals  into.  However,  to  this  museum 
it  was  owing  that  Alexandria,  for  a  great  many  ages  together,  was  the  greatest 
school  of  learning  in  all  those  parts  of  the  world,  and  a  great  many  men  of  very 
excellent  literature  were  bred  in  it,  and  particularly,  the  Christian  church  re- 
ceived out  of  it  some  of  the  most  eminent  of  its  doctors,  as  Clemens  Alexan- 
drinus,  Ammonius,  Origen,  Annatolius,  Athanasius,  and  others;  for  all  these 
had  their  education  in  that  city. 

Demetrius  the  Phalerean  seems  to  have  been  the  first  president  of  this  mu- 
seum. For  the  library  being  a  part  of  that  college,  and  instituted  chiefly  for  the 
use  of  it,  it  is  most  likely  that  he  that  had  the  government  of  the  college  had 
the  government  of  the  library  also,  and  that  they  always  went  thus  both  toge- 
ther. And  therefore,  since,  according  to  Aristeas,  Demetrius  had  the  latter,  it 
is  very  obvious  to  infer,  that  he  had  the  former  also.  But  if,  where  Aristeas 
saith  this,  he  be  understood  as  if  he  meant  thereby,  that  Demetrius  was  made 
the  king's  library -keeper,  to  look  after  and  take  care  of  the  books,  they  who 
argue  from  hence  against  the  authority  of  that  author,  argue  right;  for  that  was 
too  mean  an  office  for  so  gieat  a  man:  for  he  had  been  prince  of  Athens,  and 
governed  that  state  with  absolute  authority  ten  years  together,  and  was  also  a 
great  lawgiver,  and  a  great  philosopher,  and  in  these  respects  was  reputed  one 
of  the  most  eminent  men  of  the  time  in  which  he  lived.  The  emperor  Anto- 
nius'  ranks  him  with  the  greatest  princes  of  that  age,  even  with  Philip  and 
Alexander  the  Great.  And  therefore  to  tend  the  king's  library  as  his  library- 
keeper,  and  there  look  after  and  take  care  of  the  books  in  it,  was  an  office  be- 
low the  eminency  and  dignity  of  such  a  person.  Besides,  we  find  another  in 
it,  Zenodotus  of  iEphesus.     For  he,*  it  was  said,  was  library-keeper  to  Ptolemy 

1  In  Apologetico,  cap.  18.  2  Contra  Judaeos,  lib.  1.  3  De  Ponderibus  et  Mensuris. 

4  Lib.  22.  c.  16.  p.  343.  5  Lib.  17.  p.  703  6  Athenaus,  lib.  1.  p.  22, 

7  AthensuE,  lib.  9.  c.  29.de  seipso.  8  Suidasiu  Z^ji/oooTe;. 


22  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

Soter,  and  also  to  Philadelphus  his  son,  and,  being  by  profession  a  grammarian, 
he  was  the  most  proper  for  this  work,  such  being  usually  employed  in  the  keep- 
ing and  looking  after  libraries.  However,  it  might  not  be  below  Demetrius, 
when  received  by  Ptolemy  among  his  friends  and  counsellors,  to  assist  him  in 
what  he  did  so  much  set  his  heart  upon,  that  is,  the  setting  up  of  his  museum, 
and  the  library  belonging  to  it.  Demetrius  being  a  great  philosopher,  and  as 
eminent  for  his  learning  as  he  was  for  his  dignity  and  other  great  qualifications, 
it  is  most  likely  it  was  he  that  did  first  put  Ptolemy  upon  both  these  projects; 
and  who  then  could  be  more  proper  to  assist  him,  in  the  carrying  on  of  both, 
by  taking  upon  him  the  superintendency  and  direction  of  the  whole  matter? 
That  he  first  directed  Ptolemy  Soter  to  get  together  a  collection  of  books  rela- 
ting to  policy  and  government,  is  well  attested;  for  Plutarch  tells  us  so:'  his 
words  are: — "Demetrius  Phalereus  persuaded  King  Ptolemy  to  get  together 
books  which  treated  of  the  government  of  kingdoms  and  states,  and  read  them: 
for  in  those  he  would  find  such  good  advice  as  none  of  his  friends  would  dare 
to  give  him."  And  when  the  king,  upon  having  this  good  counsel  given  him, 
and  approving  thereof,  was  upon  the  pursuit  of  getting  all  such  books  together, 
it  is  easy  to  suppose,  this  might  lead  him  farther,  to  the  collection  of  all  other 
sorts  of  books  for  the  making  of  the  library  mentioned:  and  it  was  not  below 
the  dignity  of  any  of  his  counsellors  to  be  assisting  to  him  herein:  and  to  be 
one  of  his  prime  counsellors  was  the  highest  station  that  Demetrius  could  be  in 
about  him;  and  in  this  station  we  are  told  he  was.  And  this,  we  acknowledge, 
must  have  put  him  above  the  mechanical  employment  and  servile  attendance 
of  keeping  and  looking  after  a  library,  but  not  above  that  of  having  the  super- 
intendency and  chief  direction  over  it.  For  we  find  at  Rome  one  of  the  prime 
cardinals  always  in  this  office,  as  to  the  pope's  library.  And  lately  in  France, 
the  archbishop  of  Rheims,  who  is  by  his  place  primate  of  the  Galilean  church, 
and  first  peer  of  the  whole  realm,  thought  it  an  honour  to  be  in  the  same  office, 
as  to  the  king's  library.  That,  therefore,  which  Ave  may  suppose  in  this  case, 
and  which  I  think  was  the  truth  of  the  matter,  is,  that  Demetrius  being  a  great 
scholar,  as  well  as  a  great  statesman  and  politician,  did,  on  his  coming  to  Ptolemy, 
put  him  upon  the  founding  of  the  museum  at  Alexandria,  for  the  advancement  of 
learning,  and  the  erecting  of  his  great  library  there  for  the  use  of  it,  and  that,  on 
his  prevailing  with  the  king  to  hearken  to  these  two  projects  of  his  proposal,  he 
undertook  the  charge  of  carrying  on  both  of  them  under  him.  How  this  great 
man  came  to  Ptolemy  hath  been  above  related  in  the  former  part  of  this  history. 
After  he  had  been  driven  out  of  Athens  by  the  prevailing  power  of  Demetrius," 
the  son  of  Antigonus,  he  retired  to  Cassander  his  friend,  and  lived  under  his 
protection  till  his  death;  but  after  that,  fearing  the  brutal  ferity  of  Antipater  his 
son,  who  had  murdered  his  own  mother,  he  withdrew  into  Egypt,  where  he 
was  received  with  great  favour  and  honour  by  King  Ptolemy  Soter,*  and  be- 
came his  chief  counsellor,  whom  he  advised  with  above  all  others  concerning 
his  most  important  affairs,  as  especially  he  did  in  the  matter  of  settling  the  suc- 
cession of  his  crown.  For  he  had  sons  by  two  wives,  who  were  then  both 
alive.  Eurydice,  the  daughter  of  Antipater,  and  Berenice,  an  inferior  Mace- 
donian lady,  who  came  into  Egypt  in  the  retinue  of  Eurydice,  but  having 
gotten  to  be  his  wife  also,  and  by  reason  of  her  beauty  gained  the  first  place  in 
his  affection,  and  the  greatest  ascendant  over  him,  she  prevailed  with  him  to 
disinherit  the  sons  of  Eurydice,  who  were  the  first-born,  and  place  the  crown 
on  the  head  of  Philadelphus  her  son,  as  hath  been  already  said.  Demetrius,  on 
Ptolemy's  proposing  this  to  him  for  his  advice,''  earnestly  dissuaded  him  from 
it,  being  moved  hereto,  not  only  by  what  he  thought  was  in  justice  due  to  the 
children  of  Eurydice,  by  reason  of  their  birthright,  but  also  by  the  affection 
which  he  bore  to  them,  for  the  sake  of  Cassander,  his  deceased  friend,  whose 

1  Apophthefrm.  Regum.  2  Diogenes  Laertius  in  Demetrio.    Plutarch,  in  Demet.    Poliorcete. 

3  Diogenes  Laertius,  ibid.    Cicero  de  Finibus,  lib.  5,    Strabo,  lib.  9.  398.    /Elisn.Pistor.  Var.  lib.3.  c.  17. 

4  Diogenes  Laertius  in  Demetrio. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  23 

sister  Eurydice  was.  This  exceedingly  provoked  Berenice,  and  her  son  Ptolemy 
Philadelphus,  against  him;  and  therefore,  when  he  came  to  be  king,  although 
he  expressed  not  his  displeasure  against  him  as  long  as  his  father  hved,  yet  he 
was  no  sooner  dead,  but  he  let  loose  all  his  wrath  against  him,  for  the  ill  otficea 
he  knew  he  had  endeavoured  to  do  him  in  respect  of  the  succession.  And 
therefore,  having  ordered  him  to  be  taken  into  custody,  he  sent  him  under  a 
strong  guard  to  a  remote  fortress  of  his  kingdom,  there  to  be  kept  in  prison,  tiU 
he  should  determine  what  farther  to  do  with  him.  But  in  the  interim,  being 
bitten  by  an  asp,  while  he  slept  in  prison,  he  there  died  of  it:'  and  so  ended  the 
life  of  this  great  man.  But  this  did  not  put  an  end  to  those  laudable  designs, 
which  he  had  put  Ptolemy  Soter  upon,  either  as  to  the  museum  or  the  library. 
For  King  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  carried  on  both  of  them,  especially  that  of  the 
library,  which  he  very  much  augmented.  And  his  successors  after  him  con- 
tinued to  do  the  same,  till  it  at  length  grew  up  to  the  bulk  I  have  mentioned. 

An.  283.  Ptolemy  Phihdelph.  2.] — After  the  death  of  Ptolemy,  two  of  Alex- 
ander's captains  still  survived,  Lysimachus  and  Seleucus.  But  they  in  their 
old  age  (being  each  of  them  about  eighty)  making  war  upon  each  other  opened 
thereby  a  way  to  both  their  destructions.  The  occasion  of  it  was  thus:  after 
Lysimachus  had  married  his  son  Agathocles  to  Lysandra,'^  one  of  Ptolemy's 
daughters,  he  took  another  of  them,  called  Arsinoe,  to  wife  to  himself,  and  had 
several  children  by  her.  Hereon  great  emulation  happened  between  the  two 
sisters,  each  striving  to  secure  the  best  interest  they  could  for  themselves  and 
famihes,  against  the  death  of  Lysimachus,  whenever  that  should  happen;  and 
they  being  sisters  by  different  mothers  (for  Lysandra  was  born  of  Eurydice,  and 
Arsinoe  of  Berenice,)  this  conduced  to  heighten  the  contention  that  was  be- 
tween them.  On  the  coming  of  Ptolemy  Ceraunus  to  the  court  of  Lysimachus, 
who  was  brother  to  Lysandra  by  both  parents,  Arsinoe  feared  his  conjunction 
with  Agathocles  and  Lysandra  might  make  them  too  strong  for  her,  and  enable 
them  to  destroy  her  and  her  children's  interest  on  the  death  of  Lysimachus, 
and  therefore  to  prevent  this,  she  plotted  the  death  of  Agathocles,  and  eifected 
it.  For  having  infused  jealousies  into  the  head  of  the  old  king  her  husband,  as 
if  Agathocles  were  laying  plots  against  his  hfe  and  crown,  she  induced  him  by 
these  false  accusations  to  cast  him  into  prison,  and  there  put  him  to  death. 
Hereon  Lysandra  with  her  children,  and  Ptolemy  Ceraunus  her  brother,  fled  to 
Seleucus,  and  excited  him  to  make  war  against  Lysimachus,  and  many  of  Ly- 
simachus's  captains  and  chief  followers  did  the  same.  For  revolting  from  him 
out  of  the  abhorrence  they  had  of  him  for  the  death  of  his  son,  and  other  cruel- 
ties, which  he  had  committed  upon  it,  they  went  over  to  Seleucus,  and  joined 
with  Lysandra,  for  the  persuading  of  Seleucus  to  this  war;  and  they  the  easier 
prevailed  herein,  because  on  other  accomits  he  was  then  of  himself  inclined  to  it. 

An.  282.  Ptolemy  Philadelph.  3.] — And  therefore  Seleucus  having  prepared  a 
great  army,  marched  with  it  out  of  the  east  into  Lesser  Asia,  and  having  there 
brought  all  under  him,  that  belonged  to  Lysimachus,  as  far  as  Sardis,  he  laid 
siege  to  that  city,^  and,  having  taken  it,  made  himself  master  of  all  the  treasure 
of  Lysimachus  that  was  laid  up  in  that  place. 

An.  28L  Ptolemy  Philadelph.  4.] — Lysimachus,  on  his  having  an  account  of 
this  invasion,  made  ready  an  army  to  repel  it,  and,  passing  over  the  Hellespont,'* 
came  to  a  battle  with  Seleucus  at  a  place  called  Corupedion  in  Phrygia,  in 
which  he  was  vanquished  and  slain;  whereby  Seleucus  became  master  of  all 
his  dominions.  But  that  which  most  pleased  him  was,  that  he  was  now  the 
survivor  of  all  Alexander's  captains,  and  had  made  himself  by  this  victory  the 
conqueror  of  the  conquerors,  and  in  this  he  much  vaunted  himself;  and  upon 
this  account  may  he  seem  to  have  acquired  the  best  title  to  the  name  of  Nicator 
(z.  e.  the  conqueror,)  though  he  had  assumed  it  before,  and  is  commonly  called 

1  Cicero  in  Oratione  pro  C.  Rabirio.  3  Justin,  lib.  17.    Appianis  in  Syriacis.    Pausanias  in  Atticis. 

3  Polyaenus,  lib.  4-  c.  9.  s.  4. 

4  Justin,  lib.  17.  c.  2.    Appian.  in  Syriacis.    Memnonis  Excerpta  apud  Fliotium,  c.  9.    Pausanias  iu  Alti- 
cis.    Orosius,  lib.  3.  c.  ^. 


Si  COYNEXIOX  OF  THE  HI5TORT  OF 

so  by  Insbimiis,  to  distmguish  him  £rom  otbeis  of  the  same  name  who  afier- 
vard  leisned  in  Syria. 

.Al  ^.  Ptolemy  Piilade^  5.] — ^Bot  this  tdmnj^  of  his  did  not  last  Icmg, 
far  within  seven  mondis  afber.*  as  he  was  marching  into  Macedonia  to  take  pos- 
aftssion  of  that  kin^kim,  where  he  purposed  to  pass  the  remainder  of  his  life, 
he  was  in  the  march  treacheroashr  dam  by  Pttdemy  Ceraunus,  whom  he  had 
received  with  great  kindness  into  his  coort  on  his  flight  thither,  and  there  main- 
tained him  in  a  jHincehr  manner,  and  carried  him  in  diis  espediticm.  with  pur- 
pose, on  having  finished  it  with  success,  to  have  employed  his  forces  for  the 
lesknng  c£  him  to  his  Other's  kingdcnn.  Bat  this  wicked  traitco-,  having  no 
sense  of  giatitade  lor  these  &voar?,  ctxispired  against  his  benefactor,  and  basely 
murdered  him.  Hie  manner  of  it  is  thus  told.  Selencus  having  passed  the 
^^le^iont  in  his  way  to  Macedcmia.  as  he  marched  c«i  from  thence  toward 
Ljsimacfaia  (a  city  which  Lydmachns  had  bnilt  near  the  isthmus  o(  the  Thra- 
cian  CheisonesosL)  he  topped  at  a  place  where  he  observed  an  old  altar  had 
been  elected,  and  being  told  that  it  was  called  Argos.  this  made  him  very  in- 
qnistive  aboot  it  For  he  had  been  warned,  it  seems,  by  an  c«acle,  to  have  a  care 
(rf  Aigos-  which  he  understood  <rf  the  city  of  Argos  in  PelopcHmesns.  But  while 
he  was  asking  several  qoesti(»s  about  it,  and  how  it  came  to  be  called  by  that 
name,  tibe  tiaitcx'  came  behind  him,  and  thrust  him  through,  and  then  setting  the 
amiT  tode<Jare  for  him,  seized  the  kingdom  of  Macedon.  Those  who  were  the 
sq1£«s  and  fitiends  c/Lysimadius,  loolong  oa  him  as  a  revenger  of  his  death,  on 
this  account  at  first  had  a  kind  liking  unto  him,  and  stack  by  him:  but  he  sochi 
gave  reason  to  make  them  otherwise  a&cted  to  him.  For  his  aster  Arsinoe,  with 
her  diildren  still  suniving,'  he  thought  himself  not  safe  in  the  possession  of  Ly- 
Braachos's  dominioos.  as  Inng  as  any  of  his  children  remained  alive,  and  there- 
fixe,  prefendkig  to  take  Ardnoe  to  be  his  wife,  and  to  adopt  her  two  sons  which 
die  hadbyLysimachns,  and  having  by  this  means  gotten  them  into  his  power,  he 
■rardeied  tiiiem  both  on  the  veiy  feast  c^  the  nuptials,  and  after  that  having 
stiqiped  Aisnoe  (tf  alldiat  she  had,  he  sent  herto  Samothracia.  into  banishment 
mdi  two  maids  only  to  wait  opm  her.  But  Providence  did  not  suSer  all  those 
wictednesses  to  go  kmg  unpunished. 

-fa.  279.  Ptolaof  PUkd^k.  6u] — Yog  the  next  year  ^ter,'  Ptcdemy  waging 
war  asainst  the  Gauls,  who  had  invaded  Macedonia,  he  was  taken  prisoner  in 
the  battle,  and  afterward,  on  being  known,  was  torn  by  them  in  pieces,  which 
was  a  death  he  suffiaently  deserved.  For  what  is  above  related  oi  him  folly 
Aam%  him  to  have  been  a  man  c^  most  perfidious  and  wicked  temper  oi  mind, 
and  the  knowledge  which  his  &tfaer  had  oi  this,  no  dotibt  was  that  which  most 
prevailed  with  hnn  to  esdude  him  ficm  tiie  snccessicMi  of  his  crown,  and  setde 
it  on  his  vounger  l»other.  After  Ms  death,  Aranoe  retired  into  Egypt  to 
PlolemT  Pli3ade^ha3  her  brother,  who  filing  in  love  with  her.  after  he  had 
divorced  another  Aisnoe,^  the  daughter  of  Lysimachos,'  whom  he  had  married 
immefiatelr  on  his  fir^  accessicn  to  die  throne,  took  the  sister  <^  this  to  be  his 
wile,  accoding  to  the  comqit  usage  of  the  Peirians  and  Egyptians,  who  from 
the  time  o£  Cambyses  had  these  incestuous  marriages  in  practice  ^maas  them: 
and  we  have  firequent  instances  of  it  among  die  Ptolemean  kings,  as  well  as 
amn^  those  that  socceeded  Cyras  in  the  kingdcna  d  Persia.  How  Cambyses 
first  gave  the  ill  exam|^  for  it,  hath  been  b^bre  related  in  the  former  part  erf" 
this  faistny.  The  reason  why  Ptidemy  divorced  Aianoe  his  first  wife,  was,  he 
had  convicted  her  of  being  in  a  plot  against  his  life.  For,  on  the  ctming  cf 
Aisnoe  his  ssler  to  him,  Arsinoe  the  wife  finding  that  he  was  fellen  in  love 
with  her.  and  tiiat  she  was  therein  neglected,  out  d  a  fdrious  jealotisy,  and 
pasaon  of  revenge  togethra-,  she  entoed  into  a  conspiracy  with  Chrysippas  her 
jJijBcian,  and  others,  to  cot  him  c4L     But  this  treascn  being  discovered,  she 

iStiijtift.   M  ■■■<!■  jygaceiTia  ayJrfcmiiWi,  c  IX   Pasuias  ia  Attiets. 
■  Eseeiyta  ayai  rkMiHi,  c  !»■ 

iKseofta,  c  12.    raaaaaoas  n  nnem.  EdoB  Diodori  StaH,  &.  SS. 
3  Pa«w«ag  ia  AnicM. 


THE  OLD  A3rD  HEW  TESTAMESST.  25 

\«U5  thereon  sent  into  the  Upper  £gypt  as  &r  as  the  ronfinf*  ot  Eduopia,  flieie 
to  end  her  days  in  banishmeni,  afier  dbe  had  iHoa^ithim  tvoacnsand  adai^g^ 
ter.  the  eldest*  of  whidi  was  tlol  FtokniT,  irfao,  by  the  name  cf  Eae^etes,  suc- 
ceeded him  in  the  throne.  And  aftn-  this  renK>val  of  her  was  it,  that  Plolexny 
toc^  the  other  Arsinoe,  his  si^er,  to  be  his  wife  in  her  stead.  And  ahfaoo^ 
she  was  now  pagt  child4>eaiing,  vet  she  had  such  eharrmx  to  oig^ige  his  afic- 
tioas,  that  he  nevo'  toc^  any  other  wife  as  long  as  he  fivied,  and  when  Ae  died 
did  not  hmg  sarvire  her.  Li  the  ^xstle,  wbidb,  according  Id  Aitstpa*,  TZIearar 
the  hi^h-priest  of  the  Jews  wrote  to  him,  she  is  nanked  as  his  qtieen  ssd 
his  sister. 

On  the  deaA  <^  Seleocos.*  Anfioclns,  aumamed  Soter,  his  son  ':~  A;  -~  3.. 
the  dvighterof  Artabazns,  a  Persiaii]adj,sacoeededhimin  tfaeen^i:        ..  .1. 
and  reigned  over  it  nin^e^i  years.    As  soon  as  he  had  heard  of  :. 
death,  and  secured  himself  o[  his  dcminioDS  in  the  east,  wfaexe  he  tl  ^  r 

sent  Patiocies,*  one  of  hb  geaenk,  with  an  army  orerMoiratTaant: 
Asia,  to  take  care  of  ins  affidis  m  those  parts.     On  his  first  amral  hr 
against  the  Heradeans,  a  cokny  of  the  Gieeks  lying  on  the  Enrrire  :^  t  1  .::  ~;.r 
country  of  Pontns,  and  then  a  polent  state.     But  raattexs  betweei.  :i.r  —    ;  t.z.r 
made  op  by  a  treaty,  he  turned  all  his  fecce  agamst  die  Kttji^i^;    is. :  .^- 
vaded  that  country:  but  hemg  drawn  into  a  snare  by  a  sLiaii^an  : :  :ir  rir  75. 
he  and  his  whole  army  were  diote  all  cutoff  to  a  man.     Zqistes      ,■  ■  _rz  -.z.r 
of  Bithynia,'  an  aged  prince  that  had  leigned  diere  fcf^-ei^:  jr :.:-    _z  1  ^  li 
then  seventy-six  years  old,  who  bong  overborne  with  the  joy  of  tiis  ncujcy, 
scon  aiier  died,  iearing  behind  him  four  sons,  the  eldest  of  irinch  ~i5  >"?:—?- 
des.  who  succeeding  him  in  the  kingdom,  to  secure  hiwwJf  ti 
forthwith  caused  two  of  his  biotheis  to  be  cut  a^  but  the  yoon^ 
Zipstes  horn  his  Other's  name,  *'«fTpf»g  his  power,  seized  on  5  :   :^ : 

fathers  dominions  and  th»e  maintained  a  long  war  with  zU  7-  -~ 

this  NiCMnedes  were  descended  the  Bithynian  kings,  of  -cr 
quent  mentiffli  in  dte  Itoman  bisforifs.    At  the  same  time  :^  :. 

his  brother,'  bein^  threaiened  with  anofther  finm  Aniiochui 
a  great  army,  to  be  reTeaged  of  him  for  the  deadi  of  Yatr: 
his  army  with  him.  he  called  in  the  Gauls  to  Ins  asasiance  r. 

was  it  that  the  Gauls  fir^  passed  into  Lesser  Aaa.     The  ~  :    __i 

expedition  of  diose  bafbarous  people  into  those  ■puts  is  th~: 

In  the  beginning  of  this  year,  it  being  (as  PoIybi~  f  "  .r 

after  Prrrhus's  first  passing  into  Italy/  tihe  Gauls  bti   , 

sent  out  a  Tast  number  o£  tb^  people  to  se^  &c  ^ 

dividing  themselres  into  three  companies,  took  three 

c<Hnpany.  imder  the  coounand  of  Br^mus  and  Acicl  J     . 

nonia.  the  coonrrr  now  called  Hungary.     The  seconi 
Cerethrius,  went  into  Thrace:  and  the  thud,  under  ' 
invaded  Dhrrimn  and  Maced-Toia:  and  by  these  last  i: 
nus  was  slain.     But  after  this  victory,  they  haviiLr 
plunder  the  country.  Sosthenes  a  Macedcmian,  gerirj 
advantage  of  this  discxder  to  i^  iqion  them,  an~ 
of  them  £»ced  the  rest  to  retreat  out  of  the  cour' 
company  came  into  Macedonia  in  dbeir  stead.     This  F : 
name  with  him  that  some  au?es  befere  sacked  Bo  ~f 
this  espediac>Q.  and  theretcee  was  one  of  die  ptir 
in?  of  the  drst  success  of  Belgias.  and  the  gres.: 
he  envied  him  the  plunder  of  so  rich  a  country,  s:.  r. 

I  Af>;B^  i*  S<rnaci&    EaseK  CkniaaeDA.  S  Xph  i^. 

4lhid.cl£.    Laru5,M.3B.  T  TfrMim   -f  "    "' 

S  Uh.l.|LC 

7  Faasuuas  IB  rVoQs.  JaEtis.  Ek.  31. 3.  VeMM«^  Ear;  - - 

aatteirttjfs  jsceaecteii  afl  Am  b  sm*  mAct  ttc  «■•  tte  faH:  _> 

(««T*r,  »a^  at  tlw?  «i»e  fw  Creece.  Mm  .<■■■  TlKaw-*ai:afc  AC^awa^  Jo^aaaiiA. 

YojuH.— 4 


26  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

thither  to  take  a  part  in  it;  which  resolution,  after  his  hearing  of  the  defeat  of 
Belgius,  he  was  much  more  eagerly  excited  to,  out  of  a  desire  of  being  revenged 
for  it.  What  became  of  Belgius  and  his  companions  is  not  said,  there  being 
after  this  no  more  mention  made  of  either.  It  is  most  likely  he  was  slain  in 
the  overthrow  given  by  Sosthenes,  and  that  his  company  after  that  joined  them- 
selves to  those  that  followed  Brennus.  But  however  this  matter  was,  Brennus 
and  Acichorius,  leaving  Pannonia,  marched  with  one  hundred  and  fifty  thousand 
foot,  and  one  thousand  five  hundred  horse,  into  Illyrium,  in  order  to  pass  from 
thence  into  Macedonia  and  Greece.  But  there  a  sedition  happening  in  the 
army,  twenty  tliousand  of  their  men  deserted  from  them,  and  under  the  com- 
mand of  Leonorius  and  Lutarius,  two  prime  leaders  in  this  expedition,  marched 
into  Thrace,  and  there  joining  those  whom  Cerethrius  had  led  there  before, 
seized  on  Byzantium  and  the  western  coasts  of  the  Propontis,  and  there  made 
all  the  adjacent  parts  tributary  to  them. 

An.  278.  Ptolemy  PhUadeJph.  7.] — However,  Brennus  and  Acichorius  were 
not  discouraged  by  this  desertion  from  proceeding  in  their  intended  expedition, 
but  having,  by  new  recruits,  raised  among  the  Illyrians,  as  well  as  by  others 
sent  them  from  Gallia,  made  up  their  army  to  the  number  of  one  hundred  and 
fifty-two  thousand  foot,  and  sixty-one  thousand  two  hundred  horse,  marched 
directly  with  them  into  Macedonia,  and  having  there  overborne  Sosthenes  with 
their  great  number,  and  ravaged  the  whole  country,  passed  on  to  the  Straits  of 
Thermopylae,  to  enter  through  them  into  Greece.  But,  on  their  coming  thither, 
they  were  stopped  for  some  time  by  the  forces  which  they  found  the  Grecians 
had  posted  there  for  the  guard  and  defence  of  that  pass,  till  they  were  shown 
the  same  way  over  the  mountains  by  which  the  forces  of  Xerxes  had  passed 
before;  whereon  the  guards  retiring  to  avoid  being  surrounded,  Brennus  marched 
on  with  the  gross  of  the  army  toward  Delphos,  to  plunder  the  temple  in  that 
city  of  the  vast  riches  which  were  there  laid  up,  ordering  Acichorius  to  follow 
after  with  the  remainder.  But  he  there  met  with  a  wonderful  defeat.  For, 
on  his  approaching  the  place,  there  happened  a  terrible  storm  of  thunder,  light- 
ning, and  hail,  which  destroyed  great  numbers  of  his  men,  and,  at  the  same 
time,  there  was  as  terrible  an  earthquake,  which,  rending  the  mountains  in 
pieces,  threw  down  whole  rocks  upon  them,  which  overwhelmed  them  by 
hundreds  at  a  time;  by  which  the  whole  army  being  dismayed,  they  were  the 
following  night  seized  with  such  a  panic  fear,  that  every  man  supposing  him 
that  was  next  to  him  to  be  a  Grecian  enemy,  they  fell  upon  each  other,  so  that, 
before  there  was  daylight  enough  to  make  them  see  the  mistake,  one  half  of 
the  army  had  destroyed  the  other.  By  all  this  the  Greeks,  who  were  now 
come  together  from  all  parts  to  defend  their  temple,  being  much  animated,  fell 
furiously  on  them;  and,  although  now  Acichorius  was  come  up  with  Brennus, 
yet  both  their  forces  together  could  not  stand  the  assault,  but  great  numbers  of 
them  were  slain  and  great  numbers  were  wounded;  and  among  these  last  was 
Brennus  himself,  who  had  received  several  wounds,  and  although  none  of  them 
were  mortal,  yet  seeing  all  now  lost,  and  the  whole  expedition  which  he  had 
been  the  author  of  thus  ending  in  a  dismal  ruin,  he  was  so  confounded  at  the 
miscarriage,  that  he  resolved  not  to  outlive  it.  And  therefore  calling  to  him  as 
many  of  the  chief  leaders  as  could  be  got  together  amidst  that  calamitous  hurry, 
he  advised  them  to  slay  all  the  wounded,  and  with  the  remainder  make  as  good 
a  retreat  backward  as  they  could;  and  then,  having  guzzled  down  as  much  wine 
as  he  could  drink,  he  run  himself  through,  and  died.  After  his  death,  Aci- 
chorius taking  on  him  the  chief  command,  made  as  good  a  retreat  as  he  could 
toward  Thermopylae,  in  order  to  repass  those  straits,  and  carry  back  what  re- 
mained of  this  broken  army  into  their  own  country;  but  being  to  make  a  long 
march  thither  all  the  way  through  enemies'  countries,  they  were,  as  they  passed, 
so  distressed  for  want  of  provisions,  which  they  were  every  where  to  fight  for, 
so  incommoded  at  night,  by  lodging  mostly  upon  the  ground  in  a  winter-season, 
and  in  such  manner  harassed  and  fallen  upon  wherever  they  came  by  the 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  27 

people  of  those  countries  through  which  the}"-  passed,  that  what  "^^ith  famine, 
cold,  and  sickness,  and  what  with  the  sword  of  their  enemies,  they  were  all 
cut  off  and  destroyed;  so  that  of  the  numerous  company  which  did  first  set  out 
on  this  expedition,  not  so  much  as  one  man  escaped  the  calamitous  late  of 
miserably  perishing  in  it.  Thus  was  God  pleased  in  a  very  extraordinary 
manner  to  execute  his  vengeance  upon  those  sacrilegious  wretches,  for  the  sake 
of  religion  in  general,  how  false  and  idolatrous  soever  that  particular  religion 
was,  for  which  that  temple  at  Delphos  was  erected.  For  to  believe  a  religion 
true,  and  offer  sacrilegious  violence  to  the  places  consecrated  to  the  devotion  of 
that  religion,  is  absolute  impiety,  and  a  sin  against  all  religion;  and  there  are 
many  instances  of  very  signal  judgments  with  which  God  hath  punished  it, 
even  among  the  worst  of  heathens  and  infidels,  and  much  more  may  they  ex- 
pect it,  who  having  the  truth  of  God  established  among  them,  shall  become 
guilty  thereof. 

In  the  interim,  Leonorius  and  Lutarius  parting  from  the  other  Gauls,  who 
had  settled  themselves  on  the  Propontis,  marched  down  to  the  Hellespont,  and 
seizing-  on  Lysimachia,  made  themselves  masters  of  all  the  Thracian  Chersone- 
sus;  but  there  another  sedition  arising  among  them,  the  two  commanders  part- 
ed their  forces,  and  separated  from  each  other;  Lutarius  continuing  on  the  Hel- 
lespont, and  Leonorius  with  the  greater  number  returned  again  to  Byzantium, 
from  whence  he  came. 

Jin.  277.  Ptolemy  Philadelph.  8.] — But  afterward  Leonorius  passing  the  Bos- 
phorus,  and  Lutarius  the  Hellespont  into  Asia,  they  both  there  again  united 
their  forces  by  a  neAv  confederacy,  and  jointly  entered  into  the  service  of  Ni- 
■comedes,  king  of  Bithynia,  who,  having  by  their  assistance,  the  year  following, 
conquered  Zipstes,  his  brother,  and  fixed  himself  thereby  in  the  thorough 
possession  of  all  his  father's  dominions,  he  assigned  them  that  part  of  Lesser 
Asia  to  dwell  in,  which  from  them  was  afterward  called  by  some  Gallo-Grsecia, 
and  by  others  Galatia;  which  last  name  afterward  obtaining  above  the  other, 
those  people,  instead  of  Gauls,  were  there  called  Galatians,  and  from  them 
were  descended  those  Galatians  to  whom  St.  Paul  wrote  one  of  his  canonical 
epistles. 

The  rest  of  those  Gauls  that  remained  in  Thrace  afterward  making  war  upon 
Antigonus  Gonatas,  who,  on  the  death  of  Sosthenes,  reigned  in  Macedonia, 
they  were  almost  all  cut  off  and  destroyed  by  him.  The  few  that  escaped 
either  passed  into  Asia,  and  there  joined  themselves  to  their  countrymen  in 
Galatia,  or  else  scattered  themselves  in  other  parts,  where  they  were  no  more 
heard  of.  And  thus  ended  this  terrible  inundation  of  those  barbarous  people, 
which  threatened  Macedonia,  and  all  Greece,  with  no  less  than  an  absolute 
destruction. 

Within  the  compass  of  this  year  Archbishop  Usher'  placeth  the  making  of 
that  Greek  translation  of  the  Hebrew  scriptures,  which  we  call  the  Septuagint. 
And  here  all  else  must  place  it,  who  with  him  believe  that  history  to  be  gen- 
uine, which  is  written  of  it  under  the  name  of  Aristeas,  and  will  hold  what  is 
consistent  with  it  herein.  For,  according  to  that  author,  they  cannot  place  it 
later,  because  then  it  would  not  fall  within  the  time  of  Eleazar,  who  is  therein 
said  to  have  been  the  high-priest  of  the  Jews,  that  sent  the  seventy-two  elders 
to  Alexandria  to  make  this  translation;  for  he  died  about  the  beginning  of  the 
next  year  after.  And  they  cannot  place  it  sooner,  because  then  it  would  be 
before  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  married  Arsinoe,  his  sister,  whom  Eleazar  in  his 
epistle,  which  that  author  makes  him  to  have  written  to  this  prince,  calls  his 
queen  and  his  sister.  Without  entering  into  long  critical  discourses  concerning 
this  translation,  I  shall  first  historically  relate  the  different  accounts  which  are 
given  of  it,  and  then,  as  briefly  as  I  can,  lay  down  that  which  appears  to  me 
to  be  the  truth  of  this  whole  matter. 

The  ancientest  account  we  have  hereof  is  from  a  book  still  extant,  under  the 

1  In  Aiinalibussub  A.  M.  3727. 


28  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

name  of  Aristeas,  which  is  professedly  written  to  give  us  the  whole  history  of  if. 
He  is  said  therein  to  have  been  a  prime  officer  in  the  guards  of  Ptolemy  Phila- 
delphus,  king  of  Egypt,  at  the  time  when  this  affair  was  transacted.  What  we 
are  told  of  it  by  him  is  as  followeth: — Ptolmey  Philadelphus,  king  of  Egypt, 
being  intent  on  making  a  great  library  at  Alexandria,  and  being  desirous  of  get- 
ting all  manner  of  books  into  it,  committed  the  care  of  this  matter  to  Deme- 
trius Phalereus,  a  noble  Athenian,  then  living  in  his  court,  directing  him  to  pro- 
cure from  all  nations  whatsoever  books  were  of  note  among  them.  Demetrius 
in  the  search  he  made  pursuant  to  these  orders,  being  informed  of  the  book  of 
the  law  of  Moses  among  the  Jews,  acquainted  the  king  hereof,  whereon  he 
signified  his  pleasure,  that  the  book  should  be  sent  for  from  Jerusalem  with  in- 
terpreters from  the  same  place  to  render  it  into  Greek;  and  ordered  him  to  lay 
before  him  in  writing  what  was  proper  to  be  done  herein,  that  accordingly  he 
might  send  to  the  high-priest  about  it.  Aristeas,  the  pretended  author  of  this 
History  of  the  Seventy-two  Interpreters,  Sosibius  of  Tarentum,  and  Andreas, 
three  nobles  of  King  Ptolemy's  court,  having  great  favour  for  the  Jews,  took 
this  opportunity  to  move  the  king  in  the  behalf  of  those  of  that  nation,  who 
had  been  taken  captive  by  King  Ptolemy  Soter  in  those  invasions  made  by  him 
upon  Judea  which  are  above  mentioned,  and  were  then  in  bondage  in  Egypt, 
telling  him,  that  it  would  be  in  vain  to  expect  from  the  Jews  either  a  true  copy 
of  their  law,  or  a  faithful  translation  of  it,  as  long  as  he  kept  so  many  of  their 
countrymen  in  slavery;  and  therefore,  they  proposed  to  him  first  to  release  all 
those  Jews,  before  he  should  send  to  Jerusalem  about  this  matter.  Hereon  the 
king  asked,  what  the  number  of  those  captive  Jews  might  be?  Andreas  an- 
swered, that  they  might  be  somewhat  above  one  hundred  thousand.  "  And 
do  you  think  (said  the  king)  that  this  is  a  small  matter  which  Aristeas  asketh?" 
To  this  Sosibius  replied.  That  the  greater  it  was,  the  more  it  w^ould  become  so 
great  a  king  to  do  it.  Whereon  King  Ptolemy  complying  with  the  proposal, 
published  a  decree  for  the  release  of  all  the  Jewish  captives  in  Egypt, 
and  ordered  twenty  drachms  a  head  to  be  paid  out  of  his  treasury  to  those 
that  had  them  in  servitude  for  the  price  of  their  redemption;  and  this  was 
computed  to  amount  to  four  hundred  talents,  which  shows  the  number  of 
the  redeemed  to  have  been  one  hundred  and  tAventy  thousand;  for  four  hun- 
dred talents,  at  twenty  drachms  a  head,  would  redeem  just  so  many. 
But  afterward  the  king  having  ordered  the  children  that  were  born  to  those 
Jews,  Avhile  in  their  servitude,  and  the  mothers  that  bore  them,  to  be  also  re- 
deemed, this  made  the  whole  expense  to  amount  to  six  hundred  and  sixy  talents; 
which  proves  the  whole  number  of  the  redeemed,  that  is,  men,  women,  and 
children,  to  have  amounted  to  one  hundred  and  ninety-eight  thousand:  for  so 
many  six  hundred  and  sixty  talents,  at  the  price  of  twenty  drachms  a  head 
"would  have  redeemed.  When  this  was  done,  Demetrius,  according  as  he  was 
ordered,  laid  before  the  king,  in  a  memorial,  the  whole  method  which  he 
thought  was  proper  to  be  followed  for  the  obtaining  from  the  Jews  the  book  of 
the  law  of  Moses,  which  he  desired.  What  he  proposed  in  this  memorial  was, 
that  a  letter  should  be  Avritten  to  Eleazar,  the  high-priest  of  the  Jews  at  Jerusa- 
lem, to  send  from  thence  a  true  c-opy  of  the  Hebrew  original,  and  with  it  six  out 
of  each  of  the  twelve  tribes  of  Israel,  to  translate  it  into  the  Greek  language. 
And,  according  to  this  proposal,  a  letter  was  written  in  the  king's  name  to  Elea- 
zar, the  high-priest,  to  send  the  book,  and  with  it,  for  the  rendering  of  it  into 
Greek,  six  elders  out  of  every  tribe,  which  he  should  judge  best  able  to  perform 
the  work.  And  Aristeas,  the  pretended  author  of  this  history,  and  Andreas 
above  mentioned,  were  sent  with  this  letter  to  Jerusalem;  who  carried  with  him 
also  from  the  king  several  gifts  for  the  temple,  in  money  for  sacrifices  there  to 
be  offered,  and  other  uses  of  the  sanctuary,  one  hundred  talents;  in  utensils  of 
silver  seventy  talents,  and  in  utensils  of  gold  fifty  talents,  and  precious  stones 
in  the  adornments  of  the  said  utensils,  of  five  times  the  value  of  the  gold.  On 
their  coming  to  Jerusalem,  they  were  received  with  great  respects  by  the  high- 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  29 

priest,  and  all  the  peoi^le  of  the  Jews,  and  had  all  readily  granted  them  what 
they  went  thither  for.  And  therefore  having  received  from  the  high-priest  a 
true  copy  of  the  law  of  Moses,  all  written  in  golden  letters,  and  six  elders  out 
of  every  tribe,  that  is  seventy-two  in  all,  to  make  a  version  of  it  into  the  Greek 
language,  they  returned  with  them  to  Alexandria.  On  their  arrival,  the  king 
calling  those  elders  to  his  court,  made  trial  of  them  by  seventy-two  questions 
proposed  to  them,  to  each  one  in  their  order;  and  from  the  answers  which  they 
made,  approving  of  their  wisdom,  he  gave  to  each  of  them  three  talents,  and 
sent  them  into  the  island  of  Pharus  adjoining  to  Alexandria,  for  the  performing 
of  the  work  Avhich  they  came  for:  where  Demetrius,  having  conducted  them 
over  the  Heptastadium  (a  bank  of  seven  furlongs  in  length,  which  joined  that 
island  to  the  continent)  into  a  house  there  provided  for  them,  they  forthwith 
betook  themselves  to  the  business  of  the  interpretation,  and  as  they  agreed  in 
the  version  of  each  period  by  common  conference  together,  Demetrius  wrote  it 
down;  and  thus,  in  the  space  of  seventy-two  days,  they  performed  the  whole 
work;  Avhereon  the  whole  being  read  over,  and  approved  of  in  the  king's  pre- 
sence, the  king  gave  to  each  of  them  three  rich  garments,  two  talents  in  gold, 
and  a  cup  of  gold  of  a  talent  weight,  and  then  sent  them  all  home  into  their 
own  country.     Thus  far  Aristeas. 

Aristobulns,  an  Alexandrian  Jew,  and  a  Peripatetic  philosopher,  is  the  next 
that  makes  mention  of  this  version.  He  flourished  in  the  one  hundred  and 
eighty-eighth  year  of  the  era  of  contracts  (that  is,  in  the  one  hundred  and 
twenty-fifth  year  before  Christ,)  for  then  a  letter  was  written  to  him  by  the  Jews 
of  Jerusalem  and  Judea,  as  we  have  it'  in  the  second  book  of  the  Maccabees.  This 
Aristobulus"''  is  said  to  have  written  a  comment  on  the  five  books  of  JNIoses,  and 
to  have  dedicated  it  to  King  Ptolemy  Philometer,  to  whom  he  had  been  precep- 
tor, and  therein  to  have  spoken  of  this  Greek  version  made  under  the  care  and 
direction  of  Demetrius  Phalereus,  by  the  command  of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus, 
king  of  Egypt.  The  book  is  not  now  extant.  All  that  remains  of  it  are  some 
few  fragments  quoted  by  Clemens  Alexandrinus''  and  Eusebius''  in  which  having 
asserted  that  Pythagoras,  Plato,  and  other  Grecians,  had  taken  most  of  their  phi- 
losophy from  the  Hebrew  scriptures,  to  make  this  seem  the  more  probable,  he 
tells  us,  those  scriptures  had  been  for  the  most  part  translated  into  Greek,  before 
the  times  of  Alexander  and  the  Persian  empire;  but  that  under  Ptolemy  Phila- 
delphus, a  more  perfect  translation  was  made  of  the  whole,  by  the  care  of 
Demetrius  Phalereus. 

The  next  that  makes  mention  of  this  version  is  Philo,  another  Alexandrian 
Jew,  who  was  contemporary  with  our  Saviour.  For  it  was  but  a  little  after  the 
time  of  his  crucifixion  that  he  was  sent  in  an  embassy  from  the  Jews  of  Alex- 
andria, to  Caius  Caesar  the  Roman  emperor.^  In  this  account  of  it  he  tells  us 
the  same  that  Aristeas  doth,®  of  King  Ptolemy  Philadelphus's  sending  to  Jeru- 
salem for  elders  to  make  this  version;  of  the  questions  jjroposed  to  them  on  the 
first  arrival,  for  the  trial  of  their  wisdom;  and  of  their  retiring  into  the  island 
of  Pharus,  for  the  accomplishing  of  this  work,  and  of  their  finishing  it  there,  in 
that  retirement;  and  thus  far  he  plainly  writes  after  Aristeas.  But  he  farther 
adds,  what  Aristeas  gives  him  no  foundation  for,  that  in  their  interpretations, 
they  all  so  exactly  agreed,  as  not  to  differ  so  much  as  in  a  word;  but  to  have 
rendered  every  thing  not  only  in  the  same  sense,  but  also  in  the  same  phrases 
and  words  of  expression,  so  as  not  to  vary  in  the  least  from  each  other,  through 
the  Avhole  work.  From  whence  he  infers,  that  they  acted  not  herein  as  com- 
mon interpreters,  but  as  men  prophetically  inspired  and  divinely  directed,  who 
had  every  word  dictated  to  them  by  the  Holy  Spirit  of  God  through  the  whole 
version.  And  he  adds  farther,  that  in  commemoration  of  this  work,  the  Jews 
of  Alexandria  kept  a  solemn  anniversary,  one  day  in  every  year,  when  they 

1  Chap.  1.  ver.  10.     Euseb.  Prsp.  Evang.  lib.  .3.  c.  JO. 

2  Euseb.  Prsp.  Evan?,  lib.  IS.  c.  12.    Clemens  Ale.x.  Strom,  lib.  1.  3  Strom,  lib.  1.  et  lib.  5. 

4  Canon  Chron.  p.  187.    Prap.  Evanjr.  lib.  7.  c.  13.  lib.  8.  c.  9.  lib.  13.  c.  12. 

5  Philo  de  Legatione  and  Caiuiu  Csesarem.  6  De  Vita  Mosis.  lib.  2. 


30  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

went  over  into  the  island  of  Pharus,  and  there  spent  that  day  in  feasting,  and 
rejoicing,  and  giving  praise  to  God  for  his  divine  assistance,  in  so  wonderful  a 
manner  given  by  liim  in  the  making  of  this  version. 

Josephus,  who  wrote  his  Antiquities  of  the  Jews  toward  the  end  of  the  first 
century  after  Christ,  agreeth  with  Aristeas  in  his  relation  of  this  matter,'  what 
he  writes  of  it  being  no  more  than  an  abridgement  of  that  author.  And  Euse- 
bius,  who  flourished  about  two  hundred  and  twenty  years  after  him,  doth  the 
same,*  giving  us  of  it  no  other  account  but  what  he  found  in  Aristeas,  and  is 
now  extant  in  him;  only,  as  to  Josephus,  it  must  be  acknowledged,  there  is  a 
variation  in  his  account  concerning  the  price  paid  by  Ptolemy  for  the  redemp- 
tion of  the  captive  Jews:  for  whereas  Aristeas  saith,  it  was  twenty  drachms  a 
head,  and  that  the  sum  total  amounted  to  six  hundred  and  sixty  talents;  Jose- 
phus lays  it  at  one  hundred  and  twenty  drachms  a  head,  and  the  sum  total  at 
four  hundred  and  sixty  talents;   in  all  other  things  they  exactly  agree. 

The  next  author  after  Josephus  who  makes  mention  of  this  version,  and  the 
manner  of  making  it,  was  Justin  Martyr,  a  Christian  writer,  who  flourished  in 
the  middle  of  the  second  century,^  about  one  hundred  years  after  Philo.  He 
having  been  at  Alexandria,  and  there  discoursed  with  the  Jews  of  that  place 
concerning  this  matter,  tells  us  what  he  found  there  related,  and  was  then  firmly 
believed  among  them  concerning  it.  Whereby  it  appears,  that  what  Philo  tells 
us  of  the  wonderful  agreement  of  the  interpreters,  in  the  making  of  that  ver- 
sion, was  much  farther  improved  by  his  time.  For  they  had  then  added  to  the 
story  distinct  cells  for  the  intei-preters,  and  the  fiction  of  their  being  shut  up  all 
in  them  apart  from  each  other,  one  in  each  cell,  and  of  each  of  them  therein 
making  a  distinct  version  by  himself,  and  all  agreeing  together  to  a  word,  on  the 
comparing  of  what  each  had  done;  which  the  good  man  swallowing  with  a 
thorough  credulity,  writes  of  it  in  the  words  following: — 

"  Ptolem}^''  king  of  Egypt,  having  a  mind  to  erect  a  library  at  Alexandria, 
caused  books  to  be  brought  thither  from  all  parts  to  fill  it;  and  being  informed, 
that  the  Jews  kept  with  great  care  ancient  histories  WTitten  in  the  Hebrew,  and 
being  desirous  to  know  what  these  writings  contained,  sent  to  Jerusalem  for 
seventy  learned  men,  who  understood  the  Hebrew  and  the  Greek  languages, 
and  ordered  them  to  translate  those  books;  and  to  the  end  they  might  be  the 
more  at  quiet  and  free  from  noise,  and  thereby  be  enabled  the  sooner  to  make 
this  translation,  he  would  not  have  them  stay  in  the  city,  but  caused  to  be  built 
for  them  in  the  island  of  Pharus,  seven  furlongs  from  Alexandria,  as  many  littie 
houses  or  cells  as  there  were  interpreters,  that  each  might  there  apart  by  him- 
self make  his  version.  And  he  enjoined  those,  who  served  them,  to  do  them 
all  sorts  of  good  offices,  but  to  prevent  their  conferring  together,  that  he  might 
know,  by  the  conformity  of  their  versions,  whether  their  translation  was  true 
and  exact.  And  finding  afterward,  that  these  seventy  persons  did  not  only 
agree  in  the  sense,  but  also  in  the  same  terms,  so  that  there  was  not  one  word 
in  any  one  of  their  versions  which  was  not  in  all  the  other,  but  that  they  all 
wrote,  word  for  word,  the  same  expressions,  he  was  surprised  with  admiration, 
and  not  doubting  but  that  this  version  was  made  by  the  Spirit  of  God,  he  heap- 
ed honours  upon  the  interpreters,  whom  he  looked  on  as  men  dear  unto  God, 
and  sent  them  home  laden  with  presents  to  their  own  country.  And,  as  to  the 
books,  he  received  them  with  that  veneration  which  was  due  to  them,  looked 
on  them  as  divine  books,  and  placed  them  in  his  library."  And  then  the  holy 
man  adds,  for  the  confirming  of  this  story,  which  he  himself  thoroughly  be- 
lieved as  true:  "  These  things,  which  we  now  relate  unto  you,  O  Greeks,  are 
not  fables  and  feigned  stories.  For  we  ourselves,  having  been  at  Alexandria, 
did  there  see  the  ruins  of  those  little  houses,  or  cells,  in  the  island  of  Pharus, 
there  still  remaining;  and  what  we  now  tell  you  of  them  we  had  from  the  in- 

1  Antiq.  lib.  12.  r.  2.  2  Eisf^h.  Prsfip.  Evang.  lib.  8.  c.  2—5. 

:!  lilt  wrote  his  first  Apolopiy  for  tlie  CliristiaFis,  A.  D.  140. 
4  Coliort.  ad  Gentes,  p.  14. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  31 

habitants  of  the  place,  who  had  received  it  from  their  forefathers  by  undoubted 
tradition."  And  in  another  place/  he  saith  of  the  same  matter;  "  When  Ptole- 
my king  of  Egypt  was  preparing  a  library,  in  which  he  purposed  to  gather  to- 
gether the  writings  of  all  men,  having  heard  of  the  writings  of  the  prophets 
among  the  Jews,  he  sent  to  Herod,  then  king  of  the  Jews,  to  desire  him  to 
transmit  to  him  those  books  of  the  prophets.  Whereon  King  Herod  sent  them 
imto  him,  written  in  the  Hebrew  language.  But  whereas  those  books,  as  writ- 
ten in  this  language,  were  wholly  unintelligible  to  the  Egyptians,  he  sent  a  se- 
cond time  to  Herod  to  desire  him  to  send  interpreters  to  translate  them  into  the 
Greek  language;  which  being  done,  these  books  thus  translated,  are  still  re- 
maining among  the  Egyptians,  even  to  this  day,  and  copies  of  them  are  now 
in  the  hands  of  the  Jews,  in  all  places  wheresoever  they  are." 

Irenaeus,*  Clemens  Alexandrinus,^  Hilary,*  Austin,*  Cyril  of  Jerusalem,^  Phi- 
lastrius  Brixiensis,^  and  the  generality  of  the  ancient  fathers  that  lived  after 
Justin,  follow  him  in  this  matter  of  the  cells,  and  the  wonderful  agreement  of 
all  the  versions  made  in  them.  And  some  also  of  the  moderns  are  zealous  con- 
tenders for  the  truth  of  this  story,  being  fond  of  a  miracle  which  would  so  much 
conduce  to  the  confirming  of  the  divine  authority  of  the  holy  scriptures  against 
all  gainsayers;  and  it  is  much  to  be  wished,  that  it  were  built  upon  such  autho- 
rity as  would  not  admit  of  any  of  those  objections  which  are  urged  against  it. 

By  the  time  of  Epiphanius,  who  was  made  bishop  of  Salamine,  in  Cyprus, 
A.  D.  368,  false  traditions  had  farther  corrupted  this  story.  For  he  gives  a  re- 
lation of  the  matter  which  diifers  from  that  of  Justin,  as  well  as  of  Aristeas,  and 
yet  he  quotes  Aristeas  even  in  those  particidars  which  he  relates  otherwise  than 
that  author  doth;  which  shows,  that  there  was  another  Aristeas  in  his  time, 
different  from  that  which  we  now  have,  though  it  be  plain,  that  the  author 
which  is  now  extant  with  us  under  that  name  is  certainly  the  same  which  Jo- 
sephus  and  Eusebius  used.  What  Epiphanius  writes  hereof  would  be  too  long 
to  be  all  here  inserted.  The  sum  of  it  is,  that  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,*  designing 
to  make  a  library  at  Alexandria,  sent  to  all  countries  to  procure  copies  of  their 
books  to  put  into  it,  and  committed  it  to  the  care  of  Demetrius  Phalereus  to 
manage  this  whole  matter;  by  whom  being  informed  of  the  books  of  the  holy 
scriptures,  which  the  Jews  then  had  at  Jerusalem,  he  sent  an  embassy  thither, 
with  a  letter  to  the  high-priest  to  procure  a  copy  of  the  said  books.  That  hereon 
the  Jews  sent  twenty-two  canonical  books,  and  sevent3'-two  apocryphal,  all 
written  in  Hebrew.  But  Ptolemy  not  being  able  to  read  them  in  that  language, 
he  sent  a  second  embassy  to  Jerusalem  for  interpreters  to  make  a  version  of 
them  into  Greek:  for  which  purpose  a  second  letter  was  written  to  the  high- 
priest;  and  that  the  Jews,  on  the  receipt  of  this  last  letter,  sent  him  seventy- 
two  interpreters,  six  chosen  out  of  every  tribe,  who  made  the  version  according 
as  was  desired.  The  manner  in  which  he  saith  this  was  done  wiU  best  appear 
from  his  own  words:  they  are  as  follow: — "  The  seventy- two  interpreters  were 
in  the  island  of  Pharus"  (which  lieth  over  against  Alexandria,  and  in  respect  of 
it  is  called  the  Upper-land,)  shut  up  in  thirty-six  little  houses,  or  cells,  by  two 
and  two  in  a  cell,  from  morning  till  night,  and  were  every  night  carried  in 
thirty-six  boats,  to  King  Ptolemy's  palace,  there  to  sup  with  him,  and  then 
were  lodged  in  thirty-six  bed-chambers,  by  two  and  two  in  a  chamber,  that 
they  might  not  confer  together  about  the  said  version,  but  make  it  faithfully 
according  to  Avhat  appeared  to  them  to  be  the  true  meaning  of  the  text.  For 
Ptolemy  built  in  that  island  over  against  Alexandria  those  thirty-six  cells, 
which  I  have  mentioned  of  that  capacity,  as  that  they  were  sufficient  to  con- 
tain each  of  them  two  of  the  said  interpreters;  and  there  he  did  shut  them  up 
by  two  and  two,  as  I  have  said,  and  two  servants  with  them  in  each  cell,  to 
provide  them  with  food,  and  minister  unto  them  in  all  things  necessary,  and 

1  Apologia  secunda  proChristianis.  2  Adversus  Haereses,  lib.  3.  cap.  15.  3  Strom,  lib.  1. 

4  In  Psalm  ii.  5  De  Civitate  Dei,  lib.  18.  c.  43.  6  Catechism.  4.  p.  37.  7  Hieres.  90. 

8  Epiphanius  in  libro  de  Pouderibus  et  Mensuris.  9  Ibid,  p,  161. 


32  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

also  writers,  to  write  down  the  versions  as  they  made  them.  To  these  cells  he 
made  no  windows  in  the  walls,  but  only  opened  for  them  above  such  lights  in 
the  roofs  of  the  said  cells  as  we  call  skylights.  And  thus  continuing  from  morn- 
ing till  night,  there  closely  shut  up,  they  made  the  version  in  manner  as  foUow- 
eth: — ^To  each  pair  of  interpreters  one  book  was  given;  as,  for  example,  the 
book  of  Genesis  was  given  to  one  pair,  the  book  of  Exodus  to  another  pair,  the 
book  of  Leviticus  to  a  third,  and  so  of  all  the  rest,  a  book  to  each  pair  in  their 
order;  and  in  this  manner  all  the  twenty-seven  books  above  mentioned,  which 
are  now,  according  to  the  number  of  the  Hebrew  letters,  reduced  to  twenty-two, 
were  translated  out  of  the  Hebrew  into  the  Greek  language."  And  then,  a  little 
after,  he  farther  saith:  "And  therefore  these  twenty-seven  books,'  now  num- 
bered to  be  twenty -two,  with  the  Psalter,  and  what  is  annexed  to  Jeremiah,  that 
is,  the  Lamentations,  and  the  Epistles  of  Baruch  (though  those  epistles  are  not 
foimd  in  the  Hebrew  Canon  of  the  holy  scriptures;  for  in  that  the  Lamenta- 
tions only  are  annexed  to  Jeremiah,)  were  in  this  manner  distributed  among 
the  thirty-six  pairs  of  interpreters,  and  afterward  were  sent  every  one  of  them 
round  to  them,  that  is,  from  the  first  pair  to  the  second,  and  from  the  second  to 
the  third,  and  so  on,  tiU  each  book  had  been  translated  into  Greek  once  by  each 
pair,  and  the  whole  of  it  by  all  of  them  thirty-six  times,  as  common  tradition 
reports  the  matter;  and  to  them  were  added  twenty-two  apocryphal  books.  And 
when  all  was  finished,  the  king,  sitting  on  high  on  hi^  throne,  thirty-six  readers 
came  before  him  with  the  thirty-six  translations,  and  another  reader  stood  there 
also,  who  had  the  original  Hebrew  copy  in  his  hand;  and,  while  one  of  those 
readers  did  read  his  copy  aloud,  the  rest  diligently  attended,  and  went  along 
with  him,  reading  to  themselves  in  their  copies,  and  examining  thereby  what  was 
written  in  them:  and  no  variety  or  difference  was  found  in  any  one  of  them." 
Thus  far  having  given  an  account  of  all  that  is  related  by  the  ancients  con- 
cerning the  manner  of  the  making  this  version,  which  we  call  the  Septuagint, 
I  shaU  now  lay  dow^n  what  appears  to  me  to  be  the  truth  of  the  whole  matter 
of  these  following  positions. 

I.  That  there  was  a  translation  of  the  Hebrew  scriptures  into  Greek,  made  in 
the  time  that  the  Ptolemies  reigned  in  Egypt,  is  not  to  be  doubted:  for  we  still 
have  the  book,  and  it  is  the  same  which  was  in  use  in  our  Saviour's  time;  for 
most  of  those  passages  which  the  holy  penmen  of  the  New  Testament  do,  in 
the  Greek  original  of  it,  quote  out  of  the  Old  Testament,  are  now  found  verba- 
tim in  this  version.  And,  since  the  Egyptian  princes  of  the  Ptolemean  race 
were  so  fond,  as  the  writers  of  those  times  tell  us,  of  replenishing  their  library 
at  Alexandria  with  all  sorts  of  books,  there  is  no  reason  but  to  believe,  that  a 
copy  of  this  translation,  as  soon  as  it  was  made,  was  put  into  it. 

II.  The  book  going  under  the  name  of  Aristeas,  which  is  the  groundwork 
and  foundation  of  all  that  is  said  of  the  manner  of  making  this  translation,  by 
seventy-two  elders  sent  from  Jerusalem  to  Alexandria  for  this  purpose,  in  the 
time  of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  is  a  manifest  fiction,  made  out  of  design  thereby 
to  give  the  greater  authority  to  this  translation.  The  Jews,  after  their  return 
from  the  Babylonish  captivity  to  the  time  of  our  Saviour,  were  much  given  to 
religious  romances,  as  appears  from  their  apocryphal  books  still  extant,  many  of 
which  are  of  this  sort;  and  that  the  book  which  we  now  have  under  the  name 
of  Aristeas  was  such  a  romance,  and  written  by  some  Hellenistical  Jew,  plainly 
appears  from  these  following  reasons.     For, 

1.  The  author  of  that  book,  though  pretended  to  be  a  heathen  Greek,  every 
where  speaks  as  a  Jew,  and  delivers  himself  in  all  places,  where  he  makes  men- 
tion either  of  God  or  the  Jewish  religion,  in  such  terms  as  none  but  a  Jew  could; 
and  he  brings  in  Ptolemy,  Demetrius,  Andreas,  Sosibius,  and  othei-s,  speaking 
after  the  same  manner,  which  clearly  proves,  that  no  Aristeas,  or  heathen  Greek, 
but  some  Hellenistical  Jew  under  his  name,  was  the  author  of  that  book. 

2.  He  makes  Ptolemy  advance  an  incredible  sum  of  money  for  the  obtaining 

1  Epiphaniusin  librode  Poiideribus  etMensuris,  p.  J63. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  33 

of  this  version.  For,  according  to  him,  Ptolemy  expended,  in  redeeming  the 
captive  Jews  that  were  in  his  kingdom,  six  hundred  and  sixty  talents;  in  ves- 
sels of  silver  sent  to  the  temple,  seventy  talents;  'in  vessels  of  gold,  tifty  talents; 
and  in  precious  stones  to  adorn  and  embellish  these  vessels,  to  the  value  of  five 
times  the  gold,  that  is,  two  hundred  and  fifty  talents;  in  a  gift  for  sacrifices,  and 
other  uses  of  the  temple,  a  hundred  talents;  and  then  he  gave  to  each  of  the 
seventy-two  interpreters,  at  their  first  coming,  three  talents  a  piece  in  silver, 
that  is,  two  hundred  and  sixteen  talents  in  the  whole;  and  lastly,  to  each  of 
them,  at  their  parting,  two  talents  in  gold,  and  a  gold  cup  of  a  talent  weight; 
all  which  put  together  make  in  the  sum  total,  one  thousand  and  forty-six  talents 
of  silver,  and  five  hundred  and  sixteen  talents  in  gold,  which  being  reduced  to 
our  sterling  money,  amounts  to  one  million  nine  hundred  and  eighteen  thousand 
five  hundred  and  thirty-seven  pounds  ten  shillings;'  and,  if  we  add  hereto  the 
value  of  other  gifts,  which  according  to  Aristeas  were  bestowed  on  these  seven- 
ty-two elders  by  the  bounty  of  the  king,  and  the  charges  which  it  cost  him  in 
fetching  them  to  Alexandria,  maintaining  them  there,  and  sending  them  back 
again  to  Jerusalem,  this  may  be  computed  to  mount  that  sum  to  near  two  mil- 
lions sterling,  which  may  well  be  I'eckoned  to  be  above  twenty  times  as  much 
as  that  whole  library  was  ever  worth.  And  who  can  then  believe  that  this  nar- 
rative, which  makes  Ptolemy  expend  so  much  for  one  single  book  in  it,  and 
which  neither  he  nor  any  of  his  court,  as  long  as  they  continued  heathens, 
could  have  any  great  value  for,  can  be  a  true  and  genuine  history? 

3.  The  questions  proposed  to  the  seventy-two  inteipreters,  and  their  answers 
to  them,  manifestly  carry  with  them  the  air  of  fiction  and  romance.  If  it  should 
appear  likely  to  any  (as  I  confess  it  doth  not  unto  me,)  that  Ptolemy  should 
trouble  himself  to  propose  to  them  such  questions,  he  must  be  a  person  of  great 
credulity,  that  will  believe  those  answers  to  have  been  given  extempore  to  them. 
Whoever  will  judge  rationally  of  this  matter,  must  necessarily  acknowledge 
that  they  were  framed  by  artifice  and  premeditation  to  the  questions,  and  that 
both  were  the  inventions  of  him  that  made  the  book. 

4.  The  making  of  seventy-two  elders  to  be  sent  to  Alexandria  from  Jerusa- 
lem on  this  occasion,  and  these  to  be  chosen  by  six  out  of  every  tribe,  by  the 
advice  of  Demetrius  Phalereus,  all  looks  like  a  Jewish  invention,  framed  with 
respect  to  the  Jewish  Sanhedrin,  and  the  number  of  the  twelve  tribes  of  Israel; 
it  not  being  likely,  that  Demetrius,  a  heathen  Greek,  should  know  any  thing  of 
their  twelve  tribes,  or  of  the  number  of  the  seventy-tAvo  elders,  of  which  their 
Sanhedrin  did  consist.  The  names  of  Israel,  and  the  twelve  tribes,  were  then 
absorbed  in  that  of  the  Jews,  and  few  knew  of  them  in  that  age  by  any  other 
appellation.  Although  some  of  the  other  tribes  joined  themselves  to  the  Jews, 
on  their  return  from  the  Babylonish  captivity,  as  I  have  before  observed,  and 
thereby  the  names  of  those  tribes  might  still  be  preserved  amongst  their  de- 
scendants; yet,  it  is  not  to  be  supposed  that  all  were  so,  but  that  some  of  the 
names  of  those  other  tribes  were  wholly  lost,  and  no  more  in  being,  in  the  time 
of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  and  that  therefore  no  such  choice  could  then  be  made 
out  of  them  for  the  composing  of  this  version.  But,  if  it  were  otherwise,  yet 
that  there  should  be  six  of  every  tribe,  or  indeed  seventy-two  of  the  whole  na- 
tion, then  living  in  Judea,  fully  qualified  for  this  work,  seems  by  no  means  likely. 
Till  the  time  of  Alexander  the  Great,  the  Jews  had  no  communication  with  the 
Greeks,  and  from  his  having  been  at  Jerusalem  (from  which  time  only  this 
communication  first  began)  there  had  now  passed  only  fifty-five  years.  During 
this  time,  no  doubt,  some  of  them  might  have  learnt  the  Greek  tongue,  especially 
after  so  many  of  them  had  been  planted  by  Ptolemy  at  Alexandria,  and  by  Se- 
leucus  at  Antioch,  in  both  which  cities  the  prevailing  number  of  the  inhabit- 
ants were  of  the  Greek  nation.  But  that  six  of  every  tribe  should  then  be 
found  thus  skilful  in  the  land  of  Judea,  where  there  was  then  no  reason  for 

1  That  is,  computiiiRthPSC  talents  by  Attic  talents,  and  i-nltiingthoin  acrnrriiiis  tn  Dr.  Bprnard.  If  tliey  be 
computed  bv  the  tsltMits  of  Alexandria,  whore  the  scuiieof  action  is  laid,  they  will  aoiount  to  twice  as  mucb. 

Vol.  II.— 5 


34  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

them  to  learn  this  language,  is  not  to  be  imagined.  But  this  is  not  aU  the  diffi- 
culty of  the  matter.  Those  who  were  to  do  this  work  must  have  been  thoroughly- 
skilled  also  in  the  Hebrew,  which  was  the  language  of  the  original  text,  as  well 
as  in  the  Greek,  into  which  they  were  to  translate  it.  But  at  this  time  the  He- 
brew was  no  longer  among  them  their  common  speech.  The  Chaldee,  since 
their  return  from  Chaldea,  was  become  their  mother  tongue,  and  the  knowledge 
was  thenceforth  confined  only  to  the  learned  among  them:  and  those  learned 
men  being  such  as  taught  and  governed  the  people  at  home,  they  had  no  op- 
portunity, by  converse  with  the  Greeks,  to  learn  their  language,  nor  indeed  had 
they  any  occasion  for  it.  So  that,  for  the  making  out  of  this  story,  we  must 
suppose,  1st,  That  there  were  many  of  every  tribe  of  Israel  then  living  in  Judea; 
2dly,  That  there  were  several  in  each  of  these  tribes  well  learned  in  the  He- 
brew text;  and  3dly,  That  there  were  in  each  of  them,  of  this  last  sort,  so  many 
thoroughly  skilled  in  the  Greek  language,  as  that  out  of  them  a  choice  might 
be  made  of  six  for  each  tribe  fully  qualified  for  this  work;  each  particular  hereof 
at  this  time  seems  utterly  improbable;  but  the  whole  doth  much  more  so,  when 
all  is  put  together. 

5.  Neither  can  any  probable  reason  be  given,  why  seventy-two  should  be 
sent  from  Jerusalem  to  Alexandria  for  this  purpose,  when  seven  were  more  than 
enough  for  the  work.  Some  of  the  ancientest  of  the  Talmudists  say,  that  there 
were  only  five  that  were  employed  in  it;'  and  this  is  by  much  the  more  likely  of 
the  two. 

6.  There  are  several  particulars  in  this  book  which  cannot  accord  with  the 
histories  of  those  times.  1st,  In  none  of  them  is  there  any  mention  of  the  vic- 
tory which  Aristeas  makes  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  to  have  obtained  against  Anti- 
gonus  at  sea.  If  by  this  Antigonus  he  means  Antigonus  the  father  of  Demetrius 
Poliorcetes,  he  was  dead  seventeen  years  before  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  was  king 
of  Egypt;  and  if  he  means  the  son  of  that  Demetrius,  called  Antigonus  Gona- 
tus,  who  reigned  in  Macedon,  there  is  no  author  who  speaks  of  any  such  victory 
obtained  by  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  over  him.  And  2dly,  Whereas  Menedemus 
the  philosopher  is  said  in  this  author  to  have  been  present,  when  the  seventy- 
two  interpreters  answered  the  questions  proposed  to  them  by  Ptolemy,  it  is 
manifest,  by  what  is  written  of  him  by  authors  of  undoubted  credit,  that  he 
could  not  have  been  at  this  time  in  Egypt,  if  he  were  then  alive,  which  it  is  most 
likely  he  was  not.^  But,  3dly,  What  doth  evidently  convict  of  falsity  this  whole 
story  of  Aristeas  is,  that  he  makes  Demetrius  Phalereus  to  be  the  chief  actor  in 
it,  and  a  great  favourite  of  the  king's  at  this  time;  whereas  he  was  so  far  from 
being  in  any  favour  with  him,  that  none  was  more  out  of  it,  or  was  likely  to  be 
trusted  or  employed  in  any  matter  by  him,  and  that  for  good  reason.  For  he 
had  earnestly  dissuaded  Ptolemy  Soter  his  father  from  settling  the  crown  upon 
him;  for  which  reason  Philadelphus^  looking  on  him  as  his  greatest  enemy,  as 
soon  as  his  father  was  dead  (under  whose  favour  he  had  till  then  been  protect- 
ed,) he  cast  him  into  prison,  where  he  soon  after  died,  in  the  manner  as  hath 
been  already  related,  and  therefore  he  could  bear  no  part  in  the  transacting  of 
this  matter. 

Many  other  arguments  there  are  Avhich  prove  the  spuriousness  of  this  book. 
They  who  would  farther  examine  hereinto,  may  read  what  hath  been  written 
of  it  by  Du-Pin,^  Richard  Simon  the  Frenchman,^  and  by  Dr.  Hoddy,  the  late 
worthy  professor  of  the  Greek  language  at  Oxford;  whose  account  of  this,  and 
other  matters  relating  to  the  holy  scriptures,  in  his  learned  and  accurate  book, 
De  Bibliorum  Textibus  Originalibus,  Versionibus  Grsecis  et  Latina  Vulgata,  is 
very  worthy  of  any  man's  reading. 

III.  As  to  Aristobulus,  what  he  saith  of  this  version's  being  made  by  the  com- 

1  Tract.  Sopherim,  c.  1. 

2  It  appears,  by  whiit  is  written  of  him  by  Diogenes  Laertius,  lib.  2,  that  he  died  soon  after  the  end  of  the 
Gallic  war  in  Greece,  being  very  aged  at  the  time  of  his  death. 

3  Diogenes  Laertius  in  Vita  Demetri  Phalerei. 

4  History  of  the  Canon  and  W^riters  of  the  Books  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  part.  1.  c.  6.  s.  3. 

5  Critical  History  of  the  Old  Testament,  book  2.  c.  2. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  35 

mand  of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  and  under  the  care  and  direction  of  Demetrius 
Phalereus,  is  no  more  than  what  is  taken  out  of  Aristeas;  that  book,  it  seems, 
having  been  forged  before  his  time,  and  then  gotten  into  credit  among  the  Jews 
of  Alexandria,  when  he  took  this  out  of  it.  For  the  one  hundred  and  eighty- 
eighth  year  of  the  era  of  contracts,  the  time  in  which  he  is  said  to  flourish,'  be- 
ing one  hundred  and  fifty-two  years  after  that  in  which  we  place  the  making  of 
this  version,  that  was  long  enough  for  this  fiction  concerning  it  to  have  been 
formed,  and  also  to  have  grown  into  such  credit  among  the  Jews  as  to  be  be- 
lieved by  them.  For  if  we  allow  one  hundred  years  for  the  former,  that  is,  for 
the  framing  of  this  fiction,  by  that  time  all  persons  might  have  been  dead,  and 
all  things  forgotten,  that  might  contradict  it;  and  fifty-two  years  aiter  might  have 
been  sufficient  for  the  latter,  that  is,  for  its  growing  into  the  credit  of  a  true  his- 
tory among  the  Jews.  As  to  other  things  related  of  this  Aristobulus,  that  is,  that 
he  was  preceptor  to  the  king  of  Egypt,  and  that  he  wrote  commentaries  on  the 
five  books  of  Moses,  and  dedicated  them  to  Ptolemy  Philometor,  they  are  all 
justly  called  in  question  by  learned  men.  As  to  his  being  King  Ptolemy's  mas- 
ter, this  is  said  of  him  (2  Maccab.  i.  10,)  in  the  one  hundred  and  eighty-eighth 
year  of  the  era  of  contracts,  when  it  was  by  no  means  likely  he  could  have  been 
in  that  office:  for  the  Ptolemy  that  then  reigned  in  Egypt  was  Ptolemy  Physcon; 
and  the  one  hundred  and  eighty-eighth  year  of  the  era  of  contracts,  was  the 
twenty-first  year  of  his  reign,*  and  the  fifty-sixth  after  his  father's  death;  and 
therefore  he  must  then  have  been  about  sixty  years  old,  if  not  more;  which  is 
an  age  past  being  under  the  tuition  of  a  master.  If  it  be  said  he  might  still  re- 
tain the  title,  though  the  office  had  been  over  many  years  before,  the  reply 
hereto  will  be,  that  he  must  then  have  been  of  a  very  great  age,  when  mentioned 
with  this  title;  for  men  use  not  to  be  made  tutors  to  princes,  till  of  eminent  note, 
and  of  mature  age;  forty  is  the  least  we  can  suppose  him  of,  when  appointed  to 
this  office,  if  he  ever  was  at  all  in  it:  and  supposing  he  was  first  called  to  it, 
when  Ptolemy  Physcon  was  ten  years  old,  he  must  have  been  ninety  at  least  at 
the  time  when  this  title  was  given  him  in  the  place  above  cited.  And  if  he 
had  been  preceptor  to  Ptolemy  Physcon,  how  it  came  to  pass  that  he  should 
dedicate  his  book  of  commentaries  on  the  law  of  Moses  to  Ptolemy  Philometor, 
who  reigned  before  Physcon?  If  any  such  book  had  been  at  all  made  by  him,  it 
is  most  likely  that  he  would  have  dedicated  it  to  that  Ptolemy,  who  had  been 
his  pupil,  and  not  unto  the  other,  whom  he  had  no  such  especial  relation  to. 
And  as  to  what  he  is  said  to  have  written  in  these  commentaries,  of  their  hav- 
ing been  a  Greek  version  of  the  law  before  that  of  the  Septuagint,  and  that  the 
Greek  philosophers  borrowed  many  things  from  thence,  it  looks  all  like  fiction. 
The  light  of  reason,  or  else  ancient  traditions,  might  have  led  them  to  the  say- 
ing of  many  things,  especially  in  moral  matters,  which  accord  with  what  is 
found  in  the  writings  of  Moses;  and,  if  not,  yet  there  were  other  ways  of  com- 
ing at  them  without  such  a  version.  Converse  with  the  Jews  might  suffice  for 
it,  and  particular  instruction  might  be  had  from  some  of  their  learned  men  for 
this  purpose;  and  such,^  Clearchus  tells  us,  Aristotle  had  from  a  learned  Jew  in 
the  Lower  Asia.  That  there  ever  was  such  a  version,  no  other  writing  besides 
these  fragments  quoted  from  Aristobulus  do  make  the  least  mention.  Neither 
is  it  likely  that  there  should  ever  have  been  any  such:  for  till  the  Jews  settled 
among  the  Greeks  at  Alexandria,  and  there  learned  their  language,  and  forgot 
their  own  (which  was  not  done  till  some  time  after  the  death  of  Alexander,) 
there  was  no  use  of  such  a  Greek  version  of  the  law  among  them.  And,  if  it 
had  thus  been  translated  before,  what  need  was  there  of  having  it  done  again 
in  the  reign  of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus?  All  these  things  put  together  create  a 
suspicion  among  learned  men,  that  the  commentaries  of  Aristobulus  came  out 
of  the  same  forge  with  Aristeas,  that  is,  were  written  under  the  name  of  Aristo- 
bulus by  some  Hellenistical  Jew,  long  after  the  date  which  they  bore.  And  it 
augments  this  suspicion,  that  Clemens  Alexandrinus  is  the  first  that  makes  men- 

1  2  Maccab.  i.  10.      2  It  was  so  according  to  Ptolemy's  Canon.      3  See  part  1,  book  7,  under  the  year  348. 


36  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

tion  of  them.  For  had  there  been  any  such  commentaries  on  the  law  of  Moses, 
and  written,  in  the  time  when  said,  by  so  eminent  a  Jew,  and  so  famous  a  phi- 
losopher, as  Aristobulus  is  related  to  be,  Philo-Judseus  and  Josephus  could  not 
have  escaped  making  use  of  them:  but  neither  of  these  writers  makes  the  least 
mention  of  any  such  commentaries;  which  is  a  strong  argument,  that  there  were 
none  such  extant  in  their  time;  and  those  who  mention  them  afterward,  speak 
very  inconsistently  of  this  Aristobulus,  whom  they  make  to  be  the  author  of 
them.  Sometimes  they  tell  us,  that  he  dedicated  his  book  to  Ptolemy  Philome- 
tor;'  at  other  times  they  say  it  was  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  and  his  father  toge- 
ther.' Sometimes  they  will  have  it  that  he  was  the  same  that  is  mentioned  in 
the  first  chapter  of  the  second  book  of  Maccabees;^  and  sometimes  they  make 
him  to  have  been  one  of  the  seventy -two  interpreters  one  hundred  and  fifty-two 
years  before;''  which  uncertainty  about  him,  makes  it  most  likely  that  there  was 
never  any  such  person  at  all.  That  passage,  where  he  is  spoken  of  in  the  se- 
cond book  of  the  Maccabees,  is  no  proof  for  him;  for  the  letter,  which  is  made 
mention  of  in  it,  being  there  said  to  have  been  sent  to  him  from  the  people  that 
were  at  Jerusalem,  and  in  Judea,  and  the  council,  and  Judas:  this  plainly  proves 
that  whole  passage  to  be  of  the  same  nature  with  most  other  things  written  in 
the  two  first  chapters  of  the  second  book  of  Maccabees,  that  is,  all  fable  and 
fiction.  For,  by  the  Judas  there  mentioned,  the  writer  of  that  book  can  mean 
no  other  Judas  than  Judas  Maccabeus.  But  he  was  slain  in  battle  thirty-six 
years  before  the  date  of  this  letter.*  Whatsoever  these  commentaries  were, 
they  seem  not  to  have  been  long-lived;  for  as  Clemens  Alexandrinus  was  the 
first  of  the  ancients,  so  Eusebius  was  the  last,  that  makes  mention  of  them. 

After  that  time,  it  is  most  likely  they  grew  out  of  the  reputation,  and  were 
no  more  heard  of.  Upon  the  whole,  they  that  hold  this  book  to  have  been  spu- 
rious, and  all  that  is  said  of  the  author  of  it  to  be  fable  and  fiction,  seem  to  say 
that,  which,  in  all  likelihood,  is  the  truth  of  the  matter. 

IV.  What  Philo  adds  to  the  story  of  Aristeas,  was  from  such  traditions  as  had 
obtained  among  the  Jews  of  Alexandria  in  his  time,  which  had  the  same  ori- 
ginal with  all  the  rest,  that  is,  were  invented  by  them,  to  bring  the  greater 
honour  and  credit  to  themselves,  and  their  religion;  and  also  to  gain  among  the 
vulgar  of  their  own  people  the  greater  authority  and  veneration  to  that  version 
of  the  holy  scriptures  which  they  then  used.  And  when  such  things  had  once 
obtained  belief,  it  was  easy  to  introduce  an  anniversary  commemmoration  of 
them,  and  continue  it  afterward  from  year  to  year,  in  the  manner  as  Philo  relates. 

V.  Where  Josephus  differs  from  Aristeas  in  the  price  paid  by  Ptolemy  for  the 
redemption  of  the  captive  Jews,  there  is  a  manifest  error;  for  the  sum  total  doth 
not  agree  with  the  particulars.  The  number  of  the  Jews  redeemed,  Josephus 
saith,"  were  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand:  the  redemption  of  these,  at 
twenty  drachms  a  head,  at  which  Aristeas  lays  it,  would  come  to  just  four 
hundred  talents,  which  is  the  sum  also  which  he  reckons  it  to  amount  to. 
But  Josephus  saith,  the  redemption  money  was  one  hundred  and  twenty 
drachms  a  head,  M'hich  is  six  times  as  much,  and  yet  he  makes  the  sum  total 
to  be  no  more  than  four  hundred  and  sixty  talents.  The  error  is  in  the  numeri- 
cal letters;  for  either  the  particulars  must  be  less,  or  the  sum  must  be  more: 
but  whether  it  was  the  author  or  the  transcribers  that  made  this  error,  I  cannot 
say.  Those  who  hold  Josephus'  to  have  put  the  price  at  one  hundred  and 
twenty  drachms  a  head  (which  was  just  thirty  Jewish  shekels,)  that  so  it  might 
answer  what  was  paid  for  a  Hebrew  servant  according  to  the  law  of  Moses,*  do 
fix  the  error  on  the  author;  but  then  they  make  him  guilty  of  a  great  blunder, 
in  not  altering  the  sum  total  as  well  as  the  particulars,  so  as  to  make  them  both 
agree  with  eacli  other. 

1  Clemens  Alexandrinus.     Strom,  lib.  1.     Eusebii  Chronicon.  p.  187.  et  Praep.  Evang.  lib.  13.  c.  12. 

2  Clemens  Alexandrinus.    Strom,  lib.  5.     Euseb.  Pra-p.  Evang.  lib.  8.  c.  9. 

3  Clemens  Alexandrinus  ct  Eusebius,  ibid.  4  Anatolius  apud  Eusehium  in  Hist.  Ecclesiast.  lib.  7.  32. 
5  1  Maccab.  ix.  18.  6  Antiq.  lib.  li.  c.  2. 

7  Usserius  in  Annalibus  vclcris  Testanieuti.  sub  Anno  J.  P.  4437.    Hodius  de  Bibliorum,  Textibus  Origi- 
naUbus,  lib.  1.  c.  17.  8  Exod.  xxi.  32. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  37 

VI.  As  to  Justin  Martyr,  and  the  rest  of  the  Christian  writers  that  followed 
him,  it  is  plain  they  too  greedily  swallowed  what  they  wished  might  be  true. 
Had  the  seventy-two  interpreters,  who  are  said  to  have  made  this  version  of  the 
Hebrew  scriptures  into  Greek,  been  all  separated  into  so  many  different  ceUs, 
and  had  all  there  apart,  every  one  by  himself,  made  so  many  versions  as  there 
were  persons,  and  all  these  versions  had  exactly  agreed  with  each  other,  with- 
out any  difference  or  variation  in  any  one  of  them  from  all  the  rest,  this  would 
have  been  a  miracle,  which  must  have  irrefragably  confirmed  the  truth  of  those 
scriptures,  as  well  as  the  authority  or  the  version  which  was  then  made  of  them, 
against  all  gainsayers.  And  for  both  these  the  Christians  of  those  times  were 
altogether  as  much  concerned  as  the  Jews;  for  the  foundations  of  our  holy 
Christian  profession  are  laid  upon  the  Old  Testament  as  well  as  on  the  New. 
And  this  part  of  the  holy  scriptures  was,  out  of  Judea,  no  where  else,  in  those 
times,  read  among  Christians,  but  in  this  Greek  version,  or  in  such  other  ver- 
sions as  M^ere  made  into  other  languages  from  it,  excepting  only  at  Antioch,  and 
in  the  Syrian  churches,  depending  upon  that  see,  where  they  had  a  Syriac  ver- 
sion from  the  beginning,  immediately  translated  from  the  Hebrew  original. 
And  therefore  Justin  Martyr,  finding  these  traditions  among  the  Jews  at  Alex- 
andria, on  his  being  in  that  city,  was  too  easily  persuaded  to  believe  them,  and 
made  use  of  them  in  his  writings  against  the  heathens  of  his  time,  in  defence 
of  the  religion  he  professed.  And  upon  this  authority  it  was  that  Irenteus,  and 
the  other  Christian  writers  above  mentioned,  tell  us  the  same  thing,  being 
equally  fond  of  the  argument,  by  reason  of  the  purpose  it  would  serve  to.  But 
how  little  the  authority  of  Justin  was  to  be  depended  upon  in  this  matter,  may 
sufficiently  appear  from  the  inaccurate  account  which  he  gives  us  of  it;  for  he 
makes  Ptolemy,  when  intent  upon  having  the  Hebrew  scriptures  for  his  library, 
to  send  to  King  Herod  first  for  a  copy  of  them,'  and  afterward  for  interpreters  to 
turn  them  into  the  Greek  language;  whereas,  not  only  Ptolemy  Philadelphus, 
but  all  the  other  Ptolemies  who  reigned  after  him  in  Egypt,  were  all  dead  be- 
fore Herod  was  made  king  of  Judea.  So  great  a  blunder  in  this  narrative  is 
sufficient  to  discredit  all  the  rest.  And  it  is  farther  to  be  taken  notice  of,  that, 
though  Justin  was  a  learned  man  and  a  philosopher,  yet  he  was  a  very  credu- 
lous person,  and,  when  he  became  a  Christian,  was  carried  on,  by  the  great  zeal 
he  had  for  his  religion,  too  lightly  to  lay  hold  of  any  story  told  him  which  he 
thought  would  any  way  make  for  it.  An  instance  hereof  is,  that  being  at 
Rome,^  and  there  finding  a  statue  consecrated  to  Semon  Sancus,'^  an  old  semi- 
god  of  the  Sabines,  he  was  easily  persuaded  to  believe  it  to  be  the  statue  of 
Simon  Magus;  and  therefore,  in  his  second  apology,  upon  no  better  foundation 
than  this,  he  upbraids  the  people  of  Rome  for  the  making  of  such  a  wretch  and 
impostor  to  be  one  of  their  gods.  And  it  was  from  the  like  easiness  and  credu- 
lity, that,  being  shown  by  the  Jews  at  Alexandria,  the  ruins  of  some  old  houses 
in  the  island  of  Pharus,  he  was  by  them  made  believe,  that  they  were  the  re- 
mains of  the  cells  in  which,  they  told  him,  the  seventy-two  interpreters  made 
their  version  of  the  Hebrew  scriptures  into  Greek  by  the  command  of  Ptolemy 
Philadelphus,  king  of  Egypt;  and  hereon  he  gives  us  that  account  of  it  which  I 
have  related.  But  Jerome,  who  was  a  person  of  much  greater  learning,  and  far 
more  judicious,  rejects  this  story  of  the  cells  with  that  scorn  and  contempt 
which  it  seems  to  deserve.  His  words  are,  "  I  know  not  what  author  he  was,* 
that,  by  his  lying,  first  built  seventy  cells  at  Alexandria,  in  which  the  seventy 
elders  being  divided,  wrote  the  same  things;  seeing  neither  Aristeas,  who  was 
one  of  the  same  Ptolemy's  guards,  nor  Josephus,  who  lived  long  after  him,  says 
any  such  thing;  but  write,  that  they  conferred  together  in  one  and  the  same 

1  Justin  in  Apologia  secunda  pro  Christianis. 

2  Justin  in  Apologia  prima  pro  Christianis.    Euseb.  in  Hist.  Ecclesiasl.  lib.  2.  c.  13. 

3  This  very  statue  was  lately  dug  up  at  Rome,  with  this  inscription  on  it,  Semoni  Savgo  Deo  Fidio,     See 
Valesius's  notes  on  the  thirteenth  chapter  of  the  second  book  ofEusebius's  Ecclesiastical  History. 

4  Prsfat.  at  Pentateiichum,  et  in  Apologia  secunda  contra  Ruffiniini. 


38  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

room,  and  did  not  prophesy;  for  to  be  a  prophet  is  one  thing,  and  to  be  an  in- 
terpreter is  another." 

VII.  Epiphanius's  account  of  the  making  of  this  version  differing  from  all 
the  rest,  seems  to  have  been  taken  from  some  other  history  of  it  than  that  which 
Josephus  and  Eusebius  wrote  from.  It  is  probable  some  Christian  writer,  after 
the  time  of  Justin  Martyr,  might  have  collected  together  all  that  he  found  written 
or  said  of  this  matter,  and  grafting  the  whole  upon  the  old  Aristeas,  with  such 
alterations  as  he  thought  fit  to  make  in  it,  composed  that  book,  which,  under 
the  name  of  Aristeas,  fell  into  Epiphanius's  hands,  and  that  from  thence  he 
took  all  that  he  writes  of  this  matter.  It  is  certain,  that  the  Aristeas  which 
Epiphanius  makes  use  of  was  not  written  till  many  years  after  the  pretended 
author  of  that  book  must  have  been  dead;  for  the  second  letter  which  Epipha- 
nius out  of  him  tells  us  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  sent  to  Eleazar,  begins  with  this 
sentence:  "  Of  a  hidden  treasure,  and  a  fountain  stopped  up,  what  profit  can 
there  be  in  either  of  them?"  which  is  taken  out  of  the  book  of  Ecclesiasticus:'  but 
that  book  was  not  published  by  Siracides'^  till  the  year  before  Christ  13'2,  which 
was  one  hundred  and  fifteen  years  after  the  death  of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  by 
whose  command,  according  to  that  author,  this  version  w^as  made.  And  it  also 
seems  to  me  as  certain,  that  it  could  not  be  written  till  after  the  time  of  Justin 
Martyr;  for  all  that  is  said  of  the  cells,  it  is  plain,  had  its  original  from  that  re- 
port which  he  brought  back  from  Alexandria  concerning  them,  on  his  return 
from  his  travels  to  that  city.^  Epiphanius  retains  this  tale  of  his  of  the  cells, 
but  contracts  them  to  half  the  number;  for  he  makes  them  to  be  but  thirty-six, 
and  puts  two  interpreters  together  into  each  of  them.  By  this  means  thirty-six 
copies  are  made  to  suffice  for  all  that  laboured  in  this  work;  whereas,  according 
to  Justin,  they  being  shut  up  each  one  singly  by  himself  in  his  separate  cell,  there 
must  have  been  as  many  copies  as  interpreters.  But  in  this  they  do  not  so 
much  differ  from  each  other  as  both  do  from  Aristeas:  for  he  saith  that  they 
brought  with  them  from  Jerusalem  but  one  copy  in  all,  and  that  out  of  this  alone 
they  made  the  version  by  common  consult,  sitting  together  in  one  common  haU, 
and  there  carrying  on  and  finishing  the  whole  work.  And  this  one  copy, 
Aristeas  saith,  was  written  in  letters  of  gold;  which  contradicts  an  ancient  con- 
stitution of  the  Jews,  whereby  it  is  ordained  among  them,''  that  the  law  is  never 
to  be  written  otherwise  than  with  ink  only.  Epiphanius  moreover  saith,  that, 
besides  the  canonical  books,  there  were  sent  from  Jerusalem,  on  this  occasion, 
seventy-two  apocryphal  books;  which  none  of  the  rest  that  write  of  this  matter 
before  him  make  any  mention  of.  And  of  these  seventy-two  books  he  makes 
twenty-two  only  to  have  been  translated;  whereas  he  seems  elsewhere  to  imply, 
that  all  were  translated  that  were  sent.  These  contradictions,  uncertainties,  and 
various  accounts,  overthrow  the  credit  of  the  whole  story,  and  plainly  prove  aU 
that  hath  been  delivered  to  us  concerning  it  by  Aristeas,  Philo,  Justin  Martyr, 
Epiphanius,  and  their  followers,  to  be  no  more  than  fable,  fiction,  and  romance, 
without  any  other  foundation  for  it,  save  only,  that  in  the  reign  of  Ptolemy 
Philadelphus,  such  a  version  of  the  law  of  Moses  was  made  by  the  Alexandrian 
Jews  into  the  Greek  language,  as  those  authors  relate.     For, 

VIII.  Alexander,  on  his  building  of  Alexandria,  brought  a  great  many  Jews 
thither  to  help  to  plant  this  his  new  city,  as  hath  been  already  mentioned;*  and 
Ptolemy  Soter,  after  his  death,  having  fixed  the  seat  of  his  government  in  that 
place,  and  set  his  heart  much  upon  the  augmenting  and  adorning  of  it,"  brought 
thither  many  more  of  this  nation  for  the  same  purpose;  where,  having  granted  unto 
them  the  same  privileges  with  the  Macedonians  and  other  Greeks,  they  soon 
grew  to  be  a  great  part  of  the  inhabitants  of  that  city;  and  their  constant  inter- 

1  Ecclesiasticus  xx.30.  xli.  14. 

1  II  appears  by  Uie  preface  of  Siracides  to  his  book  of  Ecclesiasticus,  that  he  came  not  into  Egypt  (where 
he  published  that  book,)  till  the  thirty-eighth  year  of  Ptolemy  Euergetes  II.  which  was  the  year  before 
Christ  132. 

3  In  libro  de  Ponderibus  etMensuris.  4  Vide  Schickardi  Mishpat  Hammelec,  c.2. 

5  Part  1,  book  7,  under  the  year  332.  0  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  1.  et  contra  Apionem,  lib.  2. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  39 

course  with  the  other  citizens,  among  whom  they  were  there  mingled,  having 
necessitated  them  to  learn  and  constantly  to  use  the  Greek  language,  that  hap- 
pened to  them  here  as  had  before  at  Babylon  on  the  like  occasion,  that  is,  by 
accustoming  themselves  to  a  foreign  language,  they  forgot  their  own;  and 
therefore,  no  longer  understanding  the  Hebrew  language,  in  which  they  had 
been  hitherto  first  read,  nor  the  Chaldee,  in  which  they  were  after  that  inter- 
preted in  every  synagogue,  they  had  them  translated  into  Greek'  for  their  use, 
that  this  version  might  serve  for  the  same  purpose  in  Alexandria  and  Egypt, 
as  the  Chaldee  paraphrases  afterward  did  in  Jerusalem  and  Judea.  And  this 
was  the  original  and  true  cause  of  the  making  of  that  Greek  version,  which  hath 
since,  from  the  fable  of  Aristeas,  been  called  the  Septuagint;  for  that  fable, 
from  the  first  broaching  of  it,  having  generally  obtained,  first  among  the  Jews, 
and  afterward  among  the  Christians,  soon  caused  that  this  name  was  given  to 
that  version.  At  first  the  law  only  was  translated:  for  then  they  had  no  need 
of  the  other  books  in  their  public  worship,  no  other  part  of  the  holy  scriptures, 
save  the  law  only,  having  been  in  those  times  read  in  their  synagogues,*  as  hath 
been  before  taken  notice  of.  But  afterward,  when  the  reading  of  the  prophets 
also  came  into  use  in  the  synagogues  of  Judea,  in  the  time  of  Antiochus  Epi- 
phanes,  upon  the  occasion  already  mentioned,^  and  the  Jews  of  Alexandria 
(who  in  those  times  conformed  themselves  to  the  usages  of  Judea  and  Jerusalem 
in  all  matters  of  reUgion,)  were  induced  hereby  to  do  the  same,  this  caused  a 
translation  of  the  prophets  also  to  be  there  made  into  the  Greek  language,  in 
like  manner  as  the  law  had  been  before.  And  after  this  other  persons  trans- 
lated the  rest  for  the  private  use  of  the  same  people:  and  so  the  whole  version 
was  completed  which  we  now  call  the  Septuagint;  and,  after  it  was  thus  made, 
it  became  of  common  use  among  all  the  churches  of  the  Hellenistical  Jews, 
wherever  they  were  dispersed  among  the  Grecian  cities.  1st,  That  the  law 
only  was  at  first  translated  into  Greek  in  the  time  of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  all 
that  first  speak  of  this  version,  i.  e.  Aristeas,  Aristobulus,  Philo,  and  Josephus, 
directly  tell  us.^  2dly,  That  it  was  done  at  Alexandria,  the  Alexandrian  dialect, 
which  appears  through  the  whole  version,  is  a  manifest  proof.  3dly,  That  it 
was  made  at  different  times,  and  by  different  persons,  the  different  styles  in 
which  the  different  books  are  found  written,  the  different  ways  in  which  the 
same  Hebrew  words  and  the  same  Hebrew  phrases  are  translated  in  different 
places,  and  the  great  accuracy  with  which  some  of  the  books  are  translated  above 
others,  are  a  full  demonstration. 

IX.  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  having  been  very  intent  upon  the  augmenting  of 
his  library,  and  replenishing  it  with  all  manner  of  books,  it  is  not  to  be  doubted, 
but  that  as  soon  as  this  Greek  version  was  made  at  Alexandria,  a  copy  of  it  was 
put  into  that  library,  and  there  continued,  till  that  noble  repository  of  learning 
was  accidentally  burnt  by  Julius  Caesar  in  his  wars  against  the  Alexandrians. 
However,  it  seems  to  have  lain  there  in  a  very  obscure  manner,  none  of  the 
Grecian  authors  now  extant,  nor  any  of  the  ancient  Latins,  having  ever  taken  the 
least  notice  of  it;  for  all  of  them,  in  what  they  write  of  the  Jews,''  give  accounts 
of  them  so  vastly  wide  of  what  is  contained  in  the  holy  scriptures,  as  sufficiently 
show,  that  they  never  perused  them,  or  knew  any  thing  of  them.  There  are, 
indeed,  out  of  Eupolemus,  Abydenus,  and  other  ancient  writers,  now  lost,  some 

1  After  the  time  of  Ezra,  the  scriptures  were  read  to  the  Jews  in  Hebrew,  and  interpreted  into  the  Chaldee 
language;  but  at  Alexandria,  after  the  making  of  this  version,  it  was  interpreted  to  them  in  Greek;  which 
was  afterward  done  also  in  all  other  Grecian  cities  where  the  Jews  became  dispersed.  And  from  hence  those 
Jews  were  called  Hellenists,  or  Grecizing  Jews,  because  they  used  the  Greek  language  in  their  synagogues; 
and  by  that  name  they  were  distinguished  from  the  Hebrew  Jews,  who  used  only  the  Hebrew  and  Chaldee 
languages  in  their  synagogues.  And  this  distinction  we  find  made  between  them,  Acts  vi.  1.;  for  the  word, 
which  we  there  translate  Grecians,  is,  in  the  original.  E/.>.>)vio-u>i',  i.  e.  not  Grecians,  but  Hellenists,  that  is. 
Grecizing  Jews,  such  as  use  the  Grecian  language  in  their  synagogues.  And,  because  herein  they  differed 
from  the  Hebrew  Jews,  this  created  some  differences  between  them,  and  made  a  sort  of  schism  among  them. 

2  Part  1,  book  .5. 

3  Aristeas,  Aristobulus,  and  Philo,  say  the  law  only  was  translated  by  the  lxx;  and  Josephus  more  expressly 
tells  us  in  the  preface  to  his  Antiquities,  that  they  did  not  translate  for  Ptolemy  the  whole  scriptures,  but  the 
law  only. 

4  Diodor.  Sic.  in  Eclogis,  lib.  34  et  40.  Justin,  ex  Trogo,  lib.  36.  c.  2.  Sirabo,  lib,  16.  Tacitus  Hist.  lib.  5. 
c.  %  aliique. 


40  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

fragments  still  preserved  in  Josephus,  Eusebius,  and  other  authors,  which  speak 
of  the  Jews  more  agreeably  to  the  scriptural  history,  but  still  with  such  varia- 
tions and  intermixtures  of  falsity,  that  none  of  those  remains,  excepting  only 
what  we  find  taken  out  of  Demetrius,  in  the  ninth  book  of  Eusebius  de  Prsepa- 
ratione  Evangelica,  do  give  us  any  ground  to  believe,  that  the  writers  of  them 
ever  consulted  those  books,  or  knew  any  thing  of  them.  This  Demetrius'  was 
an  historian  that  wrote  in  Greek,  and  an  inhabitant  of  Alexandria,  where  he 
compiled  a  history  of  the  Jews,  and  continued  it  down  to  the  reign  of  the  fourth 
Ptolemy,  who  was  Ptolemy  Philopator,  the  grandson  of  Philadelphus.  How 
much  longer  after  this  it  was  that  he  lived  is  not  any  where  said.  He  having 
written  so  agreeably  to  the  scripture,  this  seems  to  prove  him  to  have  been  a 
Jew.  However,  if  he  were  otherwise,  that  is,  not  a  Jew,  but  a  heathen  Greek, 
that  no  heathen  writer,  but  he  only,  should  make  use  of  those  scriptures,  after 
they  had  been  translated  into  Greek,  sufficiently  shows,  how  much  that  copy  of 
them  which  was  laid  up  in  the  king's  library  at  Alexandria  was  there  neglected, 
and  also  how  carefully  the  Jews,  who  were  the  first  composers  of  this  version, 
kept  and  confined  all  other  copies  of  it  to  their  own  use.  They  had  the  stated 
lessons  read  out  of  it  in  their  synagogues,  and  they  had  copies  of  it  at  home 
for  their  private  use,  and  thus  they  seem  to  have  reserved  it  wholly  to  them- 
selves till  our  Saviour's  time.  But  after  that  time  the  gospel  having  been  pro- 
pagated to  all  nations,  this  version  of  the  Hebrew  scriptures  was  propagated 
with  it  among  all  that  used  the  Greek  tongue,  and  it  became  no  longer  locked 
up  among  the  Hellenistical  Jews,  but  copies  of  it  were  dispersed  into  all  men's 
hands  that  desired  it;  and  hence  it  came  to  pass,  that,  after  our  Saviour's  time, 
many  of  the  heathen  writers,  as  Celsus,  Porphyry,  and  others,  became  well 
acquainted  with  the  Old  Testament  scriptures,  though  we  find  scarce  any,  or 
rather  none  of  them,  were  so  before. 

X.  As  Christianity  grew,  so  also  did  the  credit  and  use  of  the  Greek  version 
of  the  Old  Testament  scriptures.  The  evangelists  and  apostles,  who  were  the 
holy  penmen  of  the  New  Testament  scriptures,  all  quoted  out  of  it,  and  so  did 
all  the  primitive  fathers  after  them.  All  the  Greek  churches  used  it,^  and  the 
Latins  had  no  other  copy  of  those  scriptures  in  their  language,  till  Jerome's 
time,  but  what  was  translated  from  it.  Whatsoever  comments  were  written  on 
any  part  of  them,  this  was  always  the  text,  and  the  explications  were  made 
according  to  it;  and  when  other  nations  were  converted  to  Christianity,  and 
had  those  scriptures  translated  for  their  use  into  their  several  languages,  these 
versions  were  all  made  from  the  Septuagint,  as  the  lUyrian,  the  Gothic,  the 
Arabic,  the  Ethiopic,  the  Armenian,  and  the  Syriac.  "rhere  was,  indeed,  an 
old  Syriac  version^  translated  immediately  from  the  Hebrew  original,  which  is 
still  in  being,  and  at  this  time  made  use  of  by  all  the  Syrian  churches  in  the 
east.  But,  besides  this,  there  was  another  Syriac  version  of  the  same  scriptures, 
which  was  from  the  Septuagint.  The  former  was  made,  if  not  in  the  apostles' 
time,  yet  very  soon  after,  for  the  use  of  the  Syrian  churches,  and  it  is  still  used 
in  them;  but  this  latter  was  not  made  till  about  six  hundred  years  after  the 
other,  and  is  at  this  time  extant  in  some  of  those  churches,  where  they  are  both 
used  promiscuously  together,  that  is,  as  well  the  one  as  the  other.  Of  the  an- 
tiquity of  the  old  Syriac  version,  the  Maronites,  and  other  Syrian  Christians,  do 
much  brag;  for  they  will  have  it,  that  it  was  made,  one  part  of  it,  by  the  com- 
mand of  Solom.on,  for  the  use  of  Hirom,  king  of  Tyre,  and  the  other  part  (that 
is,  that  part  whereof  the  original  was  written  after  the  time  of  Solomon)  by  the 
command  of  Abgarus,  king  of  Edessa,  who  lived  in  our  Saviour's  time.  The 
chief  argument  which  they  bring  for  this  is,  that  St.  Paul,  in  his  Epistle  to  the 
Ephesians  (chap.  iv.  ver.  8,)  quoting  a  passage  from  Psalm  Ixviii.  ver.  18, 
makes  his  quotation  of  it,  not  according  to  the  Septuagint,  nor  according  to  the 

1  Clemens  Alexandriims  Strom,  lib.  1.  Hieronynuis  inCatalogo  Illustrium  Scriplorum,  c.  38.  Vossiusda 
Historicis  Graris,  lih.  '.i,  sub  litera  D. 

2  Vide  Waltoni  Prolegom.  c.  0.  s.  1      Hodiuni,  lib.  3,  part  1. 

3  Vide  Waltoni  Prolegom.  c.  13.    DuPin,  Simonium,  aliosijue. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  41 

Hebrew  original,  but  according  to  the  Syriac  version;  for  in  tliat  only  is  it  found 
so  as  he  quotes  it;  and  therefore,  say  they,  this  quotation  was  taken  out  of  it, 
and  consequently,  this  version  must  have  been  made  before  his  lime.  The 
words  of  that  passage,  as  quoted  by  St.  Paul,  are,  "  He  led  captivity  captive, 
and  gave  gifts  unto  men."  But  the  latter  part  of  it  is  neither  according  to  the 
Septuagint  version  of  that  Psalm,  nor  according  to  the  Hebrew  original,  but  ac- 
cording to  the  Syriac  version  only.  For,  according  to  the  two  former,  the  quo- 
tation must  have  been,  "And  received  gifts  for  men;"  and  according  to  the 
latter  only  is  it  in  that  text  of  the  Psalmist  so  as  St.  Paul  quotes  it.  But  this 
rather  proves,  that  the  Syriac  version  in  that  passage  of  the  Psalmist  was  formed 
according  to  St.  Paul's  quotation,  than  that  St.  Paul's  quotation  was  taken  from 
that  version.  It  is  certain  this  version  was  very  ancient.'  It  was  in  all  likeli- 
hood made  within  the  first  century  after  Christ,  and  had  for  its  author  some 
Christian  of  the  Jewish  nation  that  was  thoroughly  skilled  in  both  languages, 
that  is,  in  the  Hebrew,  as  well  as  in  the  Syriac:  for  it  is  very  accurately  done, 
and  expresseth  the  sense  of  the  original  with  greater  exactness  than  any  other 
version  which  hath  been  made  of  those  scriptures  (I  am  speaking  of  the  Old 
Testament,)  at  any  time  before  the  revival  of  learning  in  these  last  ages;  and 
therefore,  as  it  is  (excepting  only  the  Septuagint,  and  the  Chaldee  paraphrases 
of  Onkelos  on  the  Law,  and  Jonathan  on  the  Prophets)  the  oldest  translation 
that  we  have  of  any  part  of  those  scriptures,  so  is  it  the  best,  without  any  ex- 
ception at  all,  that  has  been  made  of  them  by  the  ancients  into  any  language 
whatsoever.  And  this  last  character  belongs  to  it,  in  respect  of  the  New  Tes- 
tament as  well  as  of  the  Old.  And  therefore,  of  all  the  ancient  versions  which 
are  now  consulted  by  Christians,  for  the  better  understanding  of  the  holy  scrip- 
tures, as  well  of  the  New  Testament  as  of  the  Old,  none  can  better  serve  this 
end,  than  this  old  Syriac  version,  when  carefully  consulted,  and  well  under- 
stood. And  to  this  purpose  the  very  nature  of  the  language  much  helpeth;  for 
it  having  been  the  mother-tongue  of  those  who  wrote  the  New  Testament,  and 
a  dialect  of  that  in  which  the  Old  was  first  given  unto  us,  many  things  of  both 
are  more  happily  expressed  in  it  through  this  whole  version,  than  can  well  be 
done  in  any  other  language.     But  to  return  to  the  Septuagint. 

XI.  As  this  version  grew  into  use  among  the  Christians,  it  grew  out  of  credit 
with  the  Jews:  for  they  being  pinched  in  many  particulars,  urged  against  them 
by  the  Christians  out  of  this  version,  for  the  evading  hereof  they  entered  into 
the  same  design  against  the  Septuagint  version,  that,  in  the  last  age,  the  Eng- 
lish papists  of  Doway  and  Rheims  did  against  our  English  version,^  that  is,  they 
were  for  making  a  new  one  that  might  better  serve  their  purpose.  The  person 
who  undertook  this  work  was  Aquila,  a  proselyte  Jew  of  Sinope,  a  city  of  Pon- 
tus.  He  had  been  bred  up  in  the  heathen  religion,^  and  had  much  addicted 
himself,  while  of  it,  to  magic  and  judicial  astrology;  but  being  very  much  af- 
fected with  the  miracles  which  he  saw  the  professors  of  the  Christian  religion 
did  work  in  his  time,  he  became  a  convert  to  it,  upon  the  same  foot  as  Simon 
Magus  had  formerly  been,  that  is,  out  of  an  expectation  of  obtaining  power 
thereby  of  doing  the  same  works.  But  not  being  able  to  attain  thereto,  as  not 
having  sufficient  faith  and  sincerity  for  so  great  a  gift  he  went  on  with  his  magic 
and  judicial  astrology,  endeavouring,  thereby,  to  bewitch  the  people,  and  make 
himself  thought  some  great  one  among  them;  which  evil  practices  of  his,  com- 
ing to  the  knowledge  of  the  governors  of  the  church,  they  admonished  him 
against  them,  and,  on  his  refusal  to  obey  their  admonitions,  excommunicated 
him;  at  which  being  very  much  exasperated,  he  apostatized  to  the  Jews,  was 
circumcised,  and  became  a  proselyte  to  their  religion:  and,  for  his  better  in- 

1  See  Dr.  Pocock's  Preface  to  liisCominenlary  on  Micah. 

2  The  Rheimish  Testaiiierit  was  published  A.  D.  1(500;  the  Doway  version  of  the  Old  Testament,  4to.  1609; 
both  in  opposition  to  the  English  Bible  used  in  Cineen  Elizabeth'?  time. 

3  Epiphiinius  de  Pondrribns  et  Mensmis.  Synopsis  Sarra-  Srriptura;  Athanae-io  asiti()la.  I  Jitliyniius  in 
Prsfatione  ad  (^omment.  in  Psalnios.  Vide  eliani  de  eo  Usserii  Syntagma  de  Versione  hx\.  Interpretum.c. 
5.  et  6.  Waltoni  Prnlcjiomena.c.  fl.  et  Ilodiiini,  lib.  4.  c.  I. 

Vol.  II.— (} 


42  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

struction  herein,  got  himself  admitted  into  the  school  of  Rabbi  Akiba,'  the  most 
celebrated  doctor  of  the  Jewish  law  in  his  time;  and  under  him  he  made  such 
a  proficiency  in  the  knowledge  of  the  Jewish  language,  and  those  holy  scrip- 
tures that  were  v^ritten  in  it,  that  he  was  thought  sufficient  for  this  work,  and 
accordingly  undertook  it,  and  made  two  editions  thereof;-  the  first  he  published 
in  the  twelfth  year  of  the  reign  of  Adrian,^  the  Roman  emperor,  which  was 
the  year  of  our  Lord  128.  But  afterward,  having  revised  it,  and  made  it  more 
correct,  he  published  the  second  edition  of  it.  And  this  the  Hellenistical  Jews 
received,^  and  afterward  used  it  every  where  instead  of  the  Septuagint;  and 
therefore  this  Greek  translation  is  often  made  mention  of  in  the  Talmud,  but  the 
Septuagint  never.*  And  in  this  use  of  it  they  continued  till  the  finishing  and 
publishing  of  both  the  Talmuds.  After  that  time  the  notion  grew  among  them, 
that  the  scriptures  ought  not  to  be  read  in  any  of  their  synagogues  but  in  the 
old  form,  that  is,  in  the  Hebrew  first,  and  then,  by  way  of  interpretation,  in  the 
Chaldee,  according  to  the  manner  as  I  have  already  described  it;  and  the  de- 
crees of  the  doctors  are  urged  for  this  way.  But  the  Hellenistical  Jews,  after 
so  long  use  of  the  Greek  version,  not  easily  coming  into  this,  it  caused  great 
divisions  and  disturbances  among  them;  for  the  quieting  of  which,  Justinian 
the  emperor  pubHshed  a  decree,^  which  is  still  extant  among  his  novel  consti- 
tutions, whereby  he  ordained,  that  the  Jews  might  read  the  scriptures  in  their 
synagogues,  either  in  the  Greek  version  of  the  lxxii.,  or  in  that  of  Aquila,  or 
in  any  other  language,  according  to  the  country  in  which  they  should  dwell. 
But  the  Jewish  doctors  having  determined  otherwise,  their  decrees  obtained 
against  the  emperor's;  and,  within  a  little  while  after,  both  the  Septuagint 
and  the  version  of  Aquila  became  rejected  by  them:  and  ever  since,  the 
solemn  reading  of  the  scriptures  among  them  in  their  public  assemblies  hath 
been  in  the   Hebrew  and  Chaldee  languages.^ 

Not  long  after  the  time  of  Aquila,  there  were  two  other  Greek  versions  made 
of  the  same  scriptures;^  the  first  by  Theodotion,  who  lived  in  the  time  of  Com- 
modus,  the  Roman  emperor,  and  the  other  by  Symmachus,*  who  flourished  a 
little  after  him,  in  the  rei™  of  Severus  and  Caracalla.  The  former,  accordingr 
to  some,"  was  of  Sinope  in  Pontus;  but  according  to  others,'"  of  Ephesus.  They 
who  would  reconcile  this  matter,  say  he  was  of  the  former  by  birth,  and  of  the 
other  by  habitation.  The  latter  was  a  Samaritan,"  and  bred  up  in  that  sect,  but 
afterward  he  became  a  Christian  of  the  sect  of  the  Ebionites;'^  and  Theodotion 
having  been  of  the  same  profession  before  him,  hence  it  came  to  pass,  that  they 
were  by  some  said  to  have  been  both  of  them  proselytes  to  Judaism,  for  the 
heresy  of  the  Ebionites  approached  nearer  the  religion  of  the  Jews  than  that 
of  the  orthodox  Christians.  They  professed,  indeed,  to  believe  in  Christ  as  the 
true  Messiah,"  but  held  him  to  be  no  more  than  a  mere  man,  and  thought  them- 
selves still  under  the  obligation  of  the  law  of  Moses,  and  therefore  were  cir- 
cumcised, and  observed  all  the  other  rites  and  ceremonies  of  the  Jewish  reli- 
gion; and,  for  this  reason,  they  had  commonly  the  name  of  Jews  given  them 
by  the  orthodox  Christians:  and  hence  it  is,  that  we  find  both  these  persons  as 
having  been  of  that  heretical  sect,  sometimes  branded  with  the  name  of  Jews 
by  the  ancient  writers  of  the  church.  They  both  of  them  undertook  the  making 
of  their  versions  with  the  same  design  as  Aquila  did,  although  not  wholly  for 
the  same  end:  ibr  they  all  three  entered  on  this  work  for  the  perverting  of  the 
Old  Testament  scriptures;  but  Aquila  did  it  for  the  serving  of  the  interest  of 
the  Jewish  religion,  the  other  two  for  the  serving  of  the  interest  of  that  heretical 

J  Hiernnyniiis  in  Comment.  aJ  Esaia;,  cap.  8.  2  Ilieronyinus  iji  Comment,  ad  Ezek.  cap.  4. 

3  Epiphaiiiiis  in  lihro  <\e  Pnniieribiis  pt  Mensuris. 

4  Philastrius  HaT(>s.  PO.     Origen.  in  Epistola  ad  Africanum. 

5  Lightfoot.  in  Primam  Epistnlam  ad  Corinthios,  c.  0.  G  Novel,  1-10.     Plmtii  Nomocanoii  Xlf.  :t. 

7  The  Chaldee  is  used  in  some  of  their  synagogues  even  to  this  day,  as  particularly  at  Frankfurt  in 
Germany. 

8  Epi|>hanius  in  Libro  de  Ponderihus  et  Mensuris.  9  Ibid. 

JO  TrensBus  Hffres.  lib.  3.  c.  24.    Synopsis  Sacrse  Scriptiirae,  Athanasio  ascripta.  11  Epiphanins,  ibid. 

12  Euscbius  in  Hist.  Eccles.  lib.  (ii  c.  17.  et  Demonstrat.    Evang.  lib.  7.  c.  1.  13  Eusebius,  ibid. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  43 

sect  which  they  were  of;  and  all  of  them  wrested  those  holy  writings,  in  their 
versions  of  them,  as  much  as  they  could,  to  make  them  speak  for  the  different 
ends  which  they  proposed.  There  is  some  dispute,  which  of  the  two  latter  ver- 
sions was  first  made.  Symmachus's  version  is  first  in  the  order  of  columns  in 
the  Hexapla  of  Origen;  and  this  hath  made  some  think,  that  it  was  first  also  in 
the  order  of  time.  But  if  this  were  an  argument  of  any  force,  it  Avould  prove 
his  version,  and  Aquila's  also,  to  have  been  made  before  the  Septuagint;  for 
they  are  both,  in  the  order  of  those  columns,  placed  beibre  it.  Irenaeus  quotes 
Aquila,'  and  also  Theodotion,  but  says  nothing  of  Symmachus;  which  sufficiently 
proves,  that  both  their  versions  were  extant  in  his  time,  but  not  that  of  the  other. 

These  three  interpreters  took  three  different  ways  in  the  making  of  their  ver- 
sions. Aquila"  stuck  closely  and  servilely  to  the  letter,  rendering  word  for 
word,  as  nearly  as  he  could,  whether  the  idioms  and  properties  of  the  language 
he  made  his  version  into,  or  the  true  sense  of  the  text  would  bear  it  or  nn. 
Hence  his  version  is  said  to  be  rather  a  good  dictionary  to  give  the  meaning  of 
the  Hebrew  words,  than  a  good  interpretation  to  unfold  unto  us  the  sense  of  the 
text;  and  therefore  Jerome  commends  him  much  in  the  former  respect,  and  as 
often  condemns  him  in  the  latter.  Symmachus^  took  a  contrary  course,  and, 
running  into  the  other  extreme,  endeavoured  only  to  express  what  he  thought 
was  the  true  sense  of  the  text,  without  having  much  regard  to  the  words; 
whereby  he  made  his  version  rather  a  paraphrase  than  an  exact  translation. 
Theodotion''  went  the  middle  way  between  both,  without  keeping  himself  too 
servilely  to  the  words,  or  going  too  far  from  them;  but  endeavoured  to  express 
the  sense  of  the  text  in  such  Greek  words  as  would  best  suit  the  Hebrew,  as 
fat  as  the  different  idioms  of  the  two  languages  would  bear.  And  his  taking 
this  middle  way  between  both  these  extremes,  is,  I  reckon,  the  chief  reason 
why  some  have  thought  he  lived  after  both  the  other  two,  because  he  corrected 
that  in  which  the  other  two  have  erred.  But  this  his  method  might  happen  to 
lead  him  to,  without  his  having  any  such  view  in  it.  Theodolion's  version  had 
the  preference  with  all,  except  the  Jews,  who  adhered  to  that  of  Aquila  as  long 
as  they  used  any  Greek  version  at  all.  And  therefore,  when  the  ancient  Chris- 
tians found  the  Septuagint  version  of  Daniel  too  faulty  to  be  used  in  their 
churches,^  they  took  Theodotion's  version  of  that  book  into  their  Greek  Bibles 
instead  of  it;  and  there  it  hath  continued  ever  since.  And  for  the  same  reason, 
Origen,^  in  his  Hexapla  where  he  supplies  out  of  the  Hebrew  original  what  was 
defective  in  the  Septuagint,  doth  it  mostly  according  to  the  version  of  Theodotion. 

All  these  four  different  Greek  versions  Origen  collected  together  in  one  vol- 
ume,' placing  them  in  four  distinct  columns,  one  over  against  the  other,  all  in 
the  same  page;  and  from  hence  this  edition  was  called  the  Tetrapla,  i.  e.  the 
fourfold  edition.  In  the  first  column  of  this  edition  was  placed  the  version  of 
Aquila,  in  the  second  that  of  Symmachus,  in  the  third  that  of  the  Septuagint, 
and  in  the  last  that  of  Theodotion.  Sometime  after  he  published  another  edi- 
tion, wherein  he  added  two  other  columns  in  the  beginning,  and  two  others 
also  in  the  end  of  the  same  page,  and  this  was  called  the  Hexapla,  ?.  c.  the  six- 
fold edition,  and  sometimes  the  Octapla,  that  is,  the  eightfold.  In  the  first  col- 
umn of  this  edition  was  placed  the  Hebrew  text  in  Hebrew  letters,*  in  the 
second  the  same  Hebrew  text  in  Greek  letters,  in  the  third  the  Greek  version 
of  Aquila,  in  the  fourth  that  of  Symmachus,  in  the  fifth  that  of  the  Septuagint, 
in  the  sixth  that  of  Theodotion,  in  the  seventh  that  which  was  called  the  fifth 

1  Lib.  3.  c.  24. 

2  Epiphaiiiiia  de  Pnnderibiis  et  Men«iiris.     Oriien.  in  Epist.  ad   Afiicaniim.     Hiornnymiis    in  Prjpfal.  iid 
Chronica.     Eiisebiaira.  f»t  in  Praef'al.  atl  Libium  Jnb.  ct  in  Tractat.  rie  opiimo  Gpnere  interpretandi. 

3  Hipronyinus  in  Praefntinne  ad  T'lironica  Eusehi;iiia,  et  in  Comnient.  ad  .*\mns,  c.  3. 

4  nieninyiniis  in  Praefationo  ad  Ciirnnica  Ensebiana,  et  in  Pitefatione  ad  Lihrnni  Job,  et  alibi  srepins. 

5  nieronymnsin  Piaet'alione  ail  Versionein  Danielis.  i»t  in  Prwfationp  adCi>inni<>nt.  in  Danielem,  Pt  alibi. 

G  Hieronyinus  in  Prxfalion<!  arl  Pentat.  et  in  Pra.'fatione  ad  Libros  Paralipom,  et  in  Epistola  ad  Augusti- 
num,  et  alibi  in  operibus  siiis. 

7  Epiphanius  de  Ponderibtis  et  Mensnris.     Hioronvmiis  in  Prsfatione  ad  Libros  Paralipom.     Rusebins, 
Hist.Eecles.  lib.  fi.  c.  Itj. 

8  Eusebius  et  Epiphaiiiuii.  ibid.  Hieronymus  in  Comment,  in  Epistnlam  Paiili  ad  Titum,  et  in  Epistola  ad 
Vincentium  et  Gallienum,  et  alibi.     Videas  etiam  de  hnc  re  Waltonuni,  Hodinm,  et  Simoninm. 


44 


CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 


Greek  version,  and  in  the  eighth  the  sixth  Greek  version;  and  after  all  these 
columns,  in  some  parts  of  this  edition,  was  added  a  ninth,  in  which  was  placed 
that  which  they  call  the  seventh  version.  The  fifth  and  sixth  were  not  of  the 
whole  Old  Testament,  but  only  of  some  parts  of  it.  The  law,  and  several  other 
of  the  books  of  these  scriptures,  were  wanting  in  both  these  versions:  and  there- 
fore this  edition  began  only  with  six  columns,  and  the  other  columns  were  added 
there  only  where  these  other  versions  began.  And  hence  it  is,  that  this  edition 
is  called  sometimes  the  Hexapla,  in  respect  of  that  part  of  it  where  there  were 
only  six  columns,  and  sometimes  the  Octapla,  in  respect  to  that  part  of  it  where 
there  were  eight  columns:  for  the  Hexapla  and  the  Octapla  were  one  and  the 
same  work,  which,  in  some  parts  of  it,  had  only  six  columns,  and  in  others 
eight,  and  in  some  nine.  In  respect  of  the  two  former,  it  was  called  Hexapla 
and  Octapla,  but  never  Enneapla  {i.  e.  the  ninefold,)  in  respect  of  the  last:  for 
that  last  containing  only  a  small  part,  and,  as  some  say,  no  more  than  the 
Psalms,  no  regard  was  had  to  it,  in  the  name  given  to  the  whole  work.  In  this 
edition,  Origen'  altered  the  order  of  several  parts  of  the  Septuagint,  where  it 
differed  from  the  Hebrew  original:  for  whereas  several  passages  in  that  version,' 
especially  in  Jeremiah,  were  inverted,  transposed,  and  put  into  a  different  order 
from  what  they  are  in  the  Hebrew,  it  was  necessary  for  him  to  reduce  them 
again  to  the  same  order  with  it  for  the  making  of  this  edition  answer  the  end 
he  proposed;  for  this  end  herein  being,  that  the  differences  between  aU  the  ver- 
sions and  the  original  might  be  the  more  easily  seen,  in  order  to  the  making  of 
that  version  the  more  correct  and  perfect  which  was  in  use  through  the  whole 
Greek  church,  he  found  it  necessary  to  make  the  whole  answer  line  for  line  in 
every  column,  that  all  might  appear  the  more  readily  to  the  view  of  the  reader; 
which  could  not  be  done  without  reducing  all  to  the  same  uniform  order;  and 
that  of  the  original,  in  which  all  was  first  written,  was  the  properest  to  be 
followed. 

The  fifth  and  sixth  edition  above  mentioned  were  found,*  the  one  of  them  at 
Nicopolis,  a  city  near  Actium  in  Epirus,  in  the  reign  of  Caracalla,  and  the  other 
at  Jericho  in  Judea,  in  the  reign  of  Alexander  Severus.  Where  the  seventh 
was  found,  or  who  was  the  author  of  this,  or  of  the  other  two,  is  no  where  said. 
The  first  of  these  three  contained  the  minor  prophets,  the  Psalms,  the  Canticles, 
and  the  book  of  Job;  the  second,  the  minor  prophets,"  and  the  Canticles;  and 
the  third,  according  to  some,  only  the  Psalms.  But  very  uncertain,  and  in  some 
particulars,  very  contradictory  accounts  being  given  of  these  three  last  versions, 
and  the  matter  being  of  no  moment,  since  they  are  now  all  lost,  it  will  be  of  no 
use  to  make  any  farther  inquiry  concerning  them.  How  the  whole  was  dis- 
posed in  this  edition  of  Origen's  will  be  best  understood  by  the  subjoined  scheme. 


Col.   1. 

Col.  2. 

Col.  3. 

Col.  4. 

Col.  5. 

Col.  6. 

Col.   7. 

Col.  8. 

Col.  9. 

The 

The 

The 

The 

The 

The 

The 

The 

The 

Hebrew 

Hebrew 

Greek 

Greek 

Greek 

Greek 

fiah 

sixtli 

seventh 

Text 

Text 

Version 

Version 

Version 

Version 

Greek 

Greek 

Greek 

in 

in 

of 

of 

of  the 

of 

Version. 

Version. 

Version. 

Hebrew 

Greek 

Aquila. 

Symma- 

LXX. 

Theodo- 

letlers. 

letters. 

chus. 

tion. 

All  the  three  last  versions,  as  well  as  the  other  three,  of  Aquila,  Symma- 
chus,  and  Theodotion,  Origen  published  in  this  edition  as  he  found  them. 
But  the  Septuagint,  which  was  in  the  fifth  column,  being  that  for  the  sake 
of  v.^hich  he  published  all  the  rest,  he  bestowed  much  more  pains  upon  it,  to 
make  it  as  correct  and  perfect  as  he  could:  for  the  copies  of  it,*  which  in 

1  Vi(I»  (lehac  re  Ussrrii  Synlasmn  (In  Grica  Lxx.  interproliiin  versione.  c.  9.     Morini  ExercitationesBibli- 
c.as,  part  I.  I't  Uidiiirii  dp  IVxtih  is  Biblioruin  Orii;iiialib  is,  lib.  4.  c.  a.  s.  15. 

2  Oriscii  in  Kpistola  ad  Africanum.     Hioronvinns  in  l'r:pfatione  ad  Jereniiam. 

3  Euseb,  IU<1.  Crrles.  lib.  ij.  f.  H.     Fpiphuiiiiis  d'!  PmideribiiP  ct  Mensuris.    Hiornnymiis.    Ant hnr  Synop- 
sis Sacra;  ScriptmaR.  aliiqiie.  •!  lli<'ionymns  cilat  ram  versionem  in  his  libris,  nemo  in  aliis. 

5  Origen  in  Mattb;Biiin  editionis  Ilueliiiiue,  torn.  1.  p.  381. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  45 

his  time  went  about  for  common  use  among  the  Hellenistical  Jews  and  Chris- 
tians, and  were  then  read  by  both  in  their  public  assemblies,  as  well  as  in  pri- 
vate at  home,  where  then  very  much  corrupted,  through  the  mistakes  and  negli- 
gence of  transcribers,  whose  hands,  by  oflen  transcription,  it  had  now  long  gone 
through:  and  therelbre  to  remedy  this  evil,  he  applied  himself,  with  great  care, 
by  examining  and  collating  of  many  copies,  to  correct  all  the  errors  that  had 
this  way  crept  into  this  version,  and  restore  it  again  to  its  primitive  perfection. 
And  that  copy  which  he  had  thus  restored  he  placed  in  his  Hexapla,  in  the 
fifth  column;  which  being  generally  reputed  to  be  the  true  and  perfect  copy  of 
the  Septuagint,  the  other  that  went  about  in  common  use  was,  in  contradistinc- 
tion to  it,  called  the  common  or  vulgar  edition.'  And  his  labour  rested  not 
here:  for  he  not  only  endeavoured,  by  comparing  many  different  copies  and 
editions  of  it,  to  clear  it  from  the  errors  of  transcribers,  but  also,  by  comparing 
it  with  the  Hebrew  original,  to  clear  it  from  the  mistakes  of  the  first  composers 
also;  for  many  such  he  found  in  it,  not  only  by  omissions  and  additions,  but 
also  by  wrong  interpretations  made  in  it  by  the  first  authors  of  this  version. 
The  law,  which  was  the  most  exactly  translated  of  all,  had  many  of  these,  but 
the  other  parts  a  great  many  more.  All  which  he  endeavoured  to  correct  in 
such  manner,  as  to  leave  the  original  text  of  the  Septuagint  stiU  entire,  as  it 
came  out  of  the  hands  of  the  first  translators,  without  any  alterations,  additions, 
or  defalcations  in  it;  in  order  whereto  he  made  use  of  four  marks, ^  called  obe- 
lisks, asterisks,  lemnisks,  and  hypo-lemnisks,  which  were  then  in  use  among  the 
grammarians  of  those  times,  and  put  them  into  that  edition  of  his  corrected 
version  of  the  Septuagint  which  he  placed  in  his  Hexapla.  The  obelisk  was  a 
straight  stroke  of  the  pen,  resembling  the  form  of  a  small  spit,  or  the  blade  of 
a  rapier,  as  thus  ( — );  and  thence  it  had  the  name  of  i=;3£x.(rxo;,  in  Greek,  which 
signifieth,  in  that  language,  a  small  spit,  and  also  the  blade  of  a  sword:  the  as- 
terisk was  a  small  star  as  thus  (*),  and  was  so  called,  because  in  Greek  that 
word  thus  signifieth;  the  Lemnisk  was  a  straight  line  drawn  between  two  points, 
as  thus  (  >^):  and  the  hypolemnisk,  a  straight  line  with  one  point  under  it,  as 
thus  {^)-  By  the  obelisk  he  pointed  out  what  was  in  the  text  of  the  Septua- 
gint to  be  expunged,  as  that  which  was  redundant  over  and  above  what  was  in 
the  text  of  the  Hebrew  original.  By  the  asterisk  he  showed  what  was  to  be 
added  to  it,  to  supply  those  places  where  he  found  it  deficient  of  what  was  in 
the  original.  And  these  supplements  he  made  to  it  mostly  according  to  the 
version  of  Theodotion,^  and  only  where  that  could  not  serve  to  this  purpose  did 
he  make  use  of  the  other  versions.  The  lemnisks  and  hypolemnisks  he  seem- 
eth  to  have  used  to  mark  out  unto  us  where  the  original  interpreters  were  mis- 
taken in  the  sense  and  meaning  of  the  words.  But  how  these  marks  served  to 
this  end,  the  accounts  which  we  have  of  them  are  not  sufficient  to  give  us  a 
clear  notion.  To  show  how  far  the  redundancies  went  that  were  marked  with 
obelisks,  and  how  far  the  additions  that  were  marked  with  tho  asterisks,  another 
mark  was  made  use  of  by  him  in  this  edition,^  which  in  some  copies  were  two 
points,  as  thus  (:),  or  else  in  others  the  head  of  a  dart  inverted,*  as  thus  (i); 
and  by  these  marks  was  pointed  out  where  the  said  redundancies  and  additions 
ended,  in  the  same  manner  as  by  the  obelisks  and  asterisks  was  where  they 
begun,  as  *  "^i  ='"^5,-,  or  thus — ^a.  aurc,  </.  But  all  this  he  did  without  making  any 
alteration  in  the  original  version  of  the  Septuagint;  for  taking  out  all  these 
marks,*  with  those  supplements  which  were  added  under  the  asterisks,  there 
remained  the  true  and  perfect  edition  of  the  Septuagint,  as  published  by  the 
first  translators;  and  this  was  that  which  was  called  Origen's  edition,  as  being 
corrected  and  reformed  by  him  in  the  manner  as  I  have  said.    This  was  a  work 

1  Hieronvmus  in  Epistola  ad  Suniam  et  Fretelam. 

2  Epiphaiiiiis  de  Ponderibus  et  Mensuris.  Hieronymus  in  Prologo  ad  Genesin,  et  in  Pra-fatione  ad  librum 
Psalinorum,  et  in  Prifatione  ad  libros  Paralipom,  et  in  Praefatione  ad  libros  Solomonis,  et  in  libro  secundo 
adversus  Rntlinuni. 

3  Hieronymus  in  Prologo  ad  Genesin,  et  in  Pricfatione  ad  librum  Job,  et  in  librn  secundo  adversus  Ruitinum, 
et  in  Epistola  74,  ad  Augustinum.  4  Hieronymus  in  Priefatione  ad  librum  Psalniorum. 

5  Vide  Graecam  versionem  libri  Joshute  a  Masio  editam.        6  Hieronymus  in  Epistola  74  ad  Augustinum. 


46  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

of  infinite  labour,  which  gained  him  the  name  of  Adamantius,'  and  was  also 
of  as  great  benefit  to  the  church.  It  is  not  certainly  said  when  he  finished  it; 
but  it  seems  to  have  been  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  '250,  which  was  four  years 
before  his  death.  The  original  copy,  when  completed,  was  laid  up  in  the  li- 
brary of  the  church  of  Cesarea  in  Palestine,  where  Jerome,*  many  years  after 
consulted  it,  and  Avrote  out  a  transcript  from  it.  But  the  troubles  and  persecu- 
tions which  the  church  fell  under  in  those  times,  seem  to  have  been  the  cause 
that,  after  it  was  placed  in  that  library,  it  lay  there  in  obscurity  about  fifty  years 
without  being  taken  notice  of;  till  at  length,  being  found  there  by  Pamphilus 
and  Eusebius,  they  wrote  out  copies  of  it:  and  from  that  time,  the  use  and  ex- 
cellency of  it  being  made  known,  it  became  dispersed  to  other  churches,  and 
w^as  received  every  where  with  great  applause  and  approbation  by  them.^ 
But  the  voluminousness  of  the  work,  and  the  trouble  and  charges  it  would  have 
cost  to  have  it  entirely  transcribed,  became  the  cause  that  it  was  not  long-lived: 
for  it  being  very  troublesome  and  expensive  to  have  so  bulky  a  book  wrote  out, 
which  consisted  of  several  volumes,  and  also  very  difficult  to  find  scribes  among 
Christians  in  those  times  sufficiently  skilled  to  write  out  the  Hebrew  text,  many 
contented  themselves  with  copying  out  the  fifth  column  only,  that  is,  the  Sep- 
tuagint,  with  those  marks  of  asterisks,  obelisks,  lemnisks,  and  Hypolemnisks, 
with  which  Origen  placed  it  in  that  column,  that  part  thus  marked  seeming 
to  comprehend  an  abridgement  of  the  whole,  whereby  it  came  to  pass,  that  few 
transcripts  of  this  great  work  were  made,  but  many  of  the  other.  In  the  tran- 
scribing of  which,  the  asterisks  being  often  left  out,  through  want  of  due  care 
in  the  writers,  this  occasioned  that,  in  many  copies  of  the  Septuagint  which 
were  afterward  made,  several  particulars  were  taken  into  the  text  of  the  Septu- 
agint, as  original  parts  of  it,  which  had  only,  under  this  mark,  been  inserted 
there  by  way  of  supplement  out  of  other  translations.  However,  several  copies 
of  the  whole  work,  both  of  the  Tetrapla  and  Hexapla,  still  remained  in  libra- 
ries, and  were  consulted  there  on  all  occasions,  till,  at  length,  about  the  middle 
of  the  seventh  century,  the  inundation  of  the  Saracens  upon  the  eastern  parts 
having  destroyed  all  libraries  wherever  they  came,  it  was  after  this  no  more 
heard  of;  for  there  hath  never  since  been  any  more  remaining  of  it,  than  some 
fragments  that  have  been  gathered  together  by  Flaminius,  Nobilius,  Drusias, 
and  Bernard  de  Montfaucon.  The  latter,  in  a  book  lately  published,  almost  as 
bulky  as  the  Hexapla,  and  a  very  pompous  edition  of  it,  hath  made  us  expect 
concerning  this  matter  much  more  than  is  performed. 

Pamphilus  and  Eusebius  having,  about  the  conclusion  of  the  third  century, 
found  the  Hexapla  of  Origen  in  the  library  of  Cesarea  (or,  according  as  some 
relate,  brought  it  from  Tyre,  and  placed  it  there,'')  corrected  out  of  it  the  Sep- 
tuagint version  then  in  common  use;  and  having  caused  to  be  written  out  seve- 
ral copies  of  it  thus  corrected  according  to  the  fifth  column  in  Origen's  Hex- 
apla, communicated  them  to  the  neighbouring  churches;  and  from  hence  this 
edition  became  of  general  use  in  them,  from  Antioch  to  the  borders  of  Egypt, 
and  was  called  the  Palestine  edition,  because  it  was  there  first  published  and 
used;  and  sometimes  it  is  also  called  the  edition  of  Origen,  because  it  was  made 
according  to  his  corrections. 

About  the  same  time  two  other  editions  of  the  same  Septuagint  Bible  were 
made:  the  first  by  Lucian,  a  presbyter  of  the  church  of  Antioch;*  which  being 
found  after  his  death  at  Nicomedia  in  Bithynia,"  where  he  suffered  martyrdom 
in  the  tenth  persecution,  it  became  afterward  used  through  all  the  churches 

1  Hieronymus  in  Epigtolaad  IVIarcellam.  For  Adamantius,  as  applied  to  him,  signified  the  indefatigable, 
who  was  not  to  be  overcome  with  labour;  and  it  was  not  without  indefatigable  labour  that  he  completed 
this  and  the  other  works  which  he  published. 

2  Hieronymus  in  Psalmum  secundum,  et  in  <?omraent.  in  Epistolam  ad  Tituni,  c.  3. 

3  Hieronymus  in  Pra^mio  ad  Comment,  in  Danielem,  et  in  Epistnla  74  ad  Augustinum. 

4  Hieronymus  in  Prsfatione  ad  Paralipomena. 

5  Hieronymus  in  Prsfatione  ad  Paralipom.  et  in  Catalogo  Scriptorum  Ecclesiasticorum.  et  in  Epistola  ad 
Suniam  et  JFretelam.     Suidas  ex  Simons  Metaphrasta  in  voce  Aouxiavo;,  et  in  voce  NfStusi. 

6  Auctor  Synopsis  Sacra;  Scriptura;. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAxMENT.  47 

from  Constantinople  to  Antioch.  The  other  was  made  by  Hesychius,  a  bishop 
of  Egypt;  which  being  received  by  the  church  of  Alexandria,'  was  from  that 
time  brought  into  use  in  that  and  ail  the  other  churches  of  Egypt.  Both  these 
two  latter  correctors  understood  the  Hebrew  text,  and  in  many  places  corrected 
their  editions  from  it. 

All  the  authors  of  these  three  editions  suffered  martyrdom  in  the  tenth  per- 
secution, which  gave  their  editions  that  reputation,  that  the  whole  Greek  church 
used  either  the  one  or  the  other  of  them.  The  churches  of  Antioch  and  Con- 
stantinople, and  of  all  the  intermediate  countries  lying  between  them,  made 
use  of  the  edition  of  Lucian:  all  from  Antioch  to  Egypt,  that  of  Pamphilus: 
and  all  the  churches  of  Egypt,  that  of  Hesychius.  So  that  Jerome  saith,  the 
whole  world"  was  divided  between  them  in  a  threefold  variety;  because,  in  his 
time,  no  Greek  church  through  the  whole  world  made  use  of  any  other  edition 
of  those  scriptures,  than  one  of  these  three;  but  every  one  of  them  received 
either  the  one  or  the  other  of  them  for  the  authentic  copy  which  they  went  by. 
But,  if  we  may  judge  by  the  manuscript  copies  which  still  remain,  these  three 
different  editions,  bating  the  errors  of  scribes,  did  not,  by  variations  that  were 
of  any  great  moment,  differ  the  one  from  the  other. 

As  thus  the  ancients  had  three  principal  editions  of  the  Septuagint,  from 
whence  all  the  rest  were  copied,  so  hath  it  happened  also  among  the  moderns: 
for,  since  the  inventing  of  printing,  there  have  been  also  three  principal  edir 
tions  of  this  Septuagint  version,  from  which  all  the  rest  have  been  printed  that 
are  now  extant  among  us;  the  first,  that  of  Cardinal  Ximenes,  printed  at  Com- 
plutum,  or  Alcala,  in  Spain;  the  second,  that  of  Aldus,  at  Venice;  and  the 
third,  that  of  Pope  Sixtus  V.  at  Rome. 

That  of  Cardinal  Ximenes  was  printed  A.  D.  1515,^  in  his  Polyglot  Bible  of 
Complutum;  which  contained,  1st,  The  Hebrew  text;  2dly,  The  Chaldee  para- 
phrase of  Onkelos  on  the  Pentateuch;  '3dly,  The  Greek  Septuagint  version  of 
the  Old  Testament,  and  the  Greek  original  of  the  New;  and  4thly,  The  Latin 
version  of  both.  It  was  prepared  for  the  press  by  the  study  and  care  of  the  di- 
vines of  the  university  of  Alcala,*  and  others  called  thither  to  assist  in  this 
work.  But  the  whole  being  carried  on  under  the  direction,  and  at  the  costs 
and  charges  of  Cardinal  Ximenes,  it  hath  the  name  of  his  edition.  The  method 
proposed  herein,  as  to  the  Septuagint,  having  been,  out  of  all  the  copies  they 
could  meet  with,  to  choose  out  that  reading  which  was  nearest  the  original, 
they  seem  rather  thereby  to  have  given  us  a  new  Greek  translation  of  their 
own  composure,  than  that  ancient  Greek  version,  which,  under  the  name  of 
the  Septuagint,  was  in  so  great  use  among  the  primitive  fathers  of  the  Chris- 
tian church.  From  this  edition  hath  been  printed  the  Septuagint  wliich  we 
have  in  both  the  Polyglots  of  Antwerp  and  Paris;  the  former  of  which  was  pub- 
lished A.  D.  1572,  and  the  other  A.  D.  1645;  and  also  the  Septuagint  of  Com- 
melin,  printed  at  Heidelberg,  with  Vatablus's  Commentary,  A.  D.  1599. 

2dly,  Aldus's  edition  was  pubhshed  at  Venice,  A.  D.  1518.^  It  was  by  the 
collation  of  many  ancient  manuscripts,  prepared  for  the  press  by  Andreas  Asu- 
lanus,  father-in-law  of  the  printer.  And  from  this  copj"-  have  been  printed  all 
the  German  editions,  excepting  that  of  Heidelberg  by  Commelin,  already 
mentioned. 

3dly,  But  the  Roman  edition  hath  obtained  the  preference  above  the  other 
two  in  the  opinion  of  most  learned  men,  though  Isaac  Vossius  condemns  it  as 
the  worst  of  all.     The  printing  of  this  edition  was  first  set  on  foot  by  Cardinal 

1  Hieronymns  in  Apologia  ;ul  versus  Riiffiniim,  lib.  2.  ct  in  Pnefatioiie  ad  Paralipomena. 

2  In  Prsfatione  ad  Paralipomena  sic  scribit.  Alexandria  et  .^gyptus  in  Lxx  suis  Hesychium.  Laudat 
Authorem.  Oonstantinopolis  usque  ad  Antiochiam  liUciani  Martyris  exemplaria  probat.  MedisE  inter  has 
provincis  Palestinos,  codices  leennt,  quos  ab  Origene  elaborates  Eusebius  et  Pamphilus  vulgaverunt.  Totus- 
que  orbis  hac  inter  se  trifaria  varietate  conipiignat. 

3  Waltoni  Prolegomena  ad  Biblia  Polyglotta,  c.  i).  s.  28.  Hodius  de  Bibliorum  Textibus  Originalibus,  lib. 
4.  C.3.  Usserii  Syntagma  de  Gropca  lxx  Interpretum  Versione.c.  8.  Grabii  Prolegomena  ad  Octateucluim,  c.  3. 

4  Alcala  is  the  Spanish  name  of  the  same  town  which  in  Latin  is  calleil  Complutum. 

5  Usserii  Syntagma  de  Grasca  7,xx  Interpretum  Versione,  c.  8.  Waltoni  Prolegomena  ad  Biblia  Polyglotta 
Anglicana,  c. 9.  s.  29.     Hodius,  ibid.    Grabius,ibid. 


48  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

Montalto;'  and  he  having  been  afterward  pope,  by  the  name  of  Sextus  Quinlus, 
at  the  time  when  it  was  pubhshed,  A.  D.  1587,  it  therefore  came  out  under  his 
name.  He  first  recommended  the  work  to  Pope  Gregory  XIII.  as  being  that 
which  had  been  directed  to  be  done  by  a  decree  of  the  council  of  Trent;'^  and, 
by  his  advice,  the  work  was  committed  to  the  care  of  Antony  CarafTa,  a  learned 
man  of  a  noble  family  in  Italy,  who  was  afterward  made  a  cardinal  and  library- 
keeper  to  the  pope.  He  by  the  assistance  of  several  other  learned  men  em- 
ployed under  him,  in  eight  years'  time,  finished  this  edition.  It  was,  for  the 
most  part,  according  to  an  old  manuscript  in  the  Vatican  library,  which  was 
written  all  in  capital  letters,  without  the  marks  of  accents  or  points,  and  also 
without  any  distinction  either  of  chapters  or  verses,  and  is  supposed  to  be  as 
ancient  as  the  time  of  Jerome;  only  where  this  was  defective  (for  some  leaves 
of  it  are  lost,)  they  supplied  the  chasm  out  of  other  manuscripts;  the  principal 
of  which  were  one  that  they  had  from  Venice,  out  of  the  library  of  Cardinal 
Bessarion,  and  another  that  was  brought  them  out  of  Magna  Grsecia,  now  called 
Calabria;  which  last  so  agreed  with  the  Vatican  manuscript,  that  they  supposed 
them  either  to  have  been  written  the  one  from  the  other,  or  else  both  from  the 
same  copy.  The  next  year  after  was  j)ublished  at  Rome  a  Latin  version  of  this 
edition,  with  the  annotations  of  Flaminius  Nobilius.  Morinus  reprinted  both 
together  at  Paris,  A.  D.  1628;  and  according  to  that  edition  have  been  published 
all  those  Septuagints  that  have  been  printed  in  England,  that  is,  that  of  Lon- 
don, in  8vo.  A.  D.  1653,  that  in  Walton's  Polyglot,  published  1657,  and  that  of 
Cambridge,  A.  D.  1695;  which  last  hath  the  learned  preface  of  Bishop  Pearson 
before  it,  and  doth  much  more  exactly  give  us  the  Roman  edition  than  that  of 
1653,  though  both,  in  some  particulars,  differ  from  it.^ 

But  the  ancientest  and  the  best  manuscript  of  the  Septuagint  version  now 
extant,  according  to  the  judgement  of  those  who  have  thoroughly  examined 
it,  is  the  Alexandrian  copy,  which  is  in  the  king's  library  at  St.  James's. 
It  is  written  all  in  capital  letters,  without  the  distinction  of  chapters,  verses, 
or  words.  It  was  sent  for  a  present  to  King  Charles  I.^  by  Cyrillus  Lucaris, 
then  patriarch  of  Constantinople.  He  had  been  before  patriarch  of  Alexan- 
dria, and,  being  translated  from  thence  to  the  patriarchate  of  Constantinople, 
he  brought  thither  this  manuscript  wdth  him,  and  from  thence  sent  it  thither 
by  Sir  Thomas  Roe,  then  ambassador  from  England  to  the  Grand  Seignior; 
and  wdth  it  he  sent  this  following  account  of  the  book,  in  a  schedule  an- 
nexed to  it,  written  with  his  own  hand. 

"  Liber  iste  Scripture  Sacrse  Novi  et  Veteris  Testamenti,  prout  ex  tradi- 
tione  habemus,  est  scriptus  manu  Theclae,  nobilis  fceminse  iEgyptise,  ante  mille 
et  trecentos  annos  circiter,  paulo  post  concilium  Nicaenum.  Nomen  ThecljE  in 
fine  libri  erat  exaratum:  sed  extincto  Christianismo  in  iEgypto  a  Mahometanis, 
et  hbri  una  Christianorum  in  similem  sunt  redacti  conditionem;  extinctum  enim 
est  Theclse  nomen  et  laceratum;  sed  memoria  et  traditio  recens  observat. 

"  Cyrillus,  Patriarcha  Constantinopolitanus." 

Which  being  rendered  into  English  is  as  followeth: 

"  This  book  of  the  holy  scriptures  of  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  as  we 
have  it  by  tradition,  was  written  by  the  hand  of  Thecla,  a  noble  Egyptian  lady, 
about  one  thousand  three  hundred  years  since,  a  little  after  the  council  of  Nice. 
The  name  of  Thecla  was  formerly  written  at  the  end  of  the  book:  but  the 
Christian  religion  being  by  the  Mahometans  suppressed  in  Egypt,  the  books  of 
Christians  were  reduced  to  the  like  condition;  and,  therefore,  the  name  of  The- 
cla is  extinguished,  and  torn  out  of  the  book:  but  memory  and  tradition  do  still 
observe  it  to  have  been  hers. 

"  Cyril,  Patriarch  of  Constantinople." 

1  Usserius,  VValtoiius,  [lodius,  et  Grabius,  ibid.  Antonius  Cariifta  in  Praefatione  ad  editiniiem  Romanam. 
Morinus  in  Prtcfationead  editionem  suam  Parisianam  Grsecae  vorsionis  ri"i'  Lxx. 

2  Antonius  Claraftii,  ibid. 

3  Vide  Proleponieria  Lambnrti  Bos  ad  pilitioneid  snain  rxv  l.xxii.     Franequera;  publicatam  A.  D.  1709. 

4  Grabius  in  Prolcgomenis  ad  Octateucluini. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  49 

Dr.  Ernestus  Grabe,  a  learned  Prussian,  who  had  lived  many  years  in  Eng- 
land, did  lately,  under  the  government  of  her  late  majesty,  Queen  Anne,  who 
gave  him  a  pension  for  this  purpose,  undertake  to  publish  an  edition  of  the 
Septuagint  according  to  this  copy;  and  he  hath  accordingly  given  us  two  parts 
of  it,  and  would  have  published  the  rest  in  two  parts  more,  but  that  his  death 
prevented  him  from  proceeding  any  farther.  Would  some  other  able  hand, 
with  the  like  accuracy  and  caie,  finish  what  he  hath  left  undone,  this  might 
then  be  justly  reckoned  among  us  a  fourth  edition  of  the  Septuagint;  and  it  is 
not  doubted,  but  that,  Avhen  so  completed,  it  will  be  approved  as  the  most  per- 
fect and  best  of  them  all. 

And  thus  far  I  have  given  an  account  of  this  ancient  translation  of  the  holy 
scriptures  of  the  Old  Testament,  and  aU  the  editions  it  hath  gone  through,  both 
ancient  and  modern,  so  far  as  it  belongs  to  an  historian  to  relate.  If  any  are 
desirous  to  know  all  the  critical  disputes  and  observations  which  have  been 
made  about  it,  and  what  learned  men  have  written  of  this  nature  concerning 
it,  they  may  consult  Archbishop  Usher's  Syntagma  de  Graeca  lxx  Interpretum 
Versione;  Morinus's  Exercitationes  Biblicae,  part  1.,  and  his  Preface  before  his 
Paris  edition  of  the  Septuagint;  Wouwer  de  Graeca  et  Latina  Bibliorum  Inter- 
pretatione;  Walton's  Prolegomena  ad  Biblia  Polyglotta,  c.  9.  Vossius  de  lxx  In- 
terpretibus;  Simon's  Critical  History  of  the  Old  Testament;  Du  Pin's  History 
of  the  Canon  of  the  Old  Testament;  Grabe's  Prolegomena  before  those  two 
parts  of  the  Septuagint  which  were  published  by  him;  and  especially  Dr.  Hody's 
learned  book  above  cited,  where  he  hath  written  the  fullest  and  the  best  of  all 
that  have  handled  this  argument.  And  here  having  concluded  this  long  histo- 
rical account  of  it,  I  shall  with  it  conclude  this  book. 


BOOK  II. 

An.  276.  Ptolemy  Phihdelph.  9.] — Sosthenes  (who  on  defeating  the  Gauls 
had  for  some  time  reigned  in  Macedon)  being  dead,  Antiochus,  the  son  of  Se- 
leucus  Nicator,  and  Antigonus  Gonatus,  the  son  of  Demetrius  Poliorcetes,'  each 
claimed  to  succeed  there  as  in  their  father's  kingdom,  Demetrius  first,  and  af- 
terwards Seleucus,  having  been  kings  of  that  country.  But  Antigonus  who 
had  now,  from  the  time  of  his  father's  last  expedition  into  Asia,  reigned  in 
Greece  ten  years,  being  nearest,  first  took  possession;  whereon  Antiochus  re- 
solving to  march  against  him,  and  the  other  to  keep  what  he  had  gotten,  each 
raised  great  armies,  and  made  strong  alliances  for  war.  On  this  occasion,  Ni- 
comedes,  king  of  Bithynia,  having  confederated  with  Antigonus,  Antiochus,  in 
his  march  toward  Macedonia,  not  thinking  it  fit  to  leave  such  an  enemy  behind 
him  in  Asia,  instead  of  passing  over  the  Hellespont  to  attack  Antigonus,  led 
his  army  against  Nicomedes,  and  carried  the  war  into  Bithynia.  But  there 
both  armies  having  for  some  time  lain  against  each  other,  and  neither  of  them 
having  courage  enough  to  assault  the  other,  it  at  length  came  to  a  treaty,^  and 
terms  of  agreement  between  them;  by  virtue  of  which, ^  Antigonus  having 
married  Phila,  the  half-sister  of  Antiochus,  as  being  the  daughter  of  Stratonice 
by  Seleucus,  Antiochus  quitted  to  him  his  claim  to  Macedonia,  and  Antigonus 
became  quietly  settled  in  that  kingdom,  where  his  posterity  reigned  for  several 
descents,"  till  at  length  Perseus,  the  last  of  that  race,  being  conquered  by  Pau- 
las iEmilius,  that  kingdom  became  a  province  of  the  Roman  empire. 

An.  275.  Ptolemy  PhiladeJph.  10.] — Antiochus,  being  thus  freed  from  this  war, 
marched  against  the  Gauls  (who  having  gotten  a  settlement  in  Asia,  by  the 
favour  of  Nichomedes,  in  the  manner  as  hath  been  above  related,  overran  and 
harassed  all  that  country,^  and  having,  after  a  short  conflict,  overthrown  them 

1  Memnon,  c.  IP.  3  Justin,  lib,  25.  c.  1.  3  In  Vita  Arati  Astronomi  operibus  ejus  prtefixa. 

4  Plutarchusin  Demetrio.  5  Appian.inSyriacis. 

Vol.  II.— 7 


50  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

in  battle,  he  thereby  delivered  those  provinces  from  their  oppressions,  from 
whence  he  had  the  name  of  Soter,  or  the  Saviour,  given  unto  him. 

Jin.  271.  Ptolemy  Philadelph.  11.] — The  Romans  having  forced  Pyrrhus,'  after 
a  six  years'  war,  to  leave  Italy,  and  return  again  into  Epirus,  with  baffle  and 
disappointment,  their  name  began  to  grow  of  great  note  and  fame  among  foreign 
nations;  whereon  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  sent  ambassadors  to  them,-  to  desire 
their  friendship;  with  which  the  Romans  were  well  pleased,  thinking  it  no 
small  reputation  to  them  that  their  friendship  was  sought  for  by  so  great  a  king. 

An.  273.  Ptolemy  Philadelph.  12.] — And  therefore,  to  make  a  return  of  the 
like  respects,  the  next  year  after  they  sent  a  solemn  embassy  into  Egypt  unto 
that  king.^  The  ambassadors  were  Q.  Fabius  Gurges,  Cn.  Fabius  Pictor,  and 
Q.  Ogulinus,  whose  conduct  in  this  employment  was  very  remarkable:  for, 
with  a  mind  as  great  as  self-denying,  they  put  off  every  thing  from  themselves 
that  might  tend  to  their  own  proper  interest:  for  when  King  Ptolemy,  having 
invited  them  to  supper  with  him,  presented  them,  in  the  conclusion  of  the  en- 
tertainment, with  crowns  of  gold,  they  accepted  of  the  crowns  for  the  sake  of 
the  honour  that  was  done  them  thereby,  but  the  next  morning  after,  crowned 
with  them  the  statues  of  the  king,  which  stood  in  the  public  places  of  the  city; 
and  being  presented,  on  their  taking  their  leave,  with  very  valuable  gifts  from 
the  king,  they  accepted  of  them,  that  they  might  not  disgust  him  by  the  refusal; 
but  as  soon  as  they  were  returned  to  Rome,  they  delivered  them  all  into  the 
pubUc  treasury,  before  they  appeared  in  the  senate  to  give  an  account  of  their 
embassy,  declaring  thereby  that  they  desired  no  other  advantage  from  the 
service  of  the  public,  than  the  honour  of  discharging  it  well.  And  this  was  the 
general  temper  and  inclination  of  the  Romans  in  those  times;  which  made  them 
prosper  in  all  their  undertakings.  But  afterward,  when  the  service  of  the 
public  was  only  desired  in  order  to  plunder  it,  and  men  entered  on  the  em- 
ployments of  the  state  with  no  other  view  or  intent  than  to  enrich  themselves, 
and  advance  their  own  private  fortunes,  no  wonder  then  that  every  thing  be- 
gan to  go  backward  with  them.  And  so  it  must  happen  with  all  other  states 
and  kingdoms,  when  the  public  interest  is  sacrificed  to  that  of  private  men,  and 
the  offices  and  employments  of  the  state  are  desired  only  to  gratify  the  ambition 
and  glut  the  avarice  of  them  that  can  get  into  them.  But  the  Romans,  although 
they  received  into  their  treasuiy  what  their  ambassadors  thus  generously  de- 
livered into  it,  yet  were  not  wanting  in  what  was  proper  for  them  to  do  for  the 
encouraging  so  good  an  example,  and  the  rewarding  of  them  that  gave  it:  for 
they  ordered  to  be  given  to  them,  for  their  service  done  the  state  in  this  em- 
bassy, such  sums  out  of  their  treasury,  as  equalled  the  value  of  what  they  thus 
delivered  into  it.  So  that  the  liberality  of  Ptolemy,  the  abstinence  and  self- 
denial  of  the  ambassadors,  and  the  justice  of  the  Romans,  were  all  signally 
made  appear  in  the  transactions  of  this  matter. 

An.  268.  Ptolemy  Philadelph.  17.] — After  the  death  of  Pyrrhus,*  who  was 
slain  at  Argus,  in  an  attempt  made  upon  that  city,  Antigonus  Gonatus,  king  of 
Macedon,  having  much  enlarged  his  power,  and  made  himself  thereby  very 
formidable  to  the  Grecian  states,*  the  Lacedemonians,  and  the  Anthenians 
entered  into  a  confederacy  against  him,  and  gained  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  to 
join  with  them  herein.  Whereon  Antigonus  besieged  Athens:  for  the  relief  of 
which  Rolemy^  sent  a  fleet  under  the  command  of  Patroclus,  one  of  his  chief 
officers;  and  Areus,  king  of  the  Lacedemonians,  led  thither  an  army  by  land 
for  the  same  pui-pose.  Patroclus,  on  his  arrival  with  his  fleet,  sent  to  Areus  to 
persuade  him  forthwith  to  engage  the  enemy,  promising  him  at  the  same  time, 
to  land  the  forces  which  he  had  on  board  the  fleet,  and  fall  on  them  in  the  rear. 
But  the  provisions  of  the  Lacedemonians  being  all  spent,  Areus  thought  it  better 
to  retreat,  and  march  home;  whereon  Patroclus  was  forced  to  do  the  same,  and 

1  Plutarchus  in  Pyrrho.  2  Livius,  lib.  14.     Eutrop.  lib.  2. 

3  Ibid.     Valerius  Ma.xiimis,  lib.  4.  c.  3.    Dio  in  Excerptisab  TJrsino  editis: 

4  Flutaichusin  Pyrrho.  5  Justin,  lib.  26.  c.  2.    Pausanias  in  Laconicis.  6  Fausanias,  ibid. 


THE  OLt)  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  51 

sail  back  with  his  fleet  again  into  Egypt,  without  accomplishing  any  thing  of 
the  design  for  which  he  was  sent;  and  Athens  being  thus  deserted  by  its  allies, 
fell  into  the  hands  of  Antigonus,  and  he  placed  a  garrison  in  it. 

An.  267.  Ptolemy  Phihdelph.  18.] — Patroclus,  in  his  return  into  Egypt,  having 
found  Sotades  at  Caunus,  a  maritime  city  of  Caria,  there  seized  on  him,'  and 
wrapping  him  in  a  sheet  of  lead,  cast  him  into  tlie  sea.  He  was  a  lewd  poet, 
who  having  written  some  satirical  verses  against  King  Ptolemy,  and  in  them 
bitterly  reflected  on  him  for  his  marriage  with  Arsinoe  his  sister,  was  fled  from 
Alexandria,  to  avoid  the  indignation  of  that  prince.  But  Patroclus,  having  thus 
met  him  in  his  flight,  thought  he  could  not  better  recommend  himself  to  the 
favour  of  his  prince,  than  by  taking  this  vengeance  on  the  person  who  had 
thus  abused  him.  And  it  was  a  punishment  which  he  well  deserved;  for  he 
was  a  very  vile  and  flagitious  wretch,  and  was  commonly  called  Sotades  Cincedus, 
i.  e.  Sotades  the  Sodomite;  which  name  was  given  him  by  way  of  eminence,  not 
only  for  his  notorious  guilt  in  that  monstrous  and  abominable  vice,  but  especially 
for  that  he  had  written  in  Iambic  verses,^  a  very  remarkable  poem  in  commen- 
dation of  it,  which  was  in  great  repute  among  those  who  were  given  to  that 
unnatural  and  vile  lust.  Hence  Sodomites  were  caUed,  from  him,  Sotadici 
Cincedi.  i.  e.  Sotadic  Sodomites,  as  in  Juvenal,^  Inter  Sotadicos  notissima  fossa 
Cincedos;  for  so  it  ought  to  be  read,  and  not  Socraticos,  as  in  our  printed  books; 
for  this  latter  was  an  alteration  made  in  the  text  of  that  author  by  such  as  were 
wickedly  addicted  to  this  beastly  vice,  thinking  they  might  acquire  some  credit, 
or  at  least  some  excuse  to  this  worst  of  uncleanliness,  if  they  could  make  it 
believed  that  Socrates,  who  was  one  of  the  best  of  men,  had  also  been  addicted 
to  it. 

An.  265.  Ptolemy  Philadelph.  20.] — Magas,  governor  of  Cyrene  and  Libya  for 
King  Ptolemy,*  rebelled  against  him,  and  made  himself  king  of  these  provinces. 
He  was  half-brother  to  him,  being  son  of  Berenice  by  Philip,  a  Macedonian, 
who  had  been  her  husband  before  she  married  King  Ptolemy  Soter;  and  there- 
fore, by  her  intercession,  she  prevailed  with  that  prince  to  make  him  his  lieu- 
tenant, to  govern  those  provinces,  on  his  again  recovering  them  after  the  death  of 
Ophelias,  Anno  307;  where  having  strengthened  himself  by  a  long  continuance 
in  that  government,  and  also  by  the  marriage  of  Apame,  the  daughter  of  Anti- 
ochus  Soter,  king  of  Asia,  he,  in  confidence  hereof,  rebelled  against  his  brother, 
and,  not  being  contented  to  deprive  him  of  the  provinces  of  Libya  and  Cyrene, 
where  he  now  reigned,  sought  to  dispossess  him  also  of  Egypt;  and  therefore, 
having  gotten  together  an  army,  marched  toward  Alexandria  for  this  purpose, 
and  seized  Partetonium,  a  city  of  Marmarica,  in  his  way  thither.  But  as  he 
was  proceeding  farther,  a  message  being  brought  him,  that  the  Marmarides,  a 
pepole  of  Libya,  had  revolted  from  him,  he  was  forced  to  march  back  again  for 
the  suppressing  of  this  defection.  Ptolemy  being  then  with  a  great  army  on 
the  borders  of  Egypt,  to  defend  his  country  against  this  invader,  had  a  good 
opportunity,  by  falling  on  him  in  his  retreat,  utterly  to  have  broken  him.  But 
he  was  hindered  by  a  like  defection  at  home,  as  Magas  had  been;  for  having 
for  his  defence  in  this  war  hired  several  mercenaries,  and  among  them  four 
thousand  Gauls,  he  found  they  had  entered  into  a  conspiracy  against  him  to 
take  possession  of  Egypt,  and  drive  him  thence;  for  the  preventing  of  which 
he  marched  back  into  Egypt,  and  having  led  the  conspirators  into  an  island  in 
the  Nile,  he  there  pent  them  up,  till  they  all  persihed  of  famine,  or,  to  avoid  it, 
had  slain  each  other  with  their  own  swords. 

An.  264.  Ptolemy  Philadelph.  21.] — Magas,  as  soon  as  he  had  removed  the 
difficulties  at  home  which  called  him  thither,  was  again  for  renewing  his 
designs  upon  Egypt;  and  for  the  carrying  of  them  on  with  the  better  success,* 
engaged  Antiochus  Soter,  his  father-in-law,  to  engage  with  him  herein;  and 
the  project  concerted  between  them  was,  that  Antiochus  should  attack  the  ter- 

1  Athenaeus,  lib.  14.  p.  620.        2  Strabo,lib.  J4.  p.  648.    Anthenaus,  lib.  14.  p.  620.    Suidas  in  voce  SajraT^j. 
3  Satyr,  2.  10.  4  Pausanias  in  Atticis.  5  Ibid. 


52  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

ritories  of  Ptolemy  on  one  side,  and  Magas  on  the  other.  But  while  Antiochufl 
was  providing  an  army  for  this  puipose,  Ptolemy,  having  full  notice  of  what 
was  intended,  sent  forces  into  all  the  maritime  provinces  which  were  under  the 
dominion  of  Antiochus;  whereby  having  caused  great  ravages  and  devastations 
to  be  made  in  them,  by  this  means  he  necessitated  that  prince  to  keep  at  home 
for  the  defence  of  his  own  territories,  and  Magas,  without  his  assistance  in  the 
war  thought  not  fit  to  move  any  farther  in  it. 

An.  263.  Ptolemy  Philadelph.  2-2.] — The  next  year  after  died  Philetierus,  the 
first  founder  of  the  kingdom  of  Pergamus,'  being  eighty  years  old:^  he  was  a 
eunuch,  and  served  Docimus,  who  was  one  of  the  captains  of  Antigonus,  and 
on  his  revolt  from  that  prince  to  Lysimachus,  passed  with  him  into  the  same 
service;  and  Lysimachus  finding  him  to  have  had  a  liberal  education,  and  to  be 
a  person  of  great  capacity,  made  him  his  treasurer,  and  thereon  put  the  city  of 
Pergamus  into  his  hands,  where,  in  a  strong  castle,  his  treasvire  was  kept.  And 
here  he  served  Lysimachus  many  years  with  great  fidelity;  but  being  particu- 
larly attached  to  the  interest  of  Agathocles,  the  eldest  son  of  Lysimachus,  and 
therefore  having  expressed  great  grief  at  his  death,  which  was  brought  about 
by  the  contrivance  of  Arsinoe,  the  daughter  of  King  Ptolemy  Soter  (whom 
Lysimachus  had  married  in  his  old  age,  as  hath  been  already  related,)  he  grew 
suspected  to  that  lady;  and  finding  thereon  that  designs  were  laid  for  his  life 
also,  he  revolted  from  Lysimachus,  and  under  the  protection  of  Seleucus,  set 
up  for  himself:  and,  having  converted  the  treasure  of  Lysimachus  to  his  own 
use,  among  the  distractions  that  after  followed,  first  on  the  death  of  Lysimachus, 
and  then  on  that  of  Seleucus,  within  seven  months  after,  and  the  unsettled 
state  of  them  that  succeeded  them,  he  managed  his  affairs  with  that  craft  and 
subtlety  that  he  secvired  himself  in  the  possession  of  his  castle,  and  all  the 
country  adjacent,  for  the  term  of  twenty  years,  and  there  founded  a  kingdom, 
which  lasted  for  several  descents  in  his  family  after  him,  and  was  one  of  the 
most  potent  sovereignties  in  all  Asia.  He  had,  indeed,  no  children  of  his  own, 
as  being  a  eunuch;  but  he  had  two  brothers,  Eumenes  and  Attains;  the  elder  of 
which,  Eumenes,  had  a  son  of  the  same  name,  who  succeeded  his  new  acquired 
kingdom,  and  reigned  in  it  twenty-two  years.  This  same  year  began  the  first 
Punic  war  between  the  Romans  and  Carthaginians,  which  lasted  twenty-four 
years. 

Toward  the  end  of  the  same  year  died  Antigonus  of  Socho,^  who  was  presi- 
dent of  the  Sanhedrin  at  Jerusalem,  and  the  great  master  and  teacher  of  the 
Jewish  law  in  their  prime  divinity  school  in  that  city,  and  had  been  in  both 
these  offices,  say  the  Jews,  from  the  death  of  Simon  the  Just,  who  was  of  the 
last  of  those  who  were  called  the  men  of  the  great  synagogue.  These  taught 
the  scriptures  only  to  the  people.  They  who  after  succeeded,  added  the  tradi- 
tions of  the  elders  to  the  holy  scriptures,  and  taught  them  both  to  their  scholars, 
obliging  them  to  the  observance  of  the  one  as  well  as  the  other,  as  if  both  had 
equally  proceeded  from  Mount  Sinai.  These  were  called  the  Tanaim,  or  Mish- 
nical  doctors,  far  the  reason  already  mentioned:*  and  the  first  of  them  was  this 
Antigonus  of  Socho,  who  being  now  dead,  was  succeeded  by  Joseph  the  son 
of  Joazer,  and  Joseph  the  son  of  John.  The  first  of  these  was  Nasi,  or  the  pre- 
sident of  the  Sanhedrin,  and  the  other  Ab-Beth-Din,  or  vice-president;  and 
both  jointly  taught  together  in  the  chief  divinity  school  at  Jerusalem. 

In  the  time  of  this  Antigonus  began  the  sect  of  the  Sadducees,  to  the  rise  of 
which  he  gave  the  occasion;  for  having,  in  his  lectures,'^  often  inculcated  to  his 
scholars,  that  they  ought  not  to  serve  God  in  a  servile  manner  with  respect  to 
the  reward,  but  out  of  the  filial  love  and  fear  only  which  they  owed  unto  him. 
Sadoc  and  Baithus,  two  of  his  scholars,  hearing  this  from  him,  inferred  from 

1  Lucianiis  in  Macrobiis. 

a  Pausanias  in  Atticis.     Ptrabn,  lib.  10.  p.  .'543.  lib.  13.  p.  623,  024.     Appiaii.  in  Syriacis. 
3  Jucliasin.     Zfni.icli  David.     Sbalshelotb  Kaccaliala.  4  Part  1,  book  .";. 

5  PirkR  Avotli  .Tiicliasin.  Zpmach  David.  Shalsheleth  Haccabala.  R.  Abraham  Levita  in  Cabbala  Hls- 
torica.     See  Liglitfoot's  Works  iti  English,  vol.  1.  p.  457.  655,  656,  and  vol.  2.  p.  12.5—127. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  .  63 

hence,  that  there  were  no  rewards  at  all  after  this  life;  and  therefore,  separating 
from  the  school  of  their  master,  they  taught  that  there  was  no  resurrection  nor 
future  state,  but  that  all  the  rewards  which  God  gave  to  those  that  served  him 
Were  in  this  life  only.  And,  many  being  perverted  by  them  to  this  opinion, 
they  began  that  sect  among  the  Jews,  which,  from  the  name  of  Sadoc,  the  first 
founder  of  it,  were  called  the  Saducees;  who  differed  from  Epicurus  only  in 
this,  that  although  they  denied  a  future  state,  yet  they  allowed  the  power  of 
God  to  create  the  world,  and  his  providence  to  govern  it;  whereas  the  Epicu- 
reans deny  both  the  one  and  the  other.  A  fuller  account  of  them  and  their 
tenets  shall  be  hereafter  given,  in  the  place  where  I  shall  treat  of  all  those 
sects  of  the  Jews  together,  which  arose  among  them  between  this  time  and  that 
of  our  Saviour. 

An.  2(v2.  Ptolemy  Philadelph.  23.] — Nicomedes,  king  of  Bithynia,'  having 
built  a  new  city  in  the  place  where  Astachus  before  stood  (which  had  been  de- 
stroyed by  Lysimachus,)  or  very  near  it,^  as  others  say,  caused  it  from  his  own 
name  to  be  called  Nicomedia;  of  which  place  frequent  mention  is  made  in 
the  histories  of  the  latter  Roman  emperors,  several  of  them  having  made  it  the 
seat  of  their  residence  in  the  east. 

Antiochus  Soter,  on  hearing  of  the  death  of  Philetaerus;  thought  to  possess 
himself  of  his  territories,  whereon  Eumenes  marched  with  an  army  against 
him  for  his  defence,  and  having  encountered  him  near  Sardis^  overthrew  him 
in  battle,  and  thereby  not  only  secured  himself  in  the  possession  of  what  his 
uncle  had  left  him,  but  also  augmented  it  by  several  new  acquisitions. 

An.  261.  Ptolemy  Philadelph.  24.] — Antiochus,  after  this  defeat,  returning  to 
Antioch,  there  put  to  death  one  of  his  sons,''  who  had  raised  some  disturbances 
in  his  absence,  and  made  the  other,  who  was  named  also  Antiochus,  king,  and, 
a  little  after  dying,  left  him  in  the  sole  possession  of  all  his  dominions.  He 
was  born  to  him  by  Stratonice,  the  daughter  of  Demetrius,  who  had  been  first 
his  mother-in-law,  and  afterward  his  wife,  as  hath  been  already  related. 

An.  2(i0.  Ptolemy  Philadelph.  25.] — This  Antiochus,  on  his  first  coming  to  the 
crown,  had  for  his  wife  Laodice"  his  sister  by  the  same  father:  he  afterward 
took  the  title  of  Theus,  or  the  Divine;  and  by  this  he  is  usually  distinguished 
from  the  other  kings  of  that  name  who  reigned  in  Syria.  It  was  first  given  him 
by  the  Milesians,*^  on  his  delivering  them  from  the  tyranny  of  Timarchusf  for 
this  Timarchus,  being  governor  of  Caria  for  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  (who  at  this 
time  had,  besides  Egypt,  Coele-Syria,  and  Palestine,*  the  provinces  of  Cilicia, 
Pamphylia,  Lycia,  and  Caria,  in  Lesser  Asia,)  rebelled  against  him,  and  setting 
up  for  himself  fixed  the  chief  seat  of  his  tyranny  at  Miletus.  The  Milesians, 
to  be  freed  from  him,  called  in  Antiochus,  who  having  vanquished  and  slain 
Timarchus,  was,  for  this  reason,  honoured  by  them  as  a  god,  and  had  the  title 
of  Theus  there  given  unto  him;  which  was  an  impious  flattery,  the  people  of 
those  times  were  frequently  guilty  of  toward  the  princes  then  reigning:  for  the 
Lemnians''  had  a  little  before  consecrated  his  father  and  grandfather  to  be  gods, 
and  built  temples  to  them;  and  the  Smyrnians  did  the  same  for  Stratonice  his 
mother.^" 

In  the  beginning  of  this  king's  reign  lived  Berosus,  the  famous  Babylonish 
historian;  for  he  dedicated  his  history  to  him:  so  saith  Tatian.  His  words  are — 
"Berosus,  the  Babylonian,  who  was  a  priest  of  Belus  at  Babylon,  and  lived 
in  the  time  of  Alexander,  dedicated  to  Antiochus,  who  was  the  third  after  him, 
his  history,  which  he  wrote  in  three  books,  of  the  affiiirs  of  the  Chaldeans,  and 

1  Pausanias  in  Eliacorum  libro  prime.  Euseb.  Chron.  Trebellius  Pollio  in  Gallienis.  Ammianus  Mar- 
cellinus,  lib.  22. 

2  Memnon.  cap.  21. 

3  Strabo,  lib.  J3.  p.  ri24.  For  the  Antiochus  who  was  beaten  at  Sardis  could  be  none  other  than  Antiochus 
the  son  of  Seleucus.  according  to  tliis  author;  for  he  here  calls  him  toi/  Ze^uxou,  t.  e.  the  son  of  Seleucus, 
that  Greek  phrase  in  that  place  not  bearing  any  other  interpretation. 

4  Trogus  in  Prologo.  lib.  20. 

6  Polyaenus  Stratagem,  lib.  8.  c.  50.     Appian.  in  Syriacis.    .Tustin.  lib.  27.  c.  1.  6  Appian.  in  Syriacis. 

7  Trogus  in  Prologo,  lib.  20.  8  Theocritus,  Idyll.  17.  9  Athenaens,  lib.  6.  c.  16. 
10  Marmora  Oxoniensia,  p.  5,  6.  14. 


54  CONNEXION  OF  THE  fflSTORY  OF 

the  actions  of  their  kings."  The  third  after  Alexander  was  certainly  Antio* 
chus  Theus:  for  Seleucus  Nicator  Avas  the  first,  Antiochus  Soter  the  second, 
and  Antiochus  Theus  the  third;  and  therefore,  according  to  Tatian,  it  must  be 
to  him  that  this  dedication  was  made.  But  it  being  also  said  by  Tatian,  that  he 
lived  in  the  time  of  Alexander,  who  died  sixty-four  years  before  the  first  year 
of  Antiochus  Theus,  the  age  of  the  historian  makes  it  necessary  to  place  this 
dedication  to  Antiochus  as  early  as  possible,  that  is,  in  the  first  year  of  his  reign. 
For,  supposing  Berosus  to  have  been  twenty  at  the  death  of  Alexander,  in 
whose  time  he  is  said  to  have  lived,  he  must  have  been  eighty-four  in  the  first 
year  of  Antiochus  Theus;  and  so  great  an  age  makes  it  probable  he  could  not 
have  lived  long  beyond  it:  and  therefore  below  this  year  we  cannot  well  place 
this  dedication.  And  the  account  which  Pliny'  gives  us  of  this  history,  brings 
down  the  ending  of  it  to  have  been  hereabout;  for  he  saith  that  it  contained 
astronomical  observations  for  four  hundred  and  eighty  years.  Learned  men, 
with  good  I'eason,^  begin  the  computation  of  these  four  hundred  and  eighty 
years  from  the  beginning  of  the  era  of  Nabonassar,  and  the  four  hundred  and 
eightieth  year  of  that  era  ended  about  six  years  before  Antiochus  Theus  began 
his  reign.  And  that  he  should  end  his  history  at  a  term  six  years  before  he 
published  it,  is  not  hard  to  conceive,  though  perchance  it  might  be  deduced 
down  to  the  death  of  Antiochus  Soter,  and  the  odd  number  be  left  out  in  the 
computation,  it  being  usual  in  the  reckoning  of  such  long  sums  to  end  them  at 
a  full  number.  After  the  Macedonians  had  made  themselves  masters  of  Babylon, 
he  learned  from  them  the  Greek  language;  and,  passing  from  Babylon  into 
Greece,  first  settled  at  Cos,^  a  place  famous  for  the  birth  of  Hippocrates,  the 
father  of  physicians,  and  did  there  set  up  a  school  for  the  teaching  of  astrono- 
my and  astrology;  and  afterward  from  Cos  he  went  to  Athens,  where  he  grew 
so  famous  for  his  astrological  predictions,  that  they  there  erected  to  him  in  their 
gymnasium,''  the  public  place  of  their  exercises,  a  statue  with  a  golden  tongue. 
Many  noble  fragments  of  his  history  are  preserved  by  Josephus  and  Eusebius, 
which  give  great  light  to  many  passages  in  the  scriptures  of  the  Old  Testament, 
and  without  which  the  series  of  the  Babylonian  kings  could  not  have  been  well 
made  out.  Of  the  counterfeit  Berosus,  published  by  Annius  of  Viterbo,^  I  have 
already  spoken,  and  therefore  need  not  here  again  repeat  it. 

An.  259.  Ptolemy  PhUadclph.  26.] — Ptolemy,  being  intent  to  advance  the 
riches  of  his  kingdom,  contrived  to  bring  all  the  trade  of  the  east  that  was  by 
sea  into  it.  It  had  hitherto  been  managed  by  the  Tyrians,  and  they  carried  it 
on  by  sea  to  Elath,  and  from  thence  by  the  way  of  Rhinocorura  to  Tyre.  These 
were  both  sea-port  towns,  Elath  on  the  east  side  of  the  Red  Sea,  and  Rhino- 
corura at  the  bottom  of  the  Mediterranean,  between  Egypt  and  Palestine,  near 
the  mouth  of  that  river  which  the  scriptures  call  the  river  of  Egypt:  of  both 
which  places,  and  the  trade  carried  on  through  them  by  the  Tyrians,  I  have 
already  spoken  in  the  first  part  of  this  history.**  To  draw  this  trade  into  Egypt, 
Ptolemy  contrived  to  build  a  city  on  the  western  side  of  the  Red  Sea,  from 
whence  he  might  set  out  his  shipping  for  the  carrying  of  it  on.  But  observing 
that  the  Red  Sea  toward  the  bottom  of  the  gulf  was  of  very  difficult  and  dan- 
gerous navigation,  by  reason  of  its  rocks  and  shelves/  he  built  his  city  at  as 
great  distance  from  that  part  of  this  sea  as  he  could,  placing  it  almost  as  far 
down  as  the  confines  of  Ethiopia,  and  called  it  Berenice,  from  the  name  of  his 
mother.  But  that  not  having  a  good  harbour,  Myos  Hormus,  in  the  neighbour- 
hood, was  afterward  found  to  be  a  more  convenient  port;  and  therefore  all  the 
wares  of  Arabia,  India,  Persia,  and  Ethiopia,  being  brought  thither  by  sea,  they 
were  carried  from  thence,  on  camels'  backs,  to  Coptus  on  the  Nile,  and  from 
thence  down  that  river  to  Alexandria,  from  whence  they  were  dispersed  all 
over  the  west,  and  the  wares  of  the  west  were  carried  back  the  same  way  into 

1  Lib.  7.  c.  5fi. 

2  VideUsscrii  Aniialcs  VeleiU  Testamenti  siibanno  J.  P.4453.  etVossiumde  Historicis Grsecis, lib.  1. c.  13. 

3  Vitruvius,  lib.  9.  c.  7.  4  Plinius,  lib.  7.  c.  37.  5  Part  1,  book  8,  under  the  year  298. 
6  Part  1,  book  1,  under  the  year  74.  7  Strabo,  lib.  17.  p.  815. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  ■  05 

the  east;  by  which  means  the  Tynans  being  deprived  of  this  profitable  traffic, 
it  became  thenceforth  fixed  at  Alexandria;  and  this  city  from  that  time  continued 
to  be  the  prime  mart  of  all  the  trade  that  was  carried  on  between  the  east  and 
the  west  for  above  seventeen  hmidred  years  after,  till,  a  little  above  two  centu- 
ries since,  another  passage  from  the  west  into  those  countries  was  found  out  by 
the  way  of  the  Cape  of  Good  Hope.  But  the  road  from  Coptus  to  the  Red 
Sea  being  through  deserts,  where  no  water  was  to  be  had,  nor  any  convenience 
of  towns  or  houses  for  the  lodging  of  passengers,  Ptolemy,  for  the  remedying 
of  both  these  inconveniences,'  drew  a  ditch  from  Coptus,  which  carried  the 
water  of  the  Nile  all  along  by  that  road,  and  built  it  on  several  inns,  at  such 
proper  distances,  as  to  afford  every  night  lodgings  and  convenient  refreshments, 
both  for  man  and  beast,  to  all  that  should  pass  that  way.  And,  as  he  thus  pro- 
jected to  draw  all  the  ti-ade  of  the  east  and  west  into  this  kingdom,  so  he  pro- 
vided a  very  great  fleet  for  the  protecting  of  it,^  part  of  which  he  kept  in  the 
Red  Sea,  and  part  in  the  Mediterranean.  That  in  the  Mediterranean  alone  was 
very  great,  and  some  of  the  ships  of  it  of  a  very  unusual  bigness:  for  he  had 
in  it  two  ships  of  thirty  oars  on  a  side,^  one  of  twenty  oars,  four  of  fourteen, 
two  of  twelve,  fourteen  of  eleven,  thirty  of  nine,  thirty-seven  of  seven,  five  of 
six,  seventeen  of  five;  and  of  four  oars  and  three  oars  of  a  side,  he  had  double 
the  number  of  all  these  already  mentioned;  and  he  had,  over  and  above,  of  the 
smaller  sort  of  vessels  a  vast  number.  And  by  the  strength  of  this  fleet,  he 
not  only  maintained  and  advanced  the  trade  of  his  country,  but  also  kept  most 
of  the  maritime  provinces  of  Lesser  Asia,"*  that  is,  Cilicia,  Pamphylia,  Lycia, 
and  Caria,  and  also  the  Cyclades,  in  thorough  subjection  to  him  as  long  as 
he  lived. 

Jin.  258.  Ptolemy  Philadelph.  27.] — Magas,  king  of  Cyrene  and  Libya,  grow- 
ing old  and  infirm,  expressed  a  desire  of  composing  all  differences  with  King 
Ptolemy  his  brother,  and,  in  order  hereto,  purposed  to  marry  his  only  daughter 
Berenice  to  King  Ptolemy's  eldest  son,*  and  with  her  to  give  the  inheritance  of 
his  kingdoms  after  him;  which  being  accepted  of  by  Ptolemy,  peace  was  made 
between  them  on  these  tei'ms. 

An.  257.  Ptolemy  Philadelph.  28.] — But  Magas,  in  the  year  following,  died 
before  the  treaty  was  executed,*^  after  he  had  reigned  fifty  years  over  Lybia  and 
Cyrene,'  from  the  time  that  these  provinces  were  first  committed  to  his  govern- 
ment, on  the  death  of  Ophelias.  In  the  latter  end  of  his  life,  he  gave  himself 
much  to  ease  and  luxury,  eating  and  drinking  beyond  all  temperance  and  mea- 
sure; whereon  he  grew  so  corpulent,®  that  at  length  he  weighed  himself  down 
into  the  grave  by  the  load  of  his  own  fat.  After  his  death,  Apame  his  wife^ 
(whom  j'ustin  calls  Arsinoe,)  setting  herself  very  violently  to  break  the  match 
contracted  for  her  daughter  with  the  son  of  King  Ptolemy,  as  being  agreed 
without  her  consent,  sent  into  Macedon  for  Demetrius,  the  half-brother  of  King 
Antigonus  Gonatus  (for  he  was  the  son  of  Demetrius  Poliorcetes,'"  by  his  last 
wife  Ptolemais,  the  daughter  of  Ptolemy  Soter,)  promising  him  her  daughter  in 
marriage,  and  the  kingdoms  of  Libya  and  Cyrene  with  her.  This  invitation 
soon  brought  Demetrius  thither.  But  Apame,  on  his  arrival,  finding  him  a 
very  beautiful  young  man,  fell  in  love  with  him  herself;  which  Demetrius  com- 
plying with,  neglected  the  young  princess,  and  gave  himself  wholly  up  to  this 
scandalous  amour  with  the  mother;  and  being  hereon  thoroughly  possessed  of 
her  favour,  in  confidence  of  it,  began  to  carry  himself  with  great  pride  and  in- 
solence, not  only  toward  the  princess,  but  also  toward  the  ministers  and  soldiers 
that  served  her  father;  whereon  they  all  conspired  against  him.  And  Berenice 
herself,  having  led  the  conspirators  to  the  door  of  her  mother's  bedchamber, 
when  he  was  there  accompanying  with  her,  they  fell  upon  him,  and  slew  him 

1  Strabo.  lib.  17.  p.  815.  2  Theocritus  in  Idyllio,  17.    Appianus  in  Prsefatione. 

3  Athensus,  lib.  5.  p.  203.  4  Theocritus  in  Idyllio,  17. 

5  Justin,  lib.  2(5.  c.  3.  ubi  pro  Magas,  ex  errore  scribarum,  legitur  Agas.  6  Justin,  lib.  26.  c.  3. 

7  Athenseus  ex  Agatharcide,  lib.  12.  p.  550.  8  Athaenus, ibid.  9  Justin,  ibiu. 

10  Plutarchus  in  Demetrio.     Here  it  isto  be  observed,  that  Apame  was  the  granddaughter  of  the  same  De- 
metrius, by  Stratonice  his  daughter,  for  she  was  the  daughter  of  Antiochus  Soter  by  that  lady. 


56  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

in  her  bed,  notwithstanding  she  did  all  she  could,  by  interposing  her  body  be- 
tween him  and  the  swords  of  the  conspirators,  to  save  him  from  this  assassina- 
tion. After  this,  Berenice  went  into  Egypt,  and  there  consummated  the  mar- 
riage with  the  son  of  King  Ptolemy  which  her  father  had  contracted  for  her, 
and  Apame  was  sent  into  Syria  to  King  Antiochus  Theus  her  brother. 

An.  256.  Ptolemy  Philadelph.  29.] — But  on  her  arrival  at  his  court,  she  so  ex- 
asperated him  against  King  Ptolemy,  as  to  engage  him  to  enter  into  a  war  with 
him,  which  lasted  long,'  and  was  carried  on  with  great  violence,  to  the  very 
great  damage  of  King  Antiochus,  and  at  last  administered  the  occasion  of  a 
cruel  tragedy  in  his  family,  in  which  he  himself  perished,  as  will  be  hereafter 
related. 

An.  255.  Ptolemy  Philadelph.  30.] — For  the  carrying  on  of  this  war,  Ptolemy 
employed  his  lieutenants,  without  appearing  in  it  himself,  by  reason  of  the  ten- 
der state  of  his  health,  which  would  not  permit  him  to  bear  the  hardships  of  a 
camp,''  or  the  fatigues  of  a  campaign.  But  Antiochus,  being  in  the  vigour  of 
his  youth,  headed  his  armies  himself,  and  drew  after  him  all  the  strength  of 
Babylon  and  the  east,^  for  the  more  vigourous  prosecuting  of  the  war.  But 
what  were  the  successes  of  it  on  either  side  we  have  no  account,  through  want 
of  their  being  recorded  in  history;  only  we  may  presume,  there  were  no  great 
advantages  gotten,  nor  any  signal  events  brought  to  pass,  on  either  side,  because, 
if  there  had,  they  could  not  have  escaped  being  told  us,  in  an  age  when  there 
lived  so  many  able  historians  and  learned  men  to  commit  them  to  writing. 

An.  254.  Ptolemy  Philadelph.  31.] — But,  amidst  this  war,  Ptolemy  did  not 
omit  his  search  for  books  for  his  library,  and  also  for  pictures  and  drawings 
which  were  the  works  of  eminent  artists.  And  for  this  Aratus,  the  famous 
Sicyonian,"*  being  one  of  his  agents  in  Greece,  he  so  far  gained  his  favour  by 
his  service  to  him  herein,  that,  on  his  applying  to  him  for  his  help  toward  the 
restoring  of  his  city  to  liberty  and  peace,  he  gave  him  for  this  purpose  one  hun- 
dred and  fifty  talents.  The  case  was  thus: — Aratus  having  expelled  Nicocles,* 
the  tyrant  of  Sicyon,  and  brought  back  the  exiles  again  to  their  city,  great  dis- 
turbances did  there  arise  hereon  about  the  restoration  of  their  lands,  which  had 
like  to  have  put  all  into  confusion  among  them,  by  reason  most  of  those  lands 
had  been  transferred  to  other  proprietors,  and,  by  purchase  and  sale  for  valuable 
considerations,  gone  through  several  hands  before  the  exiles  were  restored,  who 
thought  it  hard  to  be  deprived  of  what  they  had  paid  for;  and  there  being  no 
other  way  to  satisfy  them,  but  by  refunding  their  money  again,  for  this  reason 
Aratus  applied  to  King  Ptolemy,  and,  with  the  money  he  gave  him,  satisfied 
every  body,  and  restored  peace  to  Sicyon. 

An.  250.  Ptolemy  Philadelph.  35.] — While  Antiochus  was  carrying  on  the  war 
in  which  he  was  engaged  against  King  Ptolemy,  there  happened  a  great  defec- 
tion from  him  in  the  eastern  provinces  of  his  empire;  and,  by  reason  of  his 
embarrassments  in  this  war,  he  not  being  at  leisure  immediately  to  suppress  it, 
the  revolt  at  length  grew  to  a  head  too  hard  for  him  to  master;  and  this  gave 
beginning  to  the  Parthian  empire.  The  occasion  of  it  was  thus: — Agathocles,* 
who  was  governor  of  Parthia  for  King  Antiochus,  being  sodomitically  given, 
fell  in  love  with  a  beautiful  young  man  called  Teridates,  and  attempted  a  force 
upon  him  for  the  gratifying  of  his  unnatural  lust.  Whereupon  Arsaces,  the 
brother  of  the  youth,  to  rescue  him  from  this  violence,  with  some  other  of  his 
friends  joining  with  him,  fell  upon  the  governor,  and  slew  him;  and,  after  that, 
drawing  a  company  together  after  him  for  the  vindication  of  the  fact,  he,  in  a 
little  time,  while  neglected  by  Antiochus,  grew  strong  enough  to  expel  the 
Macedonians  out  of  the  province,  and  there  set  up  for  himself.  And  about  the 
same  time  Theodotus  revolted  in  Bactria,**  and,  from  being  governor  of  that  pro- 
vince, declared  himself  king  of  it.     And  that  country  having  one  thousand 

1  HJeronymus  in  Danielem  xi.  5.  2  Strabo,  lib.  17.  p.  789.  3  Hieronymus  in  Danielemxi.  5. 

4  Pliitarchus  in  Arato. 

5  Arrianusin  Parthicisapud  Photiuni,eod.58.  Syncellus,  p.  284.  Justin,  lib.  41.  c.  4.  Strabo,  lib.  11.  p.  515«.. 

6  Strabo  et  Justin,  ibid. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  57 

cities  in  it,  he  got  them  all  under  his  obedience;  and,  while  Antiochus  delayed 
to  look  that  way,  by  reason  of  his  wars  with  Egypt,  made  himself  too  strong  in 
them  to  be  afterward  reduced;  which  example  being  followed  by  other  nations 
in  those  parts,  they  all  there  generally  revolted  at  the  same  time;  and  Antio- 
chus lost  ahnost  all  those  eastern  provinces  of  his  empire  that  lay  beyond  the 
Tigris.  This  happened,  Jui>tin  tells  us',  while  L.  Manlius  Vulso  and  M.  Attilius 
Regulus  were  consuls  at  Rome. 

This  same  year,  on  the  death  of  Manasseh,  high-priest  of  the  Jews,  Onias,' 
the  second  of  that  name,  succeeded  him  in  his  othce.  He  was  the  son  of  Simon 
the  Just;  but,  having  been  left  an  infant  at  his  father's  death,  Eleazer,  the  bro- 
ther of  Simon,  was  then  made  high-priest  in  his  stead;  and  he  also  dying  be- 
fore Onias  was  of  an  age  capable  for  the  executing  of  the  oflice,  Manasseh,  the 
son  of  Jaddua,  and  uncle  of  Simon  the  Just,  was  called  to  it;  and  now,  he  be- 
ing dead,  Onias  came  into  the  office.  But  being  a  man  of  a  heavy  temper,  and 
a  very  sordid  spirit,  he  behaved  himself  very  meanly  in  that  station,  to  the  en- 
dangering of  the  whole  Jewish  state,  by  the  illness  of  his  conduct;  as  will 
hereafter  be  related  in  its  proper  place. 

An.  249.  Ptolemy  Philadelph.  36.] — The  commotions  and  revolts  which  hap- 
pened in  the  east,  making  Antiochus  weary  of  his  war  with  King  Ptolemy,^ 
peace  was  made  between  them  on  the  terms,  that  Antiochus,  divorcing  Lao- 
dice,  his  former  wife,  should  marry  Berenice,  the  daughter  of  Ptolemy,  and 
make  her  his  queen  instead  of  the  other,  and  entail  his  crown  upon  the  male 
issue  of  that  marriage.  And  this  agreement  being  ratified  on  both  sides,  for  the 
fuU  performance  of  it,  Antiochus  put  away  Laodice,  though  she  were  his  sister 
by  the  same  father,''  and  he  had  two  sons  born  to  him  by  her;  and  Ptolemy, 
carrying  his  daughter  to  Pelusium,  there  put  her  on  board  his  fleet,  and  sailed 
with  her  to  Selucia,  a  sea-port  town  near  the  mouth  of  the  River  Orontes  in 
Syria;  where  having  met  Antiochus,  he  delivered  his  daughter  to  him,  and  the 
marriage  was  celebrated  with  great  solemnity.  And  thus  "  the  king's  daughter 
of  the  south  came,  and  was  married  to  the  king  of  the  north;"  and,  by  virtue 
of  that  marriage,  "  an  agreement  was  made  between  those  two  kings,"  accord- 
ing to  the  prophecy  of  the  prophet  Daniel,  xi.  5,  6.  For  in  that  place,  by  the 
king  of  the  south,  is  meant  the  king  of  Egypt,  and  by  the  king  of  the  north, 
the  king  of  Syria;  and  both  are  there  so  called  in  respect  of  Judea,  which  lyin^ 
between  these  two  countries,  hath  Egypt  on  the  south,  and  Syria  on  the  north. 
For  the  fuller  understanding  of  this  prophecy,  it  is  to  be  observed,  that  the  holy 
prophet,  after  having  spoken  of  Alexander  the  Great  (ver.  3,)  and  of  the  four 
kings  among  whom  his  empire  was  divided  (ver.  4,)  confines  the  rest  of  his 
prophecy  in  that  chapter  to  two  of  them  only,  that  is,  to  the  king  of  Egypt,  and 
the  king  of  Syria;  and  first  he  begins  with  that  king  of  Egypt  who  first  reigned 
in  that  country  after  Alexander,  that  is,  Ptolemy  Soter,  whom  he  calls  king  of 
the  south,  and  saith  of  him  that  he  should  be  strong.  And  that  he  was  so,  all 
that  write  of  him  do  sufficiendy  testify;  for  he  had  under  him  Egypt,  Libya, 
Cyrene,  Arabia,  Palestine,  Ccele-Syria,  most  of  the  maritime  provinces  of  Lesser 
Asia,  the  island  of  Cyprus,  several  of  the  isles  of  the  iEgean  Sea,  now  called 
the  Archipelago,  and  some  cities  also  in  Greece,  as  Sicyon,  Corinth,  and 
others.  And  then  the  prophet  proceedeth  to  speak  of  another  of  the  four  suc- 
cessors (or  princes,  as  he  calls  them)  of  Alexander,  and  he  was  Seleucus  Nica- 
tor  king  of  the  north;  of  whom  he  saith,  that  he  "  should  be  strong  above  the 
king  of  the  south,  and  have  great  dominion  also  above  him;"  that  is,  greater 
than  the  king  of  the  south.  And  that  he  had  so,  appears  from  the  large  territo- 
ries he  was  possessed  of;  for  he  had  under  him  all  the  countries  of  the  east, 
from  Mount  Taurus  to  the  River  Indus,  and  several  of  the  provinces  of  Lesser 
Asia,  also  from  Mount  Taurus  to  the  yEgean  Sea:  and  he  had  moreover  added 

1  Lib.  41.  c.  4.  2  Joseph.  Ant.  lib.  12.  c.  3. 

3  Hieronymus  in  Danielem  xi.    Polysenus  Stratagem,  lib.  8.  c.  50.    Athenaeus,  lib.  2.  c.  6. 

4  Polyaenus,  lib.  8.  c.  .in.  dicit  earn  fuiase  Antiochi  o/^sn-itTpioK  »Ji>.$>ii',  t.  e.  sororem  ex  patre,  quia  scilicit 
Antiochus  Soter  erat  utriiisque  pater. 

Vol.  IL— 8 


58  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

to  them,  before  his  death,  Thrace  and  Macedon.  And  then,  in  the  next  place 
(ver.  6,)  he  tells  us  of  "the  coming  of  the  king's  daughter  of  the  south,  after 
the  end  of  several  years,  to  the  king  of  the  north,  and  the  agreement,  or  treaty 
of  peace,  which  should  thereon  be  made  between  those  two  kings:"  which 
plainly  points  out  unto  us  this  marriage  of  Berenice,  daughter  to  Ptolemy  Phi- 
ladelphus  king  of  Egypt,  -with  Antiochus  Theus  king  of  Syria,  and  the  peace 
which  was  thereon  made  between  them:  for  all  this  was  exactly  transacted  ac- 
cording to  what  was  predicted  by  the  holy  prophet  in  this  prophecy.  After  this, 
the  holy  prophet  proceeds,  through  the  rest  of  the  chapter,  to  foreshow  all  the 
other  most  remarkable  events  that  were  brought  to  pass  in  the  transactions  of 
the  succeeding  times  of  those  two  races  of  kings,  till  the  death  of  Antiochus 
Epiphanes,  the  great  persecutor  of  the  Jewish  nation:  all  which  I  shall  take 
notice  of  in  the  following  series  of  this  history,  and  apply  them  to  the  prophecy 
for  the  explication  of  it,  as  they  come  in  my  way. 

An.  248.  Ptolemy  Philadelph.  37.] — Ptolemy  being  a  curious  collector  of  sta- 
tues, drawing,  and  pictures,  that  were  the  works  of  eminent  artists,  as  well  as 
of  books,  while  he  Avas  in  Syria  the  last  year,  saw  there  a  statue  of  Diana,  in 
one  of  her  temples,  which  he  was  much  taken  with;  and  therefore,  desiring  it 
of  Antiochus,^  carried  it  with  him  into  Egypt.  But  he  had  not  been  long  re- 
turned thither,  ere  Arsinoe,  falling  sick,  dreamed  that  Diana  appeared  to  her, 
and  told  her,  that  the  cause  of  her  sickness  was,  that  Ptolemy  had  taken  away 
her  statue  from  the  temple  where  it  had  been  consecrated  to  her.  Whereon 
the  statue  was  sent  back  again  into  Syria,  and  there  replaced  in  the  temple 
from  whence  it  had  been  taken,  and  many  gifts  and  oblations  w^ere  added  to 
appease  the  wrath  of  the  goddess.  But  this  did  not  at  all  help  the  sick  queen; 
for  she  soon  after  died  of  the  sickness  she  had  languished  under,  and  left  Pto- 
lemy in  great  grief  for  her  loss:  for  though  she  was  much  older  than  he,  and 
past  child-bearing  when  he  married  her,  yet  he  doated  on  her  to  the  last;  and 
after  her  death,  did  all  that  he  could  for  her  honour,  calling  several  cities, 
which  he  had  built,  by  her  name,  and  erecting  obelisks  to  her  memory,  and 
doing  many  other  unusual  things  to  express  the  great  affection  and  regard  which 
he  had  for  her:  the  most  remarkable  of  which  was,  his  attempting  to  erect  a 
temple  to  her  at  Alexandria,  in  which  it  was  projected  to  build  a  dome,^  whose 
vault,  being  all  arched  with  loadstone,  should  cause  an  image  of  hers,  made  of 
steel,  there  to  hang  in  the  air  in  the  middle  of  the  dome,  by  virtue  of  the  at- 
tractive quality  of  the  loadstones.  This  design  was  the  contrivance  of  Dino- 
crates,  a  famous  architect  of  those  times:  and  when  it  was  laid  before  King 
Ptolemy,  he  was  so  pleased  with  it,  that  the  work  was  forthwith  begun,  under 
the  direction  of  him  that  projected  it.  But  whether  it  would  take  or  no,  never 
came  to  the  trial;  for  both  Ptolemy  and  the  architect  soon  after  dying,  this 
put  an  end  to  the  design;  so  that  no  experiment  was  made  of  what  the  load- 
stones could  do  in  this  case.  It  hath  long  gone  cuirent  among  many,  that  the 
body  of  Mahomet,  after  his  death,  being  laid  in  an  iron  coffin,  was  thus  hung 
in  the  air  by  virtue  of  loadstones  in  the  roof  of  the  room  where  it  was  reposited; 
but  how  fabulous  this  story  is,  I  have  already  shown  in  the  life  of  that  impostor. 

An,  247.  Ptolemy  Philadelph.  38.] — Ptolemy,  after  the  death  of  Arsinoe,  did 
not  long  survive  her:  for  being  originally  of  a  tender  constitution,  and  having- 
farther  weakened  it  by  a  luxurious  indulgence,^  he  could  not  bear  the  approach 
of  age,  nor  the  grief  of  mind  which  he  fell  under  on  the  loss  of  his  beloved  wife; 
but  sinking  away  under  these  burdens,  died  in  his  great  climacteric,  the  sixty- 
third  year  of  his  life,  after  having  reigned  over  Egypt  thirty-eight  years.*  He 
left  behind  him  two  sons  and  a  daughter,  which  he  had  by  Arsinoe  the  daugh- 
ter of  Lysimachus,  his  first  wife.  The  eldest  of  the  two  sons  was  Ptolemy 
Euergetes,  who  reigned  after  him;  the  other  was  called  Lysimachus,  which 
was  the  name  of  his  maternal  grandfather.     He  was  put  to  death  by  his  brother 

1  Libanius  Drat.  xi.  2  Plinius,  lib. 34.  c.  14.  3  Alhenseus,  lib.  12.  c.  10. 

4  Canon  Ftolemxi  Aslronoini. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  59 

for  some  insurrection  which  he  had  made  against  him.  The  daughter  was  Be- 
renice, who  was  lately  married  to  Antiochus  Theus,  king  of  Syria. 

Ptolemy  Philadelphus  having  been  a  very  learned  prince,'  and  a  great  patron 
of  learning,  as  well  as  a  great  collector  of  books,  many  of  those  who  were  emi- 
nent for  any  part  of  literature  resorted  to  him  from  all  parts,  and  partook  of  his 
favour  and  bounty.  Seven  celebrated  poets^  of  that  age  are  especially  said  to 
have  lived  in  his  court;  four  of  which,  Theocritus,  Callimachus,  Lycophron, 
and  Aratus,  have  of  their  works  still  remaining,  and  among  these  the  first  of 
them  hath  a  whole  Idyllium,  and  the  second  part  of  two  h3nTins  written  in  his 
praise.^  Manetho,  the  Egyptian  historian,  dedicated  his  history  to  him,  of 
which  we  have  already  spoken.'*  And  Zoilus,  the  snarling  critic,  came  also  to 
his  court;"  he  had  written  against  Homer,^  whom  all  besides  highly  valued  and 
admired;  and  he  had  also  criticised  upon  the  works  of  other  eminent  writers  in 
a  very  biting  and  detracting  style;  and  from  hence  his  name  grew  so  infamous, 
that  it  was  afterward  given  by  way  of  reproach  to  all  detractors;  and  carping 
Zoilus  became  a  provervial  expression  of  infamy  upon  all  such.  Although  his 
eminency  this  way  was  so  remarkable,  that  he  excelled  all  men  in  it,  yet  this 
could  not  recommend  him  to  King  Ptolemy.  How  great  soever  his  wit  was  he 
hated  him  for  the  bitterness  and  ill-nature  of  it,  and  therefore  would  give  him 
nothing;  and,  for  the  same  reason,  having  drawn  on  him  the  odium  and  aver- 
sion of  all  men,  he  at  length  died  miserably;  some  say  he  was  stoned,  others 
that  he  was  burned  to  death,  and  others  that  he  was  crucified  by  King  Ptolemy 
for  a  crime  he  had  committed  deserving  of  that  punishment. 

This  king  had  also  been  a  great  builder  of  new  cities,  and  many  old  ones  he 
repaired,  and  gave  new  names  to  them;  and  particularly  two  of  this  last  sort  were 
in  Palistine:  for  there  he  rebuilt,  on  the  west  side  of  that  country,  Ace,''  a  fa- 
mous port  on  that  coast;  and,  on  the  eastern  side,  that  ancient  city  which  is  so 
■often  mentioned  in  scripture  by  the  name  of  Kabbah  of  the  children  of  Ammon. 
Ace  he  called,  from  one  of  his  names,  Ptolemais,  and  Rabbah,  from  the  other 
of  his  names,*  Philadelphia.  The  former  of  these  is  still  in  being,  and  having 
recovered  its  old  name,  is  called  Aeon;  by  which  it  is  often  mentioned,  and  is 
of  very  famous  note  in  the  histories  of  the  holy  war.  The  Turks  at  present  name 
it  Acre.^  And  he  left  so  many  other  monuments  of  his  magnificence  behind 
him,  in  cities,  in  temples,  and  in  other  public  edifices  built  by  him,  that  it 
afterward  grew  into  a  proverb,  when  any  work  was  erected  with  more  than  or- 
dinary sumptuousness,  to  call  it  Philadelphian, 

But  notwithstanding  the  great  expense  he  must  have  been  at  in  all  this,  he 
died  possessed  of  vast  riches;  for  although  he  had  two  great  fleets,'"  one  in  the 
Mediterranean,  and  the  other  in  the  Red  Sea,  and  maintained  constantly  in  pay 
an  army  of  two  hundred  thousand  foot,  and  forty  thousand  horse,  and  had  also 
three  hundred  elephants,  and  two  thousand  armed  chariots,  besides  arms  in  his 
magazines  for  three  hundred  thousand  men  more,  and  all  other  necessary  im- 
plements and  engines  for  war,  yet  he  left  in  his  treasury  seven  hundred  and 
forty  thousand  Egyptian  talents  in  ready  money,  which  being  reduced  to  our 
money,  makes  a  prodigious  sum:  for  every  Egyptian  talent  contained  seven 
thousand  five  hundred  Attic  drachms,"  which  is  one  thousand  five  hundred 
drachms  more  than  an  Attic  talent.  This  shows  how  vast  his  revenues  must 
have  been,  which  he  had  the  art  to  make  the  most  of:  for  it  is  Appian's  cha- 
racter of  him,'-  that,  as  he  was  the  most  splendid  and  magnificent  of  all  the 
kings  of  his  time  in  the  laying  out  of  his  money,  so  was  he  of  all  the  most  in- 
tent and  skilful  in  the  gathering  of  it  in. 

I  Atlienseus,  lib.  12.  c.  10.    Strabo, lib.  17.  p.  789.  2  Vide  Vossium  de  Historicis  Gra-cislib.  I.e.  12. 
3  In  liymno  in  Jovem  et  in  hymno  in  Delum.  4_Part  1,  book  7,  underthc  year  350. 

5  Vitriivius  in  Prsefatione  ad  libruin  7.     Architecture  sucB. 

6  Deeo  vide  Vossium  de  Historicis  Graecislib.  1.  c.  15.  7  Vide  Relandi  Palestinam  Illustratam. 

8  Ibid.  9  See  Sandy's  Thevenot,  and  other  travellers. 

10  Appianus  in  Prsefatione.    Hieronymus  in  Comment,  in  Daniel,  xi.  Athensus,  lib.  5.  p.  203. 

II  Vide  Barnardumde  Mensuris  et  Ponderibns  Antiquorum,  p.  186. 
42  In  Prffifatioiie  ad  Opera  Historica. 


60  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

An.  246.  Ptol.  Euergetes  1.] — Antiochus  Theus,  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  the 
death  of  King  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  his  father-in-law,  removed  Berenice'  from 
his  bed,  and  again  recalled  unto  him  Laodice  and  her  children.'  But  she  know- 
ing the  unsteady  and  fickle  humour  of  Antiochus,  and  therefore  fearing  that  he 
might,  upon  as  light  change  of  mind,  again  recall  Berenice,  as  he  had  her,  re- 
solved to  make  use  of  the  present  opportunity  to  secure  the  succession  of  her  son. 
For,  by  the  late  treaty  with  Ptotemy,  her  children  were  to  be  disinherited,  and 
the  crown  to  be  settled  on  the  children  which  Berenice  should  bear  unto  him; 
and  she  already  had  one  son  by  him.  For  the  effecting  of  this  design,  she  pro- 
cured Antiochus  to  be  poisoned  by  his  servants,"'  and  then,  on  his  death,  did 
put  one  Artemon,  that  was  very  much  like  him,  into  his  bed,  to  personate  him 
as  sick,  till  she  should  have  brought  her  matters  to  bear;  who  acting  his  part 
well,  the  death  of  the  king  was  not  known,  till  by  orders  forged  in  his  name, 
her  eldest  son  by  him,  Seleucus  Callinlcus,  was  secured  of  the  succession;  and 
then,  the  death  of  the  king  being  publicly  declared,  Seleucus  ascended  the 
throne  without  any  opposition,  and  sat  in  it  twenty  years.  But  Laodice  not 
thinking  him  safe  in  the  possession  which  he  had  thus  taken  of  it,  as  long  as 
Berenice  and  her  son  lived,'  designs  were  laid  to  cut  them  both  off;  which  Be- 
renice being  informed  of,  she  fled  with  her  son  to  Daphne,  and  there  shut  her- 
self up  in  the  asylum  which  was  built  in  that  place  by  Seleucus  Nicator.  But 
she  being  circumvented  by  the  fraud  of  those  who,  by  the  appointment  of  Lao- 
dice, did  there  besiege  her,  first  her  son,  and  afterward  she  herself,  were  villa- 
nously  slain,  with  all  the  Eg3^tian  attendants  that  came  with  him.  And  hereby 
was  exactly  fulfilled  what  was  foretold  by  the  prophet  Daniel  concerning  this 
marriage  (ch.  xi.  ver.  6,)  that  is,  that  "Neither  he  (that  is,  Antiochus  king  of 
the  north)  nor  she  (that  is,  Berenice,  daughter  of  Ptolemy  king  of  the  south) 
should  continue  in  their  power;  but  that  he  (that  is,  King  Antiochus)  should 
fall,  and  that  she  (that  is,  Berenice,)  being  deprived  of  him  that  strengthened 
her  (that  is,  of  her  father  who  died  a  little  before,)  should  be  given  up  with 
those  that  brought  her  (that  is,  that  came  with  her  out  of  Egypt,)  and  her  son,'' 
whom  she  brought  forth  to  be  cut  off  and  destroyed."  And  so  it  happened  to 
them  all,  in  the  manner  as  I  have  related. 

While  Berenice  continued  shut  up  and  besieged  in  Daphne,^  the  cities  of 
Lesser  Asia,  hearing  of  her  distress,  commisserated  her  case,  and  immediately, 
by  a  joint  association,  sent  an  army  toward  Antioch  for  her  relief;  and  Ptolemy 
Euergetes,®  her  brother,  hastened  thither  with  a  greater  force  out  of  Egypt  for 
the  same  purpose.  But  both  Berenice  and  her  son  were  cut  off  before  either 
of  them  could  arrive  for  their  help:  whereon  both  armies  turning  their  desire 
of  saving  the  queen  and  her  son  into  a  rage  for  the  revenging  of  their  death, 
the  Asian  forces  joined  the  Egyptian  for  the  effecting  of  it,  and  Ptolemy,  at 
the  head  of  both,  carried  all  before  him;  for  he  not  only  slew  Laodice,  but  also 
made  himself  master  of  all  Syria  and  Cilicia,^  and  then  passing  the  Euphrates, 
brought  all  under  him  as  far  as  Babylon,  and  the  River  Tigris,  and  would  have 
subjugated  to  him  all  the  other  provinces  of  the  Syrian  empire,  but  that  a  se- 
dition arising  in  Egypt  during  his  absence  called  him  back  to  suppress  it.* 
And  therefore,  having  appointed  Antiochus  and  Xantippus,^  two  of  his  generals, 
the  former  of  them  to  command  the  provinces  he  had  taken  on  the  west  side 
of  Mount  Taurus,  and  the  other  to  command  the  provinces  he  had  taken  on 
the  east  side  of  it,  he  marched  back  into  Egypt,  carrying  with  him  vast  trea- 
sures, which  he  had  gotten  together,  in  the  plunder  of  the  conquei-ed  provinces: 
for  he  brought  from  thence  with  liim  forty  thousand  talents  of  silver,'"  a  vast 
number  of  precious  vessels  of  silver  and  gold,  and  images  also  to  the  number 

1  Hieronymy  Cnminent.  in  Danielem  xi. 

2  Hieronyiniis,  Ihid.     Pliniiis,  lib.  7.  c.  12.     V.ilpriug  Maximus,  lib.  9.c.  11.     Solinus,  c.  1. 

3  Hieronyiniis,  ibid.     Appianiis  in  Syriacis.     .Tustin.  lib.  27.  c.  1.     Polyaenus  Stratagem,  lib.  8.  c.  50. 

4  So  it  is  ill  tho  margin  of  our  English  liiblc,  and  this  is  the  trner  version.  5  Justin,  lib.  27.  c.  I. 

6  Justin,  lib.  27.  c.  1.     Appianiis  in  Syriacis.    Hieronynius  in  Danieleiu  \\.    Polysenns,  lib.  8.  c.  50. 

7  Justin.  Appian.  et  Uieroiiyinus,  ibid.     Polybius,  lib.  5.     Polyieniis,  lib.  8.  c.  50. 

8  Justin,  lib.  27.  c.  1.  9  Hieronvmus  in  Dan.  xi.  10  Ibid.     Monumentum  Adulitanuni. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  61 

of  two  thousand  five  hundred,  among  which  were  many  of  the  Egyptian  idols, 
which  Cambyses,  on  his  conquering  Egypt,  had  carried  thence  into  Persia. 
These  Ptolemy  having  restored  to  their  former  temples,  on  his  return  from  this 
expedition,  he  thereby  much  endeared  himself  to  his  people;  for  the  Egyptians 
being  then  of  all  nations  the  most  bigoted  to  their  idolatrous  worship,  they 
highly  valued  this  action  of  their  king  in  thus  bringing  back  their  gods  again 
to  them.  And  in  acknowledgment  hereof  it  was,  that  he  had  the  name  of 
Euergetes  (i.  e.  the  Benefactor)  given  unto  him  by  them.  And  all  this  hap- 
pened exactly  as  it  was  foretold  by  the  prophet  Daniel  (chap.  xi.  7 — 9.)  For 
in  that  prophecy  he  tells  us,  that,  after  the  king's  daughter  of  the  south  should, 
with  her  son  and  her  attendants,  be  cut  off,  and  he  that  strengthened  her  in 
those  times,  that  is,  her  father,  who  was  her  chief  support,  should  be  dead, 
"  there  should  one  arise  out  of  a  branch  of  her  roots  in  his  estate,"  that  is, 
Ptolemy  Euergetes,  who  springing  from  the  same  root  with  her,  as  being  her 
brother,  did  stand  up  in  the  estate  of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  his  father,  whom 
he  succeeded  in  his  kingdom;  and  that  "  he  should  come  with  an  army,  and 
enter  into  the  fortress  of  the  king  of  the  north,  and  prevail  against  him,  and 
should  carry  captive  into  Egypt  the  gods  of  the  Syrians,  with  their  princes, 
and  with  their  precious  vessels  of  silver  and  gold;  and  so  should  come,  and 
return  again  into  his  own  kingdom."  And  how  exactly  all  this  was  fulfilled, 
what  is  above  related  doth  sufficiently  show.  It  is  said  also  in  the  same  pro- 
phecy (ver.  8,)  "  That  the  king  of  the  south,  on  his  return  into  his  kingdom, 
should  continue  more  years  than  the  king  of  the  north:"  and  so  it  happened; 
for  Ptolemy  Euergetes  outlived  Seleucus  Callinicus  foUr  years,  as  will  be  here- 
after 'shown. 

When  Ptolemy  Euergetes  .went  on  this  expedition  into  Syria,^  Berenice  his 
queen,  out  of  the  tender  love  she  had  for  him,  being  much  concerned,  because 
of  the  danger  which  she  feared  he  might  be  exposed  to  in  this  war,  made  a 
vow  of  consecrating  her  hair  (in  the  fineness  of  which,  it  seems,  the  chief  of 
her  beauty  consisted,)  in  case  he  returned  again  safe  and  unhurt;  and  there- 
fore, on  his  coming  back  again  with  safety  and  full  success,  for  the  fulfilling  of 
her  vow,  she  cut  off  her  hair,  and  offered  it  up  in  the  temple  which  Ptolemy 
Philadelphus  had  built  to  his  beloved  wife  Arsinoe,  on  the  promontory  of  Ze- 
phyrium  in  Cyprus,  by  the  name  of  the  Zeph3'-rian  Venus.  But  there,  a  little 
after,  the  consecrated  hair  being  lost,  or  perchance  contemptuously  flung  away 
by  the  priests,  and  Ptolemy  being  much  offended  at  it,  Conon  of  Samos,  a  flat- 
tering mathematician  then  at  Alexandria,  to  salve  up  the  matter,  and  also  to  in- 
gratiate himself  with  the  king,  gave  out  that  this  hair  was  catched  up  into 
heaven;  and  he  there  shbwed  seven  stars  near  the  tail  of  the  lion,  not  till  then 
taken  within  any  constellation,  which  he  said  were  the  queen's  consecrated 
hair:  which  conceit  of  his,  other  flattering  astronomers  following  with  the  same 
view,  or  perchance  not  daring  to  say  otherwise,  hence  Coma  Berenices,  i.  e. 
the  hair  of  Berenice,  became  one  of  the  constellations,  and  is  so  to  this  day. 
Callimachus  the  poet,  who,  as  I  have  before  shown,  lived  in  those  times,  made 
a  hymn  upon  this  hair  of  Queen  Berenice,  a  translation  of  which  being  made 
by  Catullus,  is  still  extant  among  his  poetical  works. 

On  King  Ptolemy  Euergete's  return  from  this  expedition,"  he  took  Jerusalem 
in  his  way,  and  there,  by  many  sacrifices  to  the  God  of  Israel,  paid  his  acknow- 
ledgements for  the  victories  he  had  obtained  over  the  king  of  Syria,  choosing 
rather  to  offer  up  his  thanks  to  him,  than  to  the  gods  of  Egypt  for  them:  the 
reason  of  which  very  probably  might  be,  that,  being  shov/n  the  prophecies  of 
Daniel  concerning  them,  he  inferred  from  thence,  that  he  owed  them  only  to 
that  God  whose  prophet  had  so  fully  predicted  them. 

^n.  ^5.  Ptol.  Euergetes  2.] — As  soon  as  Ptolemy  was  returned  into  Egypt, 
Seleucus  prepared  a  great  fleet  on  the  coasts  of  Syria,'  for  the  reducing  of  the 

1  Hygini  Poetica  Astronomica.    Nonnus  in  Ilistoriariim  Synagoga. 

2  JosephuEi  contra  Apionem  libro  secundo.  3  Justin,  lib. 27.  c. 2.  Trogi  Prologu?,  27.  Polybius,  lib.  5. 


62  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

revolted  cities  of  Asia.  But  he  was  no  sooner  put  to  sea,  but,  meeting  with  a 
very  violent  storm,  he  lost  all  his  ships  in  it,  scarce  any  thing  remaining  of  so 
great  a  preparation,  besides  himself,  and  some  few  of  his  followers,  that  escaped 
naked  with  him,  to  land  from  this  calamitous  wreck.  But  this  blow,  how  ter- 
rible soever  it  might  at  first  appear,  by  a  strange  turn  of  affairs,  did  all,  in  the 
result,  prove  to  his  advantage;  for  the  revolted  cities  of  Asia  (who,  out  of  the 
abhorence  they  had  of  him  for  the  murder  of  Berenice  and  her  son,  had  gone 
over  to  Ptolemy,)  on  their  hearing  of  this  great  loss,  thinking  that  murder  to  be 
sufficiently  revenged  by  it,  took  compassion  of  him,  and  returned  again  to  him. 

An.  244.  Piol.  Euergeies  3.] — By  which  fortunate  revolution,  being  again  re- 
stored to  the  best  part  of  his  dominions,  he  prepared  a  great  army  against  Ptol- 
emy for  the  recovering  of  the  rest.'  But  in  this  attempt  he  had  no  better  suc- 
cess than  in  the  former:  for,  being  overthrown  in  battle  by  Ptolemy,  he  lost  the 
greatest  part  of  his  army,  and  escaped  to  Antioch  from  this  misadventure  with 
as  few  of  his  followers  as  from  the  former;  whereon,  for  the  restoration  of  his 
broken  affairs,  he  invited  Antiochus  his  brother  to  join  him  with  his  forces, 
promising  him  all  the  provinces  in  Lesser  Asia,  that  belonged  to  the  Syrian 
empire  on  this  condition.  He  was  then  at  the  head  of  an  army  in  those  pro- 
vinces; and  although  then  he  was  but  fourteen  years  old,  yet  being  of  a  for- 
ward and  very  aspiring  spirit,  or  else,  as  is  most  probable,  being  conducted  by 
others  who  were  of  this  temper,  he  readily  accepted  of  the  proposal,  and  ac- 
cordingly prepared  for  the  accomplishing  of  it;  but  not  so  much  out  of  a  de- 
sign of  saving  any  part  of  the  empire  to  his  brother,  as  to  gain  it  all  to  himself; 
for  he  was  a  very  rapacious  and  greedy  disposition,  laying  his  hands  on  all  that 
he  could  get,  right  or  wrong;  whereon  they  called  him  Hierax,  that  is,  the  hawk, 
because  that  bird  flies  at  all  that  comes  in  his  way,  and  takes  every  thing  for 
prey  that  it  can  lay  its  talons  upon. 

After  this  second  blow  received  by  Seleucus,^  the  cities  of  Smyrna  and  Mag- 
nesia in  Lesser  Asia,  out  of  the  affection  which  they  bore  unto  him,  entered 
into  a  league  to  join  all  their  power  and  strength  for  the  support  of  his  interest 
and  royal  majesty;  which  they  caused  to  be  engraven  on  a  large  column  of 
marble.  This  very  marble  column  is  now  standing  in  the  theatre  yard  at  Ox- 
ford, with  the  said  league  engraven  on  it  in  Greek  capital  letters,  still  very  legi- 
ble; from  whence  it  was  published  by  me  among  the  Marmora  Oxoniensia 
about  forty  years  since*  It  was  brought  out  of  Asia  by  Thomas,  Earl  of  Arun- 
del, in  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  King  Charles  L  and  was  given,  with  other 
marbles,  to  the  University  of  Oxford,  by  Henry,  Duke  of  Norfolk,  his  grandson, 
in  the  reign  of  King  Charles  H. 

An.  ^3.  Ptol.  Eue)-gefes  4.] — Ptolemy,  on  his  hearing  that  Antiochus  was 
preparing  to  join  Seleucus  against  him,  that  he  might  not  have  to  do  with  both 
at  the  same  time,  came  to  agreement  with  Seleucus;^  and  a  peace  was  conclu- 
ded between  them  for  ten  years. 

An.  242.  Piol.  Euergeies  5.] — However,  Antiochus  desisted  not  from  his  pre- 
parations, which  Seleucus  now  understanding  to  be  made  against  himself, 
marched  over  Mount  Taurus  to  suppress  him.''  The  pretence  for  the  war  on 
Antiochus' s  part  was  the  promise  that  Seleucus  had  made  him  of  all  his  pro- 
vinces in  Lesser  Asia  for  his  assistance  against  Ptolemy.  But  Seleucus  being 
delivered  from  that  war  without  his  assistance,  thought  himself  not  obUged  to 
any  thing  by  that  promise.  But  Antiochus  persisting  in  his  demand,  and  the 
other  in  his  refusal,  this  brought  the  controversy  to  the  decision  of  a  battle  be- 
tween them.  It  was  fought  near  Ancyra  in  Lesser  Asia;^  in  which  Seleucus 
being  overthrown,  hardly  escaped  with  his  life;  and  it  fared  very  little  better 
with  Antiochus:  for  having  won  this  victory  chiefly  by  the  assistance  of  the 
Galatians,  or  Gauls  of  Asia,  whom  he  had  hired  into  his  service,  these  barba- 

1  Justin,  lib.  27.  c.  2.  2  Marmora  Oxoniensia,  p.  5,  6,  &;C.  3  Justin,  lib.  27.  c.  2. 

4  Trogus  in  Prologo  27.    Strabo,  lib.  ]6.  p.  750.    Justin,  lib.  27.  c.  2. 

5  Polysenus  Jib.  8.  c.  61.    Justin,  lib  27.  c.  2.    Athenaeus,  lib.  13.    Plutarchus,  n-ipi  <pi?.aJ£A.(f .»{. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  63 

lians,  on  a  rumour  spread  that  Seleucus  was  slain  in  the  battle,  plotted  the 
death  of  the  other  brother  also,  reckoning  that,  in  case  both  were  cut  off,  all 
Asia  would  be  theirs;  whereon  Antiochus,  having  no  other  way  to  save  him- 
self, redeemed  his  life,  by  giving  them  all  the  treasure  he  had  for  the  ransom  of  it. 

Eumenes,  king  of  Pergamus,'  making  his  advantage  of  these  divisions, 
marched  against  Antiochus  and  the  Gauls  witli  all  his  forces,  purposing  to  sup- 
press them  both  at  once.  This  forced  Antiochus  to  a  new  treaty  with  the 
Gauls;  wherein  he  was  content  instead  of  being  their  master,  to  become  their 
confederate,  for  the  mutual  defence  of  both;  but  Eumenes  falling  on  them  be- 
fore they  could  recruit  themselves  after  the  losses  sustained  in  the  late  battle  at 
Ancyra,  had  an  easy  victory  over  both,  and  thereon  overran  all  Lesser  Asia. 

Jin.  241.  Piol.  Eitergetes  G.] — Eumenes,  after  this  victory,  giving  himself  up 
to  much  drinking,  died  in  the  excess  of  it,^  after  he  had  reigned  twenty-two 
years.  He  having  no  children  of  his  own,  was  succeeded  in  his  kingdom  by  his 
cousin-german  Attains,  the  son  of  Attalus,  his  father's  younger  brother;  who 
being  a  wise  and  valiant  prince,^  maintained  himself  in  the  acquisitions  of  his 
family;  and,  having  wholly  subdued  the  Gauls,  he  found  himself  so  firmly  es- 
tablished in  his  dominions  by  it,  that  he  thenceforth  openly  assumed  the  title 
of  king;  for  his  predecessors,  though  they  had  the  thing,  yet  abstained  from  the 
name.  Attalus  was  the  first  of  that  family  that  took  it,  upon  the  occasion  that 
I  have  mentioned;  and  it  was  enjoyed  by  his  posterity,  with  the  dominions  be- 
longing to  it,  to  the  third  generation  after  him. 

While  Eumenes,  and  Attalus  after  him,  thus  curtailed  the  Syrian  empire  on 
the  west  side,  Theodotus  and  Arsaces  did  the  same  on  the  east.  For  it  being 
reported,  that  Seleucus  had  been  slain  in  the  battle  of  Ancyra,  Arsaces,  think- 
ing this  an  opportunity  for  him  to  enlarge  himself,  seized  on  Hyrcania,  and 
adding  that  to  Parthia,  established  his  kingdom  over  both:  and  a  little  after, 
Theodotus  dying,  he  made  a  league  with  his  son  of  the  same  name,  who  suc- 
ceeded him  in  Eactria,  for  their  mutual  defence,  and  thereby  they  both  strength- 
ened themselves  in  the  possession  of  what  they  had  gotten.  But,  notwithstand- 
ing all  this,"  the  two  brothers  still  went  on  with  their  wars  against  each  other, 
without  regarding  that,  while  they  were  thus  contending  between  themselves 
for  their  father's  empire,  they  lost  it  by  piecemeals  to  others,  who  were  enemies 
to  both. 

This  war  in  the  course  of  it  was  at  length  carried  into  Mesopotamia;^  and 
then  most  likely  happened  the  battle  in  Babylonia,  which  Judas  Maccabseus 
makes  mention  of  in  his  speech  to  his  army  (-2  Maccab.  viii.  20,)  in  which  he 
saith  eight  thousand  of  the  Babylonish  Jews,  joined  with  four  thousand  Mace- 
donians, vanquished  the  Galatians,  and  slew  of  their  army  one  hundred  and 
twenty  thousand  men.  For  Babylonia,  or  the  province  of  Babylon,  was  a  part 
of  Mesopotamia,  and  Antiochus  Hierax  had  the  Galatians  in  confederacy  with 
him;  and  at  this  time  they  are  said  to  have  come  in  such  great  swarms  into  the 
east,*  as  to  fill  all  Asia  with  their  numbers;  and  that  they  did  usually  let  them- 
selves to  hire  in  all  wars,  which  in  those  times  the  eastern  kings  had  one  with 
another,  these  princes  thinking  themselves  best  strengthened  for  victory  when 
they  had  most  of  them  in  their  armies;  and  that  this  Antiochus  was  assisted  by 
them  in  this  war,  hath  been  already  said. 

An.  240.  Ptol.  Euergetes  7.] — But  whether  it  were  by  this,  or  some  other 
victory,  Seleucus  had  at  length  the  advantage  in  this  war;  so  that  Antiochus, 
being  vanquished  and  broken,^  was  forced  to  shift  from  place  to  place  with  the 

1  Justin,  lib.  27.  c.  3.  He  there  calls  him  king  of  Bithynia  by  mistake;  for  there  was  no  king  of  Bithynia 
of  that  name  at  this  time,  as  appears  from  Memnon  in  the  Excerptions  ofPhotius,  cod.  234. 

2  Athenius,  lib.  10.  c.  16. 

3  Livius,  lib.  33.  Strabo,  lib.  13.  p.  624.  Valesii  Excerpta  ex  Polybii,  lib.  18.  Suidas  in  voce  Attx>.oj. 
Polysenus,  lib.  4.  c.  19. 

4  Justin,  lib.  27.  c,  3. 

5  Trogusin  Prologo,  27.    Polysnus,  Stratagem,  lib.  4.  c.  17. 

6  Justin,  speaking  of  the  Gauls,  or  Galatians,  hath  these  words: "  G^llorum  ea  tempestate  tantse  fcecunditati 
juveutus  fuit,  ut  Asiam  oninem  velut  examine  aliquo  implerent.  Denique  neque  Reges  Orientis  sine  Merce- 
nario  Gallorum  Ciercitu  uUa  bella  gesserunt,  lib.  25.  c.  2.  7  Justin,  lib.  27.  c.  3.    Polyacnus,  ibid. 


64  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

few  remains  of  his  baffled  party,  till  at  last  being  driven  out  of  Mesopotamia,  and 
finding  no  other  place  where  he  could  be  safe  within  the  Syrian  empire,  he  fled 
to  Ariarathes  king  of  Cappadocia,  whose  daughter  he  had  married.  But  that 
king,  notwithstanding  the  alliance  and  aflinity  he  had  contracted  with  him, 
soon  growing  weary  of  maintaining  an  exile,  who  could  bring  no  advatage  to 
him,  ordered  him  to  be  cut  off".  But  while  measures  were  taking  for  the  ex- 
ecuting hereof,  Antiochus,  getting  notice  of  the  design,  escaped  from  hence 
into  Egypt,  choosing  rather  to  put  himself  into  the  hands  of  Ptolemy,  the  pro- 
fessed enemy  of  his  family,  than  trust  himself  upon  any  terms  with  his  brother, 
whom  he  was  conscious  he  had  so  much  offended:  and  he  fared  not  at  all  the 
better  for  it;  for,  as  soon  as  lie  arrived  in  Egypt,  Ptolemy  caused  him  to  be 
clapped  up  in  safe  custody,  in  which  he  kept  him  confined  several  years,  till  at 
length  having  broken  out  of  prison,  by  the  assistance  of  a  courtizan,  whom  he 
was  familiar  with,  as  he  was  making  his  escape  out  of  Egypt,  he  fell  among 
thieves  and  was  slain  by  them. 

An.  239.  Ptol.  Euergetes  8.] — In  the  interim  King  Ptolemy  Euergetes  enjoy- 
ing fuU  peate,  applied  himself  to  the  cultivating  of  learning  in  his  kingdom, 
and  the  enlarging  of  his  father's  library  at  Alexandria,  with  all  manner  of  books 
for  the  service  of  this  design.  The  method  which  he  took  for  the  collecting  of 
them  hath  been  already  mentioned;'  and  the  care  of  an  able  library-keeper  be- 
ing very  necessary,  both  for  the  making  of  a  good  choice  of  books  in  the  col- 
lection, and  also  for  the  preserving  of  them  for  the  use  intended,  on  the  death 
of  Zenodotus,  who  from  the  time  of  Ptolemy  Soter,^  the  grandfather  of  the  pre- . 
sent  king,  had  the  keeping  of  the  royal  library  at  Alexandria,  Euergetes  in- 
vited Eratosthenes  from  Athens^  (where  he  was  in  great  reputation  for  his  learn- 
ing) to  take  this  charge  upon  him.  He  was,  by  his  birth,  a  Cyrenian,  and  had 
been  scholar  to  Callimachus  his  countryman,  and  was  a  person  of  universal 
knowledge,  and  is  often  quoted  as  such  by  Pliny,  Strabo,  and  others.  And 
therefore  they  are  mistaken,  who,  finding  him  called  Beta  {i.  e.  the  second,) 
think  he  had  that  name  to  denote  him  a  second-rate  man  among  the  learned. 
By  that  appellation  was  meant  no  more,  than  that  he  was  the  second  library- 
keeper  of  the  royal  library  of  Alexandria  after  the  first  founding  of  it."*  As  to 
his  skill  in  aU  manner  of  learning,  he  was  second  to  none  of  his  time,*  as  the 
many  books  he  wrote  did  then  sufficiently  make  appear,  though  not  now  extant. 
That  which  at  present  we  are  most  beholden  to  him  for,  is  a  catalogue  which 
he  hath  given  us  of  all  the  kings  that  reigned  at  Thebes  in  Egypt,  with  the 
years  of  their  reigns  from  Menes,  or  Misraim,  who  first  planted  Egypt,  after 
the  flood,  down  to  the  time  of  the  Trojan  war.  It  contains  a  series  of  thirty- 
eight  kings  reigning  in  a  direct  line  of  succession  one  after  the  other;  and  is 
still  extant  in  SynceUus.''  Our  learned  countryman.  Sir  John  Marsham,'  hath 
made  good  use  of  it  in  settling  the  Egyptian  chronology.  It  is  one  of  the  no- 
blest and  most  venerable  monuments  of  antiquity  that  is  now  extant;  for  it  was 
extracted  out  of  the  ancientest  records  of  that  country  at  the  command  of  Ptole- 
my Euergetes;*  and  there  is  nothing  in  profane  history  that  begins  higher.  It 
is  probable  this  extract  was  made  to  supply  the  defect  of  Manetho,  whose  cata- 
logue of  the  Theban  kings  in  Egypt  doth  not  begin  but  where  this  of  Eratos- 
thenes ends. 

Jin.  ^M^.  Ptol.  Euergetes  11.] — Seleucus,  being  delivered  from  the  troubles 
created  him  by  his  brother,  and  having  repaired  the  disorders  at  home  which 
that  war  had  occasioned,^  marched  eastward  to  reduce  those  that  had  revolted 
from  him  in  those  parts.     But  he  had  very  lame  success  in  this  undertaking; 

1  Parts,  book  J,  under  the  year  284.        2  Suidas  in  ZsvoJoto;.        3  Suidas  in  'A^roWu'v.o;  et  'EpiTo<rSsv.i;. 

4  JVIarcianiis  Heracliotes,  who  tells  us  of  this  name  given  to  Eratosthenes,  saith,  he  was  called  so  by  the 
president  of  the  museum  at  Alexandria,  which  is  a  manifest  argument,  that  he  was  called  so  only  in  respect 
of  the  office  which  he  bore  in  that  museum,  in  being  the  second  library-keeper  of  the  library  belonging  to  it  in 
succession  after  Zenodotus,  who  was  the  first. 

5  De  libris  ab  eo  scriptis,  vide  Vossium  de  Historicis  Grfficis,  lib.  1.  c.  17.       6  A  pagina  91.  ad  paginam  147. 
7  In  Canone  Chronico.  8  Syncellus,  p.  91.  147.  9  Justin,  lib.  41.  c.  4. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  65 

for  Arsaces,  having  now  had  a  long  time  allowed  him  to  settle  himself  in  his 
usurpations,  and  made  himself  too  strong  in  them  to  be  again  easily  dispossess- 
ed; and  therefore  Seleucus,  having  in  vain  attempted  it  in  this  expedition,  was 
forced  to  return  with  baffle  and  disappointment.  Perchance  a  longer  stay  in 
those  parts  might  have  opened  him  a  way  to  better  success:  but,  some  commo- 
tions arising  at  home  during  his  absence,'  he  was  forced  to  suppress  them.  In 
the  interim  Arsaces  made  use  of  the  farther  respite  hereby  given  him  so  to 
strengthen  and  establish  himself  in  his  usurped  dominions,  that  he  became 
superior  to  all  attempts  that  were  afterward  made  to  disturb  him. 

An.  '230.  Pol.  Eaergetes  17.] — However,  Seleucus,  as  soon  as  he  had  leisure 
from  his  other  affairs,  made  a  second  expedition  against  him;  but  with  much 
worse  success  than  he  had  in  the  former:  for  his  usual  ill  fortune  here  pursuing 
him,  he  was  not  only  overthrown  by  Arsaces  in  a  great  battle,  but  was  also 
himself  taken  prisoner  in  it.*  The  day  on  which  Arsaces  gained  this  victory, 
was  long  after  annually  observed  by  the  Parthians  with  great  solemnity,^  as  be- 
ing, in  their  opinion,  the  first  day  of  their  freedom;  whereas  in  truth  it  was  the 
first  of  their  slavery;  for  there  was  never  any  greater  tyranny  in  the  world, 
than  that  of  the  Parthian  kings,  under  which  they  thenceforth  fell.  The  Ma- 
cedonian yoke  would  have  been  much  easier  to  them,  had  they  stiU  continued 
under  it.  From  this  time  Arsaces  took  on  him  the  title  of  king,  and  founded 
that  empire  in  the  east,  Avhich  afterward  grew  up  to  be  so  great  and  powerful, 
as  to  become  a  terror  even  to  the  Romans,  who  were  a  terror  to  all  else.  From 
him  all  that  reigned  after  him  in  that  empire,'*  in  honour  of  him,  took  the  name 
of  Arsaces,  in  the  same  manner  as  all  the  kings  of  Egypt  after  Ptolemy  Soter 
took  the  name  of  Ptolemy,  as  long  as  those  of  his  race  continued  to  reign  in 
that  country. 

An.  226.  Ptol.  Euergetes  21.] — Onias^  the  high-priest  of  the  Jews  at  Jerusa- 
lem growing  very  old,  and  increasing  in  covetousness  with  his  age,  and  being 
also  a  very  weak  and  inconsiderate  man,  neglected  to  pay  King  Ptolemy  Euer- 
getes the  usual  tribute  of  twenty  talents,  which  had  constantly  been  paid  by 
the  former  high-priests  his  predecessors,  as  the  stated  tribute  annually  due  to 
the  kings  of  Egypt  from  them.  And  the  arrears  now  growing  high,  the  king 
sent  Athenion,  one  of  his  court,  to  Jerusalem,  to  demand  of  the  Jews  the 
money,  and  to  require  full  payment  of  it  forthwith  to  be  made;  threatening, 
that  in  case  this  were  not  immediately  complied  with,  he  would  send  his  sol- 
diers to  dispossess  them  of  their  country,  and  divide  it  among  them.  On  the 
arrival  of  Athenion  at  Jerusalem  with  this  message,  the  whole  city  was  put  into 
a  great  fright,  as  not  knowing  what  course  to  take  for  the  appeasing  of  the 
king's  wrath,  and  the  delivering  of  themselves  from  the  danger  that  was  threat- 
ened. At  this  time  there  was  a  young  man  of  great  reputation  among  the 
Jews^  for  his  prudence,  justice,  and  sanctity  of  life,  called  Joseph,  who  was 
nearly  related  to  Onias;  for  he  was  the  son  of  Tobias,  a  prime  man  of  that  na- 
tion, by  a  sister  of  his.  Joseph  being  absent  at  his  seat  in  the  country,  when 
this  messenger  came  to  Jerusalem,  his  mother  took  care  to  send  him  an  account 
of  what  had  happened;  whereon  coming  immediately  to  Jerusalem,  he  very 
severely  upbraided  his  uncle  with  his  ill  management  of  the  public  interest  of 
the  people,  as  thus,  for  the  saving  of  his  money,  to  expose  them  to  such  danger 
(for  in  those  times  the  high-priest  was  the  chief  governor  in  all  the  temporal 
affairs,  as  well  as  the  ecclesiastical,  of  that  nation:)  and  he  farther  told  him, 
that  things  being  brought  to  this  pass  by  his  ill  conduct,  there  was  no  other  way 
to  be  taken  for  the  remedy,  but  for  him  to  go  to  the  Egyptian  court,  and  there 
endeavour,  by  his  application  to  the  king,  to  make  up  the  matter.     But  Onias, 

1  Justin,  lib.  41.  p.  4,  5. 

2  AthoniEus,  lib.  4.  c.  13.  That  it  was  in  a  second  expedition  that  Seleucus  was  taken  prisoner  by  Arsaces, 
appears  from  this,  that  Justin  tells  us  he  relumed  from  the  first  expedition  to  quell  insurrections  at  home, 
raised  there  against  him  in  his  absence,  lib.  41.  c.  5. 

3  Justin,  lib.  41.  c.  4.  4  Ibid.  c.5.  5  Josephus  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  5. 
6  Josephus  Antiq.  lib.  IC.  c.  4. 

Vol.  II.— 9 


G6  CONNEXION  OF  TIIE  HISTORY  OP 

by  the  dulness  of  his  temper,  as  well  as  by  his  age,  wanting  vigonr  for  such  ais 
undertaking,  utterly  declined  it,  telling  his  nephew,  that  he  would  quit  his 
station  both  in  church  and  state,  rather  than  put  himself  upon  that  journey; 
whereon  Joseph  desired  that  the  matter  might  be  committed  to  him,  and  he 
would  go  to  the  king  in  his  stead;  which  Onias  readily  consenting  to,  Joseph 
went  up  into  the  temple,  and  there  called  together  the  people  (for  the  outer- 
court  of  the  temple  was  the  usual  place  for  the  assembling  of  the  people  on  all 
occasions,)  and  acquainted  them  of  his  having  undertaken  by  the  appointment 
of  Onias,  to  go  ambassador  from  them  to  the  king  on  their  behalf;  and  if  they 
thought  fit  to  approve  hereof,  he  desired  them  no  longer  to  disturb  themselves 
with  fears;  for  he  doubted  not,  but  that,  on  his  access  to  the  king,  he  should  ber 
able  to  set  all  right  again  with  him.  At  which  the  people  much  rejoicing,  gave 
him  great  thanks  for  what  he  had  proposed  to  do  for  them,  and  earnestly  de- 
sired him  to  proceed  in  it.  Hereon  he  immediately  went  to  find  out  Athenion, 
and,  having  gotten  him  to  his  house,  and  there  entertained  hira,  as  long  as  he 
tarried  at  Jerusalem,  with  a  very  kind  and  splendid  hospitality,  and  having 
also,  at  his  departure,  presented  him  with  several  very  valuable  gifts,  he  sent 
him  away  fully  engaged  to  make  as  fair  a  representation  to  the  king  as  the 
case  would  bear,  and  at  the  same  time  assured  him,  that  he  would  forth- 
with follow  after  him  to  the  Egyptian  court,  there  to  give  the  king  full  sa-^ 
tisfaction  as  to  the  matter  which  he  had  sent  him  about.  Athenion  returned 
to  Alexandria  exceedingly  well  pleased  with  the  kind  and  obliging  enter- 
tainment which  he  had  from  Joseph,  and  so  much  taken  with  the  prudent 
behaviour  and  noble  deportment  which  he  observed  in  him,  that  on  his  making 
his  report  to  the  king  of  his  embassy,  and  his  telling  him  of  the  intentions 
of  Joseph,  the  high-priest's  nephew,  speedily  to  attend  him,  for  the  giving 
of  him  full  satisfaction,  he  took  occasion  to  set  forth  his  character  with  so 
great  advantage,  as  made  the  king  very  desirous  of  seeing  him,  and  fully 
prepared  to  receive  him  with  all  manner  of  favour  and  respects.  As  soon 
as  the  ambassador  was  gone  from  Jerusalem,  Joseph,  having  taken  up  of  the 
bankers  of  Samaria  twenty  thousand  drachms,  which  amounted  to  about  sevea 
hundred  pounds  of  our  money,  and  thereby  provided  himself  with  an  equipage 
to  appear  at  the  Egyptian  court,  he  set  out  for  Alexandria,  and  having  on  the 
way  thither  chanced  on  the  road  to  fall  in  with  several  of  the  chief  nobility  of 
Ccele-Syria  and  Phoenicia,  who  were  travelling  to  the  same  place,  he  joined 
company  with  them  in  the  remaining  part  of  the  journey.  Their  business 
thither  was  to  farm  of  the  king  his  revenues  of  those  provinces,  and  having 
provided  themselves  with  very  splendid  equipages,  to  make  the  better  appear- 
ance at  Ptolemy's  court,  they  laughed  at  Joseph  for  the  meanness  of  his,  and 
made  it  the  subject  of  their  sport  for  the  most  part  of  the  way  as  they  went. 
Joseph  bore  all  this  with  patience,  but,  in  the  meantime,  accurately  observing 
the  discourse  which  they  had  with  each  other  about  their  business,  he  got  there- 
by such  an  insight  into  it,  as  put  him  in  a  condition  to  laugh  at  them  ever  after. 
On  their  arrival  at  Alexandria,  they  found  the  king  was  gone  to  Memphis:  Jo- 
seph alone  hastened  thither  after  him,  and  had  the  good  fortune  to  meet  him 
on  the  road  returning  to  Alexandria,  while  Athenion  was  with  him  and  his 
queen  in  the  same  chariot.  As  soon  as  Athenion  had  espied  him,  he  pointed 
him  out  to  the  king,  telling  him,  that  this  was  the  young  man,  Onias's  nephew, 
of  whom  he  had  spoken  so  much  to  him.  Whereon  the  king  called  him  to 
him,  and  took  him  into  his  chariot;  and,  having  talked  to  him  of  the  ill  usage 
of  Onias  toward  him,  in  not  paying  him  his  tribute,  Joseph  excused  his  uncle, 
by  reason  of  his  age  and  weakness,  in  so  handsome  a  manner,  as  not  only 
satisfied  the  king,  but  also  raised  in  him  so  good  an  opinion  of  the  advocate, 
that  he  took  him  into  his  particular  favour,  and,  on  his  arrival  at  Alexandria, 
ordered  him  to  be  lodged  in  the  palace,  and  to  be  there  maintained  at  his  own 
table.  And  Joseph  afterward  did  him  that  service,  as  made  him  sufficient  re- 
compense for  it:  for  when  the  day  was  come,  whereon  the  king  used  annually 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  €7 

to  let  to  farm  the  revenues  of  the  several  provinces  of  his  empire,  and  they 
were  set  up  in  their  order,  by  way  of  auction,  for  the  highest  bidder;  and  the 
highest  which  the  Syrians  and  Phoenicians,  who  had  been  Joseph's  fellow-tra- 
vellers into  Egypt,  would  bid  for  the  provinces  of  Ccele-Syria,  Phoenicia,  Judea, 
and  Samaria,  amounted  to  no  more  than  eight  thousand  talents,  Joseph  know- 
ing, from  the  discourse  which  they  had  with  each  other  on  the  road  while  he 
travelled  with  them,  that  they  were  worth  more  than  twice  as  much,  blamed 
•them  for  beating  down  the  king's  revenues  to  so  low  a  price,  and  offered  upon 
them  double  as  much,  bidding  sixteen  thousand  talents  for  those  provinces  over 
and  above  the  forfeitures:  for  he  proposed  to  give  so  much  for  the  ordinary  re- 
venues only,  and  to  return  all  the  forfeitures  besides  into  the  king's  treasury, 
which  used  before  to  belong  to  the  farmers.  Ptolemy  liked  very  well  the  ad- 
vancing of  his  revenues  by  so  large  an  augmentation;  but,  doubting  the  ability  of 
the  bidder  to  make  good  his  proposal,  asked  him,  what  security  he  would  give  him 
for  it?  Joseph  very  facetiously  replied,  that  he  would  give  him  the  security  of  per- 
sons beyond  all  exception;  and,  when  bid  to  name  them,  he  named  the  king  and 
queen  to  be  bound  to  each  other  for  the  faithful  performance  of  what  he  under- 
took: the  king,  laughing  at  the  pleasantness  of  the  answer,  was  so  taken  with 
it,  that  he  trusted  him  upon  his  own  word,  without  any  other  securities.  Where- 
on Joseph,  having  borrowed  five  hundred  talents  at  Alexandria,  and  satisfied 
the  king  as  to  his  uncle's  arrears,  was  admitted  to  the  trust  of  being  the  king's 
receiver-general  of  all  his  revenues  in  the  provinces  above  mentioned;  and 
having  received  a  guard  of  two  thousand  men,  at  his  desire,  for  the  supporting 
of  him  in  the  execution  of  his  office,  he  immediately  left  Alexandria  to  enter 
on  it.  On  his  arrival  at  Askelon,  and  there  demanding  the  king's  duties,  they 
not  only  refused  payment,  but  also  affronted  him  with  rude  and  opprobious  lan- 
guage; whereon,  having  commanded  his  soldiers  to  take  up  twenty  of  the  ring- 
leaders, he  executed  exemplary  justice  upon  them,  and  sent  their  forfeited  es- 
tates to  the  king,  amounting  to  one  thousand  talents;  and  he  having  done  the 
like  at  Scythopolis,  another  city  in  Palestine,  where  he  was  resisted  in  the  same 
manner,  the  example  which  he  made  of  these  two  places  so  terrified  all  the 
rest,  that,  after  this,  every  where  else  the  gates  were  opened  to  him,  and  all 
paid  him  the  king's  dues  without  any  more  refusal  or  opposition:  of  which  he 
liaving  given  the  king  a  full  account,  the  prudence  and  steadiness  of  his  con- 
duct met  with  such  thorough  approbation,  that  he  continued  in  this  office  under 
Ptolemy  Euergetes,  and  Ptolemy  Philopator,  his  son,  twenty-two  years,  till 
Ptolemy  Epiphanes,  the  son  of  Philopator,  lost  those  provinces  to  Antiochus  the 
Great,  Idng  of  Syria,  in  the  first  year  of  his  reign:  for  there  I  place  the  end  of 
the  twenty-two  years  which  Josephus  assigns  him  for  his  continuance  in  this 
office,  and  not  in  the  end  of  his  hfe,  as  most  others  do.  For  the  same  Josephus 
tells  us,  that  he  was  a  young  man  when  he  first  undertook  it;^  and,  in  another 
place,  that  he  was  very  old  when  he  sent  Hyrcanus  his  son  into  Egypt,*^  which 
was  some  time  before  his  death.  But  twenty-two  years  was  too  short  a  time 
from  being  young  to  grow  very  old;  for,  supposing  him  to  have  been  thirty 
when  he  first  became  tax-gatherer  for  the  king  of  Egypt  in  Syria  and  Palestine, 
twenty -two  more  would  make  him  but  fifty-two;  and  he  could  not  be  said  to  be 
old  at  that  age,  and  much  less  at  any  time  before  it.  Ccele-S3'-ria  and  Palestine 
had  been  again  restored  to  Ptolemy  Epiphanes,  on  his  marrying  Cleopatra,  the 
daughter  of  Antiochus  the  Great;  and  after  that  it  was  that  Joseph,  having  been 
again  restored  to  his  office  of  tax-gatherer  in  those  provinces,  sent  Hyrcanus 
into  Egypt  to  congratulate  the  king  on  the  birth  of  his  eldest  son,  he  being  then 
too  old,  as  Josephus  tells  us,'  to  go  himself.  Allowing  the  twenty-two  years  of 
Joseph's  office  of  tax-gatherer  in  Coele-Syria  and  Palestine,  for  the  king  of  Egypt, 
to  end  on  Antiochus's  taking  those  provinces  from  Ptolemy  Epiphanes,  and 

1  Josephus's  words  are,  that  he  then  was  vio;  tmi  sn  tjiv  ifXixixv.    Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  4. 

2  Being  hindered,  saith  Josephus,  from  going  himself  into  Egypt  on  that  occasion,  uto  yjpcus,  i.  e,  by  reasoa 
•of  his  old  age.    Antiq.  ibid.  3  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  4. 


68  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

that,  on  their  being  again  restored  to  him,  Joseph  was  again  restored  to  his  offices, 
and  died  in  it,  about  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Seleucus  Philopator  in  Syria, 
this  will  solve  all  difficulties  in  the  history  which  Josephus  gives  us  of  this 
matter.  That  his  life  could  not  end  with  these  twenty-two  years  hath  been  al- 
ready shown,  for  he  was  an  old  man  before  he  died;  and  where  then  can  the 
end  of  these  twenty -two  years  of  his  office  be  better  placed,  than  where  ended 
in  those  provinces  the  authority  of  the  king  of  Egypt,  under  which  he  held  it? 
and  this  ending  of  these  twenty-two  years  tells  us  where  they  did  begin;  and 
that  they  could  not  begin  sooner  than  where  I  have  said,  the  age  of  Onias  suffi- 
ciently proves,  for  the  history  of  Josephus  tells  us,'  it  w^as  when  he  was  grown 
very  old,  which  must  determine  us  to  the  latter  end  of  his  life;  and  it  was  but 
eight  years  before  his  death  where  I  placed  it.  They  who  put  the  beginning  of 
these  tw^enty-two  years  higher  up,  or  end  them  with  the  end  of  Jeseph's  life  (as 
most  chronologers  do  both,)  can  never  make  Josephus  consistent  with  himself 
in  that  relation  which  he  hath  given  us  of  this  whole  matter. 

Seleucus,  having  continued  a  prisoner  in  Parthia  till  this  time,-  there  died  of 
a  fall  from  his  horse,  as  he  was  riding  abroad.  Athenseus  tells  us,^  that  Arsa- 
ces  maintained  him  royally  during  his  captivity;  but  that  he  released  him  (as 
some  will  have  it,)  doth  not  any  where  appear.  Justin  tells  us,  that  he  died  in 
the  manner  as  I  have  related,  being  then  in  banishment,''  and  having  lost  his 
kingdom;  which  can  be  understood  no  otherwise  than  of  the  banishment  and 
loss  of  reigning  which  he  sustained,  by  being  held  in  captivity  by  this  Parthian 
king,  till  he  died  in  it.  His  wife  was  Laodice,  the  sister  of  Andromachus,  one 
of  the  generals  of  his  armies.  By  her  he  had  two  sons  and  a  daughter;  the 
sons  were  Seleucus  and  Antiochus;  the  daughter  he  married  to  Mithridates, 
king  of  Pontus,  with  whom  he  gave  Phrygia  to  him  in  a  dowry. 

An.  225.  Ptolemy  Euergetes  22.] — Seleucus,  being  the  eldest  of  the  sons,* 
succeeded  him  in  the  throne,  and  took  the  name  of  Ceraunus,  i.  e.  the  Thun- 
derer, a  title  which  very  little  became  him;  for  he  was  a  very  v/eak  prince,  in 
body,  mind,  and  purse,  and  never  did  any  thing  worthy  of  that  name.  His 
reign  was  very  short,  and  his  authority  low,  both  in  the  army  and  the  provinces; 
and  that  he  was  supported  in  either,  was  owing  to  his  kinsman  Achseus,  the  son 
of  Andromachus,  his  mother's  brother,^  who,  being  a  wise  and  vahant  man, 
regulated  and  guided  his  affairs,  as  well  as  the  shattered  state  his  father  left 
them  in,  would  admit.  As  to  Andromachus,  he  having  been  taken  prisoner  by 
Ptolemy  in  the  wars  which  he  had  with  Callinicus,  was  detained  a  prisoner  at 
Alexandria  during  all  this  reign,  and  some  part  of  the  next;  till  at  length  the 
Rhodians,  to  gain  favour  with  Achseus,  got  him  released,  and  sent  him  to  him, 
while  he  reigned  in  Lesser  Asia. 

An.  224.  Ptolemy  Euergetes  23.] — Attains,  king  of  Pergamus,'  having  pos- 
sessed himself  of  all  Lesser  Asia,  from  Mount  Taurus  to  the  Hellespont,  Seleu- 
cus marched  with  an  army  against  him,  leaving  Hermias,  a  Carian,  his  lieu- 
tenant in  Syria,  during  his  absence.  Achseus  his  kinsman  accompanied  him 
in  this  expedition,  and  served  him  in  it,  as  well  as  the  circumstances  of  his 
affairs  would  admit. 

An.  223.  Ptolemy  Euergetes  24.] — But  money  being  wanting  to  pay  the  army, 
and  the  weakness  of  the  king  rendering  him  contemptible  to  the  soldiers,^  Ni- 
canor  and  Apaturius,  two  of  his  chief  commanders,  conspired  against  him, 
while  he  lay  in  Phrygia,  and,  by  poison,  put  an  end  to  his  life.  But  Achseus, 
being  then  in  the  army,  revenged  his  death,  by  cutting  off  the  traitorous  authors 
of  it,  with  all  that  were  concerned  with  them  in  the  treason;  and  afterward 
managed  the  army  with  that  prudence  and  resolution,  that  he  not  only  kept  all 
there  in  order,  but  also  prevented  Attalus  from  reaping  any  advantage  from  this 

1  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  4.  2  Justin.  lib.  27.  c.  3.  3  Lib.  4.  c.  13. 

4  Seleucus,  amisso  regno,  equo  prsecipitatus  finitur.  Sic  fratres  quasi  germanis  casibus  exules  ambo  post 
regnascelerum  suoruin  prenas  luerunt.     Justin,  lib.  27.  c.  3. 

5  Polybius,  lib.  4.  p.  315.  lib.  .5.  p.  380.     Appian  in  Syriacis.         6  Polybius,  lib. 4.  p.  317.  7  Ibid.  p.  315. 
e  Polybius,  ibid.    Appian.  in  Syriacis.    Justin,  lib.  39.  c.  5.     Hieronymus  in  cap.  xi.  Danielis. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  69 

accident,  which  otherwise  might  have  ruined  the  whole  interest  of  the  Syrian 
empire  in  those  parts.  Seleucus  dying  without  children,  the  army  ortered 
Achseus  the  crown:'  and  several  of  the  provinces  concurred  with  them  herein. 
But  he  then  generously  refused  it,  though  he  was  afterward,  in  a  less  favourable 
juncture,  forced  to  assume  it  in  his  own  defence,  having  then  no  other  way 
left  to  secure  himself  against  the  designs  which  the  ministers  at  court  had  con- 
trived for  his  ruin.  At  present,  instead  of  taking  it  to  himself,  he  carefully 
preserved  it  for  the  next  lawful  successors,  Antiochus,  the  brother  of  the  late 
deceased  king,  who  was  then  a  minor  not  exceeding  the  fifteenth  year  of  his 
age.  When  Seleucus  marched  into  Lesser  Asia,  he  sent  him  to  Babylonia  to  be 
there  educated;^  and  there  he  was  at  the  time  of  Seleucus's  death:  from  whence 
being  sent  for  to  Antioch,^  he  there  ascended  the  throne  after  his  brother,  and 
sat  on  it  thirty-six  years.  By  reason  of  the  many  great  actions  done  by  him, 
he  had  the  surname  of  Magnus  (?".  e.  the  Great,)  Achteus,  the  better  to  secure 
him  in  the  succession,  sent  part  of  the  army  which  followed  Seleucus  to  him 
into  Syria,  under  the  com.mand  of  Epigenes,  one  of  the  most  experienced  com- 
manders of  the  late  king;  the  rest  he  retained  with  him  in  the  Lesser  Asia,  for 
the  support  of  the  Syrian  interest  in  those  parts. 

An.  ^-i^.  Plolemy  Euergetes  ^o.] — Antiochus,*  on  the  first  settling  of  his  king- 
dom, sent  Molon  and  Alexander,  two  brothers,  into  the  east,  making  the  former 
governor  of  Media,  and  the  other  governor  of  Persia.  All  the  provinces  of 
Lesser  Asia  he  committed  to  the  charge  of  Achseus.  Epigenes  he  made  gene- 
ral of  the  forces  which  he  kept  about  him,  and  retained  Hermias  the  Carian  to 
be  his  chief  minister  of  state,  in  the  same  station  which  he  held  under  his  bro- 
ther. Achreus  soon  recovered  all  that  Attains  had  wrested  from  the  Syrian  em- 
pire,* and  reduced  him  within  the  narrow  limits  of  his  own  kingdom  of  Perga- 
mus.  But  Alexander  and  Molon,''  despising  the  youth  of  the  king,  as  soon  as 
they  were  settled  in  the  provinces  which  they  were  sent  to  govern,  rebelled 
against  him,  and  set  up  for  themselves,  each  declaring  himself  sovereign  of  the 
country  he  had  taken  possession  of 

While  these  things  were  doing,  there  happened  a  very  violent  earthquake  in 
the  east,  which  made  great  devastations  in  those  parts  especially  in  Caria  and 
the  island  of  Rhodes.  In  the  latter  it  threw  down  not  only  the  walls  of  the  city 
of  Rhodes,"  and  their  houses,  but  also  the  great  colossus  there  erected  in  the 
mouth  of  their  harbour,  which  was  one  of  the  seven  wonders  of  the  world.  It 
was  a  prodigious  statue  of  brass,*  there  erected  to  the  sun,  of  seventy  cubits,  or 
a  hundred  and  five  feet  in  height,  and  every  thing  else  of  it  was  in  proportion 
hereto.  Demetrius  PoHorcetes,  having  for  a  whole  year  besieged  the  city  of 
Rhodes,  without  being  able  to  take  it,  at  length  being  wearied  out  with  so  long 
lying  there,  was  content  to  make  peace  with  them  as  I  have  already  related  in 
the  eighth  book  of  the  first  part  of  this  history.  On  his  departure  thence,  he 
left  the  Rhodians  all  his  engines  and  other  preparations  of  war,  which  he  had 
there  provided  for  the  carrying  on  of  that  siege.  These  the  Rhodians  afterward 
sold  for  three  hundred  talents,  with  which  money,  adding  other  sums  thereto, 
they  erected  this  colossus.  The  artificer  that  made  it  was  Chares  of  Lindus,' 
who  was  twelve  years  in  completing  the  work;  and  sixty-six  years  after,  it  was 
thrown  down  by  this  earthquake.  It  was  begun,  therefore,  to  be  made  in  the 
year  before  Christ  300;  it  was  finished  in  the  year  288,  and  overthrown  in  the 
year  22'2.  On  this  accident,  the  Rhodians'"  sent  abroad  ambassadors  a  begging 
to  all  the  princes  and  states  of  the  Grecian  name  or  original,  who,  exaggerating 
their  losses,  procured  vast  sums  for  the  repairing  of  them,  especially  from  the 

1  Polybius,  lib.  4.  p.  315. 

2  At  Seleucia,  whiili  stood  in  the  province  of  Babylonia,  and  was  then  the  metropolis  of  all  the  eastern 
parts,  instead  of  Babylon,  which  was  now  desolated. 

3  Polvbius,  ibid.  lib.  o.  p.  38tJ.     Hieronymus  in  cap.  xi.  Danielis.     Appian.  in  Syriacis.    Justin,  lib.  29.  c.  1. 

4  Polybius,  lib.  5.  p.  38tj.  5  Idem,  lib.  4.  p.  315.  G  Idem,  lib.  5.  p.  386. 

7  Eusebii  Chronicon.    Oroisus,  lib.  4.  c.  13.    Polybius,  lib.  5.  p.  428, 429. 

8  Plinius.lib.  34.  c,  7.    Strabo,  lib.  14.  p.  652;  vide  etiara  Scaligeri  Animadversiones  in  Easebii  Chronicon. 
No.  1794.  p.  137.  9  Plinius,  ibid.  10  Polybius,  lib.  5.  p.  428,  429. 


70  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

kings  of  Egypt,  Macedon,  Syria,  Pontus,  and  Bithynia,  which  above  five  times 
exceeded  the  value  of  their  damages.  And,  when  they  had  got  the  money, 
instead  of  setting  up  the  colossus  again  (for  which  most  of  it  was  given,')  they 
pretended  that  an  oracle  from  Delphos  forbade  it,  and  put  the  whole  sum  into 
their  own  pockets;  whereby  they  very  much  enriched  themselves.  So  this 
colossus  lay  where  it  fell,  without  being  any  more  erected,  and  there  was  let 
lie  eight  hundred  and  ninety-four  years;  till  at  length,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord 
672,^  Moawias,  the  sixth  caliph  or  emperor  of  the  Saracens,  having  taken 
Rhodes,  sold  the  brass  to  a  Jewish  merchant,  who  loaded  with  it  nine  hundred 
camels;  and,  therefore,  allowing  eight  hundred  pounds  weight  to  every  camel's 
burden,  the  brass  of  this  colossus,  after  the  waste  of  so  many  years  by  the  rust 
and  wear  of  the  brass  itself,  and  the  purloinings  and  embezzlements  of  men, 
amounted  to  seven  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  pounds'  weight. 

Toward  the  end  of  this  year  died  Ptolemy  Euergetes,^  king  of  Egypt,  after 
he  had  reigned  over  that  kingdom  twenty-five  years.  He  was  the  last  king  of 
that  race  that  governed  himself  with  any  temper  or  virtue,*  all  that  after  suc- 
ceeded being  monsters  of  luxury  and  vice.  After  having  made  peace  with 
Syria,  he  mostly  applied  himself  to  the  enlarging  of  his  dominions  southward; 
and  he  extended  them  a  great  way  down  the  Red  Sea,^  making  himself 
master  of  all  the  coasts  of  it,  both  on  the  Arabian  as  well  as  the  Ethiopian  side, 
even  down  to  the  straits  through  which  it  dischargeth  itself  into  the  Southern 
Ocean. 

Jin.  221.  Ptol.  Philopator  1.] — On  his  death,  he  was  succeeded  by  Ptolemy 
Philopator  his  son,*  a  most  profligate  and  vicious  young  prince.'^  He  was  sup- 
posed to  have  made  away  with  his  father  by  poison;*  and  he  had  not  been  long 
on  the  throne  ere  he  added  to  that  parricide  the  murder  of  his  mother,*"  and  of 
Magas  his  brother:  and  a  little  after  followed  the  death  of  Cleomenes,  king  of 
Sparta,  occasioned  by  the  same  measures  of  wickedness  and  barbarity.  He 
having  been  vanquished  and  driven  out  of  Greece  by  Antigonus,'**  king  of  Mace- 
don, fled  to  Ptolemy  Euergetes,  and  was  kindly  received  by  him;  but  that  king 
a  little  after  dying,  he  had  not  that  favour  from  his  successor.  However,  being 
looked  upon  as  a  person  of  great  wisdom  and  sagacity,  Sosibius,  who  was  Philo- 
pator's  chief  minister  of  state,  thought  fit  to  communicate  to  him  his  master's 
design  of  cutting  off"  Magas,  his  brother,  and  to  ask  his  advice  about  it;  which 
Cleomenes,  having  dissuaded  him  from,  and  given  some  reasons  for  it  which 
much  displeased  Sosibius,  occasion  was  taken,  from  another  matter,  to  cast  him 
into  prison:  from  whence  having  gotten  loose,  and  gathered  his  friends  and  fol- 
lowers together,  who  came  with  him  from  Sparta,  he  took  the  advantage  of 
Ptolemy's  being  absent  from  Alexandria,  to  call  and  excite  the  people  to  as- 
sume their  liberty,  and  free  themselves  from  the  tyranny  which  they  were  then 
under:  but  not  succeeding  in  this  attempt,  he  slew  himself  in  the  streets  of  the 
city,  as  did  also  all  the  rest  that  were  with  him.  Plutarch,  in  his  life  of  Cleo- 
menes, hath  given  us  a  full  narative  of  this  matter;  and  so  also  hath  Polybius  in 
the  fifth  book  of  his  history. 

Antiochus  taking  the  advantage  of  Euergetes's  death,"  and  the  succession  of 
so  voluptuous  and  profligate  a  prince  after  him,  thought  it  a  proper  time  for 
him  to  attempt  the  recovery  of  Syria;  and  Hermias,  his  prime  minister,  pressed 
hard  for  his  going  in  person  to  this  war,  contrary  to  the  opinion  of  Epigenes, 
his  general,  who  thought  it  chiefly  concerned  him  to  suppress  the  rebellion  of 
Alexander  and  Molon  in  the  east;  and  therefore  advised  him  to  march  imme- 

1  Polyb.  ibid.    Strabo,  lib.  J4.  p.  652. 

2  Zonaras  sub  regno  Coiistantis  Imperatoris  Heraclii  Nepotis,  et  Cedrenus.    Vide  etiam  Scaligerum  loco 
modo  citato. 

3  Polybius,  lib.  2.  p.  155.    Justin,  lib.  29.  c .  1.     Plutarch,  in  Cleomene.     Ptolemaeus  Astronomus  in  Canone. 

4  Strabo,  lib.  17.  p.  71'().  5  Monuraentuin  Adulilanum. 
C  Ptolem;Eus  Astronomus  in  Canone.     Eusebiiis  in  Chronico. 

7  Plutarchus  in  Clemone.    Strabo,  ibid.    Polybius,  lib.  5.  p.  380,  381.  8  Justin,  lib.  29.  c.  1. 

9  Plutarchus  in  Cleomene.    Polybius,  lib.  5.  p!  380.  382.  10  Plutarchus  in  Cleomene.    Polybius,  lib.  5. 

11  Polybius,  lib.  5.  p.  387.    Justin,  lib.  30.  c.  1. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  71 

diately  in  person  with  the  main  of  his  army  for  the  subduing  of  those  rebels, 
before  they  should  gather  greater  strength  in  the  revolted  provinces  against  him. 
But  the  opinion  of  Hermias  taking  place,  Antiochus  marched  toward  Ccele- 
Syria  with  one  part  of  his  army,  and  sent  Zeno  and  Theodotus  Hermiolius,  two 
of  his  generals,  with  the  other  to  suppress  the  rebels.  While  he  was  on  his 
march  toward  Coele-Syria,  being  arrived  at  Seleucia  near  Zeugma,  there  was 
brought  thither  to  him  Laodice,'  the  daughter  of  Mithridates,  king  of  Pontus, 
to  be  his  wife,  which  caused  his  stay  for  some  time  in  that  place  to  celebrate 
the  nuptials.  But  the  joy  of  his  marriage  was  soon  interrupted  by  ill  news 
from  the  east:  for  his  generals  being  there  overpowered  by  the  joint  forces  of 
Alexander  and  Molon,^  were  forced  to  retire  and  leave  them  masters  of  the 
field.  Hereon  Antiochus,  inclining  to  the  advice  given  by  Epigenes,  resolved 
to  desist  from  his  expedition  in  Ccele-Syria,  and  march  directly  with  all  his 
forces  into  the  east  for  the  suppressing  of  this  rebellion,  before  it  should  grow 
to  any  greater  head.  But  Hermias  persisting  in  his  former  opinion,^  for  the 
sake  of  some  private  views  of  his  own  which  he  had  therein,  overbore  all  oppo- 
sition to  it,  and  prevailed  with  the  king  to  send  another  general  with  more  forces 
into  the  east,  and  proceed  himself  in  his  former  intended  expedition  into  Coele- 
Syria.  The  general  sent  into  the  east  was  Xinsetas  an  Achfean,  whose  com- 
mission was  to  join  the  forces  which  were  there  before  under  the  two  former 
generals,  and  take  upon  him  the  chief  command  of  the  whole  army.  But  he 
came  off  with  worse  success  than  those  whom  he  succeeded;  for  passing  the 
Tigris,*  he  was  there  drawn  into  a  snare,  and  circumvented  by  a  stratagem  of 
the  enemy's,  and  he,  and  all  the  forces  that  passed  with  him,  were  cut  off  and 
destroyed;  whereon  the  rebels  made  themselves  masters  of  the  province  of  Baby- 
lonia, and  almost  all  Mesopotamia,  without  any  opposition.  In  the  interim,* 
Antiochus,  proceeding  in  his  expedition  in  Coele-Syria,  penetrated  as  far  as  the 
valley  which  lieth  between  the  two  ridges  Df  mountains  called  Libanus  and 
Antilibanus;  but  there  he  found  the  passes  of  those  mountains  so  well  fortified, 
and  such  resistance  made  in  them  by  Theodotus,  an  ^Etolian,  who  was  there 
governor  for  Ptolemy,  that  he  was  forced  to  retreat  without  making  any  farther 
progress  that  way:  and  the  ill  news,  which  he  had  by  this  time  received  of  the 
loss  of  Xinsetas  and  his  army  in  the  east,  hastened  his  return;  for  now  being 
fully  convinced  that  he  had  nothing  else  to  do  but  to  follow  the  advice  which 
Epigenes  had  at  first  given  him,"  and  march  in  person  against  the  rebels,  and 
all  else  about  him  being  of  the  same  opinion,  he  fully  resolved  on  it;  and  Her- 
mias durst  not  say  any  more  against  it.  But  to  be  revenged  on  Epigenes,  for 
thwarting  his  designs  herein,  he  did,  by  forged  letters,  fix  a  plot  of  treason  upon 
him,  and  caused  him  to  be  cut  off  for  it.  In  the  interim  Antiochus,  though 
the  year  was  now  far  spent,  passed  the  Euphrates,  and  having  there  joined  his 
other  forces,  that  he  might  be  nearer  at  hind  for  action,  the  next  spring  he  put 
his  army  into  winter-quarters  in  those  pans,  and  there  waited  the  proper  season 
for  the  beginning  of  the  war. 

An.  220.  Ptol.  Philopator  2.] — And,  as  soon  as  that  approached,  he  marched 
directly  to  the  Tigris,^  and  having  passed  that  river,  forced  Molon  to  a  battle, 
wherein  he  got  such  an  entire  victory  over  him,  that  the  rebel,  finding  his  cause 
absolutely  lost,  out  of  despair  slew  himself.  Alexander  was  then  absent  in  Per- 
sia; but  Nicolas,  another  brother,  escaping  from  the  battle,  brought  him  the  ill 
news  thither:  whereon  they  slew  first  their  mother,  then  their  wives  and  chil- 
dren, and  lastly  themselves,  that  so  they  might  avoid  falling  into  the  hands 
of  the  conqueror.  And  thus  ended  this  rebellion  (as  it  is  to  be  wished  all 
rebellions  might  end,)  in  a  most  calamitous  destruction  of  aU  that  were  con- 
cerned in  it. 

After  this  victory,  the  remains  of  the  conquered  army  submitted  to  the  king,* 

1  Polybius,  lib.  5.  p.  388.  2  Idem,  lib.  5.  p.  389,  3  Idem,  p.  390. 

4  Idem,  p.  391—393.  5  Idem,  p.  390.  6  Idem,  lib.  5.  n.  393, 394. 

7  Idem,  lib.  5.  p.  395,  396.  &c.  8  Idem,  p.  398,  399. 


72  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

who,  after  a  severe  reprimand  upon  them  for  their  rebellion,  received  them  to 
pardon,  and  ordered  them  into  Media,  under  the  command  of  those  whom  he 
sent  to  regidate  the  affairs  of  that  province;  and  then  returning  to  Seleucia  on 
the  Tigris,  there  continued,  for  some  time,  to  give  his  orders  for  the  resettling 
of  his  authority  in  the  revolted  provinces,  and  the  reducing  of  all  things  again 
in  them  to  their  former  order;  which  having  effected  by  such  proper  instru- 
ments as  he  thought  fit  to  employ  herein,  he  marched  against  the  Atropatians, 
a  people  inhabiting  on  the  west  of  Media,  in  the  country  now  called  Georgia: 
Artabazes,'  their  king,  being  then  a  very  old  man,  and  grown  decrepit  with 
age,  was  so  terrified  on  the  approach  of  Antiochus  with  his  victorious  army, 
that  he  sent  ambassadors  to  make  his  submission,  and  agreed  to  peace  with  him 
on  his  own  terms. 

By  this  time  Hermias,  through  his  insolence  and  haughty  conduct,  growing 
intolerable  to  his  master,^  as  well  as  to  all  else,  Apollophanes,  the  king's  physi- 
cian, who  had  at  all  times  his  ear  on  the  occasions  of  his  health,  took  the  ad- 
vantage of  it  to  represent  unto  him  the  danger  he  was  in  from  this  minister, 
telling  him,  that  it  was  time  for  him  to  look  to  himself,  and  take  care  that  he  did 
not  meet  with  the  same  fate  as  his  brother  did  in  Phrygia,  and  be  cut  off  by  those 
he  most  confided  in;  that  it  was  manifest  Hermias  was  laying  designs  for  him- 
self; and  that  no  time  was  any  longer  to  be  lost  for  the  preventing  of  them. 
Antiochus,  who  had  the  same  sentiments  with  his  physician,  but  had  hitherto 
suppressed  them,  out  of  diffidence  to  whom  to  communicate  them,  very  gladly 
received  the  proposal,  and  immediately  entered  on  measures  for  the  ridding 
himself  of  this  odious  and  dangerous  minister;  and  accordingly,  as  it  had  been 
concerted,  having  drawn  off  from  the  army  to  accompany  him  on  a  walking 
abroad  to  take  the  air,  as  was  pretended,  for  his  health,  as  soon  as  he  had  thus, 
decoyed  him,  at  a  convenient  distance  from  all  that  might  give  him  any  assist- 
ance, he  ordered  him  to  be  cut  off  by  those  that  attended  him;  which  was 
much  to  the  satisfaction  of  aU  the  provinces  of  the  Syrian  empire:  for  he  being 
a  man  of  great  cruelty,  pride,  and  insolence,  managed  all  things  with  severity 
and  violence,  bearing  no  contradiction  to  his  sentiments,  or  opposition  to  any 
thing  he  would  have  done,  or  suffering  any  person  or  thing  to  stand  in  his  way 
to  what  he  intended;  which  drew  on  him  a  general  odium  every  where.  But 
no  where  was  there  a  more  signal  instance  of  it,  than  at  Apamea  in  Syria;  for 
there  they  no  sooner  heard  of  his  death,  but  they  fell  on  his  wife  and  children^ 
whom  he  had  left  in  that  city,  and  stoned  them  all  to  death. 

After  this  Antiochus  having  thus  successfully  managed  his  affairs  in  the  east, 
and  settled  all  the  provinces  there  under  such  governors  as  he  thought  he 
might  best  confide  in,^  he  marched  back  into  Syria,  and  there  put  his  army  into 
winter-quarters;  and  at  Antioch  speit  the  remaining  part  of  the  year  in  con- 
sulting with  his  ministers  and  the  officers  of  his  army,  about  the  operations  of 
the  next  year's  war. 

For  he  had  still  two  dangerous  enterprises  to  undertake  for  the  restoring  of 
the  Syrian  empire;  the  first  against  Ptolemy,  for  the  recovery  of  Syria,  and  the 
other  against  Achseus,  who  had  made  himself  master  of  all  Lesser  Asia.  For 
Ptolemy  Euergetes  having,  in  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Seleucus  Callini- 
cus,  seized  all  Syria,  as  hath  been  above  related,  a  great  part  of  it  was  still  held 
by  his  successor  the  present  Egyptian  king;  and  Antiochus  had  reason  to  be 
very  uneasy  in  having  him  so  near  a  neighbour.  And  as  to  Achceus,  it  hath 
been  already  related  how  he  refused  the  crown,,  when  offered  him,  on  the  death 
of  Seleucus  Ceraunus;  and  instead  of  putting  it  on  his  own  head,  faithfully  pre- 
served it  for  Antiochus,  the  next  rightful  heir.  Hereon  Antiochus  committed 
to  him  the  government  of  all  his  provinces  in  Lesser  Asia;  which  charge  he 
having  managed  with  that  valour  and  wisdom  of  conduct,  as  to  recover  them^  aU 
out  of  the  hands  of  Attalus  king  of  Pergamus,  who  had  in  a  manner  made  him- 
self absolute  master  of  them,  this  success  made  liim  envied  by  the  chief  minister 

1  Polybius,  lib.  5.  p.  400.  C  Idem.  p.  400,  401.  3  Idem. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMf^NT.  73 

and  others  who  had  the  king's  ear  at  court;  and  therefore,  resolutions  being 
taken  to  suppress  him,  forged  letters  were  produced  to  prove  him  to  have  en- 
tertained traitorous  designs  for  the  usurping  of  the  crown,  and  to  hold  corres- 
pondence with  Ptolemy,  and  to  be  in  league  with  him  for  this  purpose;  which 
Achseus  having  notice  of,'  found  he  had  no  other  way  to  secure  himself  against 
the  mischievous  machinations  of  those  men,  than  by  doing  what  he  was 
charged  with.  And  therefore,  being  necessitated  for  his  own  defence  to  set  up 
for  himself,  he  assumed  the  crown,  which  he  had  before  refused,  and  declared 
himself  king  of  Asia.  So  that  Antiochus  having  these  two  dangerous  wars  upon 
his  hands,  which  of  these  two  he  should  first  undertake,  either  that  against 
Ptolemy  for  the  recovery  of  Syria,  or  that  against  Achseus  for  the  recovery  of 
Lesser  Asia,  was  the  matter  which  was  under  debate  in  the  king's  council. 

Jin.  219.  Ptolemy  Philopator  3.] — But,  at  length,  upon  full  consideration,  it 
being  resolved  first  to  reduce  all  that  belonged  to  the  Syrian  empire  on  that 
side  Mount  Taurus,^  before  they  marched  over  it  against  Achteus,  the  opera- 
tions of  the  ensuing  campaign  were  concerted  and  ordered  accordingly.  For 
the  garrisons,  which  the  Egyptians  had  in  Syria,  being  the  deepest  thorn  in 
their  side,  and  which  they  were  most  sensible  of,  it  was  thought  the  best 
course  to  remove  this  first;  and  therefore,  at  present,  only  threatening  letters 
were  sent  to  Achaeus,  and  the  whole  army  rendezvoused  at  Apamea,  to  carry 
the  war  into  Ccele-Syria.  But,  in  a  council  there  held  before  the  march  of  the 
army  from  thence,  ApoUophanes,  the  king's  physician,  having  represented  how 
preposterous  a  thing  it  was  for  him  to  pass  into  Ccele-Syria,  and  leave  Seleucia, 
a  place  so  near  his  capital,  in  the  enemy's  hands  behind  him,  he  drew  all  over 
to  him  by  the  reason  of  the  thing:  for  this  city  stood  upon  the  same  river  with 
Antioch,  at  the  distance  only  of  fifteen  miles  below  it,  near  the  mouth  of  that 
river.  On  Ptolemy  Euergetes  having  invaded  Syria  in  the  cause  of  Berenice 
his  sister,  which  hath  been  above  related,  he  seized  this  city;  and  a  garrison 
of  Egyptians  having  been  then  placed  in  it,  they  had  held  the  place  ever  since, 
now  full  twenty-seven  years;  which  was  not  only  a  constant  annoyance  to  the 
Antiochians,  but  also  intercepted  their  communication  with  the  sea,  and  spoiled 
all  their  trade  that  way:  for  Seleucia,  lying  near  the  mouth  of  the  River 
Orontes,  was  the  sea-port  to  Antioch;  and  they  suffered  much  by  being  de- 
prived of  it.  All  which  being  set  forth  by  ApoUophanes,  in  his  representation 
of  this  matter,  it  fully  determined  the  king,  and  all  his  council,  to  follow  the 
measures  he  proposed,  and  began  the  campaign  with  the  siege  of  Seleucia;  and 
accordingly  the  whole  army  marched  thither,^  and  invested  that  place;  and 
having  carried  it  by  a  general  assault,  drove  the  Egyptians  thence. 

After  this  Antiochus  hastened  into  Ccele-Syria,''  being  called  thither  by  Theo- 
dotus,  the  iEtolian,  Ptole;ny's  governor  of  that  province,  with  offer  of  putting 
the  whole  country  into  his  hands.  It  hath  been  already  related,  how  valiantly 
he  repulsed  Antiochus  in  his  last  eruption  into  that  country.  But  this  was  not 
enough  to  please  those  who  governed  at  court;  they  expected  more  from  him, 
which  they  imagined  was  in  his  power  to  have  done,  and  therefore  called  him 
to  Alexandria,  to  answer  for  it  at  the  peril  of  his  head.  And  although  he  was 
acquitted,  on  the  hearing  of  his  cause,  and  sent  back  to  his  government,  yet  he 
did  not  acquit  them  of  the  wrong  they  did  him  by  this  injurious  accusation,  but 
returned  into  Ccele-Syria  with  such  resentment  and  indignation,  for  this  ill  usage 
and  affront,  that  he  resolved  to  be  revenged  for  it.  And,  while  he  attended  his 
cause  at  court,  having  observed  in  how  vile  and  dissolute  a  manner  all  lived 
there,  this  augmented  his  indignation,  he  not  being  able  to  bear,  with  any  pa- 
tience his  being  made  obnoxious  to  so  despicable  a  set  of  men;  for  nothing 
could  be  more  lewd  and  abominable  than  the  conduct  of  Philopator,  during  all 
the  time  of  his  reign;  and  his  whole  court  was  formed  after  his  example.  He 
is  said  to  have  poisoned  his  father;  and  he  made  this  the  m.ore  believed,  that, 
after  his  decease,  he  openly  and  avowedly  put  to  death  Berenice  his  mother, 

1  Polybius,  lib.  5.  p.  401.  2  Idem.  p.  402.  3  lUem.  p.  404,  40j.  4  Idem.  405,  40G. 

Vol.  II.— 10 


74  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

and  Magas  his  only  brother:  and  then,  thinking  himself  free  from  all  control 
and  tear  of  danger,  he  gave  himself  up  to  the  vilest  entertainments  of  lust,  luxu- 
ry, and  bestiality,  minding  little  else  than  the  glutting  of  himself  in  all  the 
pleasures  which  these  most  detestable  vices  could  afford  him.  His  chief  minis- 
ter was  Sosibius,'  a  man  bad  enough  to  suit  the  service  of  such  a  master,  and 
crafty  enough  to  know  and  use  all  the  means  whereby  best  to  secure  his  interest 
under  him.  But  those  that  most  governed  him  were  Agathocles,  Agathoclea 
his  sister,  and  (Enanthe  their  mother.^  The  first  was  his  pathic,  the  second  his 
concubine,  and  the  last  his  bawd,  to  serve  in  providing  for  the  worst  of  his  lusts. 
Agathoclea  was  at  first  a  public  woman  and  a  common  strumpet;  but  having 
engaged  Philopator's  affection,  she  had  an  absolute  ascendant  over  him  all  his 
life  after,  and  his  love  to  her  was  the  foundation  on  which  was  built  his  favour 
to  the  other  two.  Theodotus,  on  his  being  at  Alexandria,  having  observed  all 
this,  could  not  but  abhor  so  vile  a  conduct,  and  being  a  gallant  man,  scorned  to 
be  any  longer  under  it;  and  this,  with  his  resentments  for  his  ill  usage,  put  upon 
him  a  resolution  of  seeking  for  a  new  master,  that  might  be  more  worthy  of  his 
service.  And  therefore,  on  his  return  to  his  province,  having  seized  Tyre  and 
Ptolemais,  he  declared  for  King  Antiochus,  and  sent  him  the  message  I  have 
mentioned,  to  call  him  into  those  parts,  and,  on  his  arrival,  delivered  to  him 
these  two  cities;  whereby  he  put  him  in  a  fair  way  of  becommg  master  of  all 
the  rest  of  that  country.  Nicolas,  one  of  Ptolemy's  generals  in  those  parts, 
made  some  opposition  to  him  in  this  invasion,  although  not  sufficient  to  obstruct 
his  progress;  for  although  he  were  a  countryman  of  Theodotus's,  as  being  an 
^tolian,  yet  he  would  not  join  with  him  in  this  defection,  but  still  adhered  to 
the  interest  of  King  Ptolemy,  according  to  his  first  engagements  to  him;  and 
therefore,  as  soon  as  Theodotus  had  seized  Ptolmais,  he  besieged  him  in  it;  and 
on  Antiochus  marching  thitherto  raise  the  siege,  he  seized  the  passes  of  Mount 
Libanus  against  him,  and  defended  them  to  the  utmost;  but  being  overborne  by 
the  superior  power  of  Antiochus,  he  was  forced  to  recede,  and  Antiochus  had 
thereon  Tyre  and  Ptolemais  put  into  his  hands  by  Theodotus;  where  having 
found  great  magazines  of  war  which  Ptolemy  had  in  these  two  places  prepared 
and  laid  up  for  his  army,  and  also  a  fleet  of  forty  sail  of  ships,  he  seized  both 
for  his  service.  The  ships  he  delivered  to  Diognetus,  his  admiral,  with  orders 
to  sail  to  Pelusium,  purposing,  at  the  same  time,  to  march  thither  by  land  with 
all  his  army,  and  invade  Egypt.  But  being  informed,  that  at  that  time  of  the 
year  the  banks  of  the  Nile  used  to  be  cut,  and  all  the  country  laid  under  water, 
and  that  therefore  in  inxading  of  that  realm  was  then  impracticable,  he  altered 
his  purpose,  and  turned  all  his  force  for  the  reducing  of  the  rest  of  Coele-Syria; 
and  having  taken  some  places  in  it  by  surrender,  and  others  by  force,  he  at 
length  made  himself  master  of  Damascus,  the  chief  city  of  the  province,  having 
taken  it  by  a  stratagem,^  with  which  he  overreached  Dinon,  who  had  the  com- 
mand of  it  for  King  Ptolemy.  His  last  attempt  in  this  campaign  was  upon 
Dora,*  a  maritime  town  near  Mount  Carmel,  called  Dor,*  in  the  holy  scriptures; 
but  the  place  being  strongly  situated,  and  well  fortified  and  provided  for  by  the 
care  of  Nicolas,  he  could  make  no  impression  upon  it;  and  therefore  was  glad 
to  accept  of  a  proposal,  which  was  there  offered  him,  of  making  a  truce  with 
Ptolemy  for  four  months;  and  thereon  drawing  off  under  the  credit  of  it,  he 
marched  back  to  Seleucia  on  the  Orontes,  and  there  put  his  army  into  winter- 
quarters,  leaving  those  places  which  he  had  taken  in  this  year's  war  under  the 
care  and  government  of  Theodotus  the  iEtolian. 

During  this  truce,"  a  treaty  was  set  on  foot  between  the  two  contending 
princes,  but  without  any  other  design  on  either  side  than  to  gain  time.  Ptolemy 
lacked  it  to  make  preparation  for  the  ensuing  war  and  Antiochus  to  look  after 

1  Plutarch,  in  Cleomene.    Valesii  Excerpta  ex  Potybio,  p.  64. 

2  Plutarch,  ibid.     Athnn.  lib  13.  p.  577.     Justiu.  lib.  30.  c.  1,  2. 

3  Pn|ya;nns,  lib.  4.  c.  ir,.  4  Polybius  lib.  5.  p.  409. 

5  Joshua  xi.  2.  xvii.  11.    Judges  i.  27.    1  Kings  iv.  11.    1  Chron.  vii.  29.  6  Polybius,  lib. 5.  p.  409 — 111. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  75 

Achaeus;  for  he  having  now  manifest  designs  of  usurping  Syria  from  him,  as 
well  as  Lesser  Asia,  he  wanted  to  be  at  home  to  provide  against  them.  In  this 
treaty,  the  chief  point  in  debate  was,  to  whom  Ccele-Syria,  Phoenicia,  Samaria, 
and  Judea,  did  belong,  by  virtue  of  the  partition  that  was  made  of  Alexander's 
empire  between  Ptolemy,  Seleucus,  Cassander,  and  Lysimachus,  after  the  death 
of  Antigonus,  slain  in  the  battle  of  Ipsus.  Ptolemy  claimed  these  provinces, 
as  having  been  by  that  treaty  assigned,  as  he  said,  to  Ptolemy  Soter,  his  great 
grandfather.  On  the  other  side,  Antigonus  alleged,  that  they  had  in  that  parti- 
tion been  assigned  to  Seleucus  Nicator,  and  therefore  he  claimed  them  to 
belong  to  him,  as  the  heir  and  successor  of  that  king  in  the  Syrian  empire. 

Jin.  218.  Ptol.  Philopator  4.] — While  these  pretences  were  alleged  on  both 
sides,  and  neither  yielded  to  the  other,  the  time  of  the  truce  wore  out;  and  no- 
thing being  effected  by  the  treaty,'  both  parties  again  provided  for  the  war. 
Nicolas  the  ^tolian,  having  given  sufficient  proof  of  his  valour  and  fidelity  in 
his  last  year's  service  for  King  Ptolemy,  was  this  year  made  his  generalissimo 
for  this  war,  and  had  the  whole  care  of  his  interest  in  the  contested  provinces 
committed  to  his  charge;  and  Perigenes,  his  admiral,  was  sent  with  a  fleet  to 
carry  on  the  war  by  sea.  Nicolas,  having  rendezvoused  his  forces  at  Gaza,  and 
being  there  furnished  from  Egypt  with  all  necessary  accoutrements  and  provi- 
sions for  the  war,  marched  directly  from  thence  for  INIount  Libanus,  and  seized 
the  straits  which  lay  between  that  ridge  of  mountains  and  the  sea,  through 
which  it  was  necessary  for  Antiochus  to  pass,  resolving  to  expect  him  there, 
and,  by  the  advantge  of  the  place,  obstruct  his  farther  progress  that  way.  In 
the -interim  Antiochus  was  not  idle;  but  having  made  all  due  preparations  for 
the  war,  both  by  sea  and  land,  committed  his  fleet  to  the  command  of  Diogne- 
tus,  his  admiral,  and  then  marched  himself  with  his  army  by  land.  The  fleets 
on  both  sides  coasting  the  armies,  as  they  marched  by  land,  they  all  met  at 
those  straits  where  Nicolas  had  posted  himself;  and  while  Antiochus  there  as- 
saulted Nicolas  by  land,  the  fleets  encountered  at  sea,  and  the  battle  Avas  begun 
on  both  sides  both  by  sea  and  land  at  the  same  time,  and  in  sight  of  each  other. 
At  sea,  the  fight  ended  upon  equal  terms  on  both  sides,  neither  party  getting 
the  better  of  the  other.  But  at  land,  Antiochus  having  gotten  the  advantage, 
Nicolas  was  forced  to  retire  to  the  Sidon,  with  the  loss  of  four  thousand  of  his 
men  slain  and  taken;  and  thither  also  Perigenes  followed  him  with  the  Egyptian 
fleet.  Antiochus  pursued  them  hither  both  by  sea  and  land,  with  intention  to 
besiege  the  place;  but  finding  it  too  strongly  provided  with  men,  and  all  other 
necessaries  to  be  easily  taken,  he  thought  not  fit  to  sit  down  before  it;  but, 
having  sent  his  fleet  to  Tyre,  he  marched  with  his  army  into  Galilee,  and,  having 
taken  Philoteria,  on  the  north  end  of  the  sea  of  Tiberias,  and  Scythopolis,  or 
Bethsan,  on  the  south  end,  he  marched  to  Attabyrium,  a  city  situated  on  Mount 
Tabor,  the  mountain  afterward  made  famous  by  the  transfiguration  of  our  Sa- 
viour on  it,  and  by  a  stratagem  soon  made  himself  master  of  the  place;  and, 
by  taking  these  cities,  having  brought  all  Galilee  under  him,  he  marched  over 
the  River  Jordan  into  the  land  of  Gilead,  and  took  possession  of  all  that  coun- 
try, which  formerly  had  been  the  inheritance  of  the  tribes  of  Reuben  and  Gad, 
and  the  half  tribe  of  Manasseh,  on  that  side  of  the  river.  After  that  he  took 
Rabbah  of  the  children  of  Ammon.  Polybius  calls  it  Rabbatamany  {i.  e.  Rab- 
bath-Ammon.'^)  I  have  shown  before,  how  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  having  re- 
built this  city,  called  it  Philadelphia.  It  being  strong  and  populous,  it  made  a 
vigorous  resistance  against  Antiochus  and  all  his  army;  but  at  length  he  brought 
them  to  a  surrender,  by  stopping  their  Avater-course.  On  his  making  himself 
master  of  this  place,  he  forced  all  the  neighbouring  Arabs  to  submit  to  him. 
But,  by  this  time,  the  year  being  far  spent,  he  repassed  the  River  Jordan,  and 
having  placed  Hippolochus  and  Kerteus  (who  lately  revolted  to  him  from  King 

1  Polybius,  lib,  5.  p.  411,  412,  &c. 

2  So  Rabbah  of  Ammon  is  written  in  the  Hebrew  language;  see  the  Hebrew  text,  Deut.  iii.  1 1.  2  Sam.  xii, 
26.    Jer.  xUx.  2. 


76  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

Ptolemy)  in  the  government  of  Samaria,  with  five  thousand  men,  to  keep  that 
part  of  the  country  in  quiet,  he  led  back  all  the  rest  of  his  forces  to  Ptolemais, 
and  there  put  them  into  winter-quarters. 

Jin.  217.  Ptol.  Philopator  5.] — As  soon  as  the  spring  begun,'  both  parties 
again  took  the  field.  Ptolemj'-,  having  gotten  together  an  army  of  seventy  thou- 
sand foot,  five  thousand  horse,  and  seventy-three  elephants,  ordered  them  to 
rendezvous  at  Pelusium;  where,  putting  himself  at  the  head  of  them,  as  soon 
as  all  was  got  ready  for  the  march,  he  led  them  over  the  deserts  that  parted 
Egypt  and  Palestine,  and  encamped  at  Raphia,  a  town  lying  between  Rhino- 
corura  and  Gaza:  and  there  Antiochus  met  him  with  an  army  little  inferior  to 
his;  for  he  had  sixty-two  thousand  foot,  six  thousand  horse,  and  a  hundred  and 
two  elephants;  and  there  he  encamped,  first  within  ten  furlongs,  and  afterward 
within  five  of  the  enemy.  While  they  lay  thus  near  to  each  other,  many  bick- 
erings happened  between  parties,  as  they  went  out  on  each  side,  either  for 
watering  or  forage,  and  many  bold  adventures  were  made  by  particular  persons 
from  both  armies.  But  that  of  Theodotus  the  ^tolian  was  the  most  remarka- 
ble: for,  being  well  acquainted  with  the  Egyptian  usages,*  as  having  long  served 
Ptolemy,  till  he  revolted  from  him  to  Antiochus,  he  took  the  advantage  of  a 
dusky  evening,  when  his  face  could  not  be  well  discerned,  to  enter  into  the 
enemy's  camp  with  two  companions,  and,  being  there  taken  for  one  of  them, 
went  in  Ptolemy's  tent  with  design  to  have  killed  him,  and  with  that  one  stroke 
to  have  put  an  end  to  the  war.  But  not  finding  him  there,  he  slew  his  chief 
physician  instead  of  him,  wounded  two  others,  and  then,  amidst  the  hurry  and 
tumult  raised  hereon,  escaped  safe  back  again  into  his  own  camp.  At  length 
both  kings  drew  out  all  their  forces  for  a  decisive  battle,^  and  both  rode  before 
the  front  of  their  respective  armies,  to  excite  and  encourage  their  men  for  the 
fight.  Arsinoe,  who  was  sister  and  wife  to  King  Ptolemy,  accompanied  him  in 
this  action,  and  not  only  exerted  herself  in  the  encouraging  of  the  soldiers  be- 
fore the  fight,  but  also  continued  with  her  husband  in  the  battle  throughout  all 
the  heat  and  dangers  of  it.  The  event  of  the  battle  was,  Antiochus,  command- 
ing the  right  wing,  routed  the  opposite  wing  of  the  enemy;  but,  pursuing  them 
too  far,  in  the  interim,  the  other  wing  of  the  enemy:  having  beaten  his  left 
wing,  fell  upon  the  main  body,  then  left  naked,  and  utterly  broke  them,  before 
he  could  return  to  their  assistance.  An  old  ofiicer  of  Antiochus's  army,  ob- 
serving which  way  the  cloud  of  dust  went,  concluded  from  thence  that  the 
main  body  was  routed,  and  showed  it  to  the  king.  But  although  he  immedi- 
ately returned,  he  came  too  late  to  recover  this  fault,  finding  all  the  rest  of  his 
army  put  to  flight  on  his  coming  back  to  them.  Hereon  he  was  forced  to  re- 
treat, first  to  Raphia,  and  next  to  Gaza,  with  the  loss  of  ten  thousand  of  his 
men  slain,  and  four  thousand  taken  prisoners:  after  Avhich,  being  no  more  able 
to  make  head  against  Ptolemy  in  those  parts,  he  quitted  them  to  the  conqueror, 
and,  having-  gathered  together  the  remains  of  his  broken  forces,  he  returned 
with  them  to  Antioch.  This  battle  at  Raphia  was  fought  at  the  same  time  that 
Hannibal  vanquished  Flaminius,  the  Roman  consul,  at  the  lake  of  Thrasimenus, 
in  Hetruria. 

On  the  retreat  of  Antiochus,"  the  cities  of  Ccele-Syria  and  Palestine  were  at  a 
strife  which  of  them  should  first  yield  themselves  again  to  Ptolemy:  for  having 
been  long  under  the  government  of  the  Egyptians,  they  were  in  their  affections 
inclined  rather  to  their  old  masters  than  to  Antiochus.  It  was  only  by  force  that 
they  had  submitted  to  the  latter;  and  therefore,  that  force  being  now  removed, 
they  returned  again  to  their  former  bent,  and  Ptolemy's  court  was  thronged  with 
ambassadors  from  them  to  make  their  submissions,  and  ofler  presents  unto  him; 
among  whom  were  ambassadors  from  the  Jews,  who  were  all  kindly  received. 
Ptolemy,  having  thus  regained  these  provinces,  made  a  progress  through  them; 

1  PolibiuB,  lib.  5.  p.  421,  422,  &c.     Hieronymus  in  cap.  xi.  Danielis.        2  Polyb.  lib.  5.  p.  423.   3  Maccab.  c  1, 

3  Polybius,  lib.  5.  p.  423—427.    3  Maccab.  c.  1.    Hieronymus,  ibid.     Justin,  lib.  30.  c.  1. 

4  Polybius,  lib.  5.  p.  427,  ■Hi. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  77 

and,  among  other  cities  which  he  visited  in  this  perambulation,'  Jerusalem  was 
one  that  had  this  favour  from  him.  On  his  arrival  thither,  he  took  a  view  of  the 
temple,  and  there  offered  up  many  sacrifices  to  the  God  of  Israel,  and  made 
many  oblations  to  the  temple,  and  gave  several  very  valuable  donatives  to  it.  . 
But,  not  being  content  to  view  it  only  from  the  outer  court,  beyond  which  it  was 
not  lawful  for  any  gentile  to  pass,  he  would  have  pressed  into  the  sanctuary  it- 
self, and  into  the  holy  of  holies  in  the  temple,  where  none  but  the  high-priest 
only,  once  a  year,  on  the  great  day  of  expiation,  was  to  enter.  This  made  a 
great  uproar  all  over  the  city.  The  high-priest  informed  him  of  the  sacredness 
of  the  place,  and  the  law  of  God  which  forbade  his  entrance  thither.  And  the 
priests  and  Levites  gathered  together  to  hinder  it,  and  all  the  people  to  depre- 
cate it;  and  great  lamentation  was  made  every  where  among  them  on  the  ap- 
prehension of  the  great  profanation  which  would  hereby  be  offered  to  their  holy 
temple,  and  all  hands  were  lifted  up  unto  God  in  prayer  to  avert  it.  But  the 
king,  the  more  he  was  opposed,  growing  the  more  intent  to  have  his  will  in  this 
matter,  pressed  into  the  inner  court;  but,  as  he  was  passing  farther  to  go  into  the 
temple  itself,  he  was  smitten  from  God  with  such  a  terror  and  confusion  of  mind, 
that  he  was  carried  out  of  the  place  in  a  manner  half  dead.  On  this  he  departed 
from  Jerusalem,  filled  with  m-eat  wrath  against  the  whole  nation  of  the  Jews,  for 
that  which  happened  to  him  in  that  place,  and  venting  many  threatenings  agamst 
them  for  it. 

The  high-priest  who  withstood  Ptolemy  in  this  attempt  upon  the  temple  was 
Simon, ^  the  son  of  Onias,  the  second  of  that  name:  for,  his  father  dying  towards 
the"  end  of  the  former  year,  he  succeeded  him  in  his  office;  and  this  was  the  first 
year  of  his  pontificate:  and  it  was  well  that  a  wiser  man  was  then  in  that  office 
when  this  difficulty  happened;  for,  during  the  whole  time  of  Onias's  ministra- 
tion, all  the  affairs  of  the  Jews  were,  both  in  church  and  state,  very  negligently 
and  supinely  managed;  for  he  being  a  very  weak  man,  and  withal  exceedingly 
covetous,  minded  little  else  but  how  to  heap  up  money.  The  Samaritans,^  ob- 
serving this,  took  the  advantage  of  it  to  be  very  vexatious  to  the  Jews,  and,  out 
of  their  old  enmity  to  them,  did  them  many  and  great  damages,  plundering 
and  ravaging  their  country,  and  carrying  many  of  the  inhabitants  into  captivity, 
and  selling  them  for  slaves;  and  this  they  had  in  some  measure  practised 
ever  since  the  contention  arose  between  Antiochus  and  Ptolemy  Philopator 
about  the  provinces  of  Coele-Syria  and  Palestine,  screening  themselves  some- 
times under  the  one  side,  and  sometimes  under  the  other,  according  as  they 
found  they  "might  be  the  most  vexatious  to  the  Jews;  and,  during  all  the  time 
that  this  war  lasted,  the  Jews  suffered  very  much  by  it  from  both  parties,  as  did 
all  the  rest  of  the  inhabitants  of  Palestine:  for  Palestine,  of  which  Judea  was  a 
part,  being  one  of  the  countries  in  contest,  while  these  two  potent  princes  thus 
strove  for  it,  it  happened  to  those  that  dwelt  in  it  (as  usually  it  doth  to  all  others 
in  this  case,)  that  they  were  ground  between  both;  for,  as  sometimes  the  one 
side,  and  sometimes  the  other,  were  masters  of  the  country,  they  were  sure  to 
be  harassed  by  each  in  their  turns:  and  this  continued  to  be  their  case  as  long 
as  that  contest  lasted,  and  they  suffered  exceedingly  by  it. 

Antiochus,  as  soon  as  he  was  returned  to  Antioch,''  sent  ambassadors  to  Ptolemy 
to  move  for  peace.  That  which  induced  him  to  this  was,  he  mistrusted  the 
fidehty  of  his  own  people,  finding,  on  his  return,  both  his  interest  and  his  au- 
thority much  sunk  by  his  late  misfortune  at  Raphia:  and  another  reason  for  it 
was,  it  was  time  for  him  to  look  after  Achoeus;  for  he  having,  by  his  victories 
over  Attains,  made  himself  absolute  master  of  all  Lesser  Asia,  should  he  be  let  alone 
to  settle  his  authority  there,  Antiochus  well  saw  it  would  not  be  long  ere  he 
must  ex]:)ect  him  in  Syria,  there  to  push  for  the  whole  empire:  to  prevent  this, 
he  thought  it  his  best  course  to  make  peace  with  Ptolemy,  lest,  having  two  such 

1  3  Maccab.  c.  1. 

2  3  Maccab.  c.  2.     Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  4.    Eusebiuainrronicon.    Chronicon  Aloxandrinum. 

3  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  3.        4  I'olybius,  lib.  5.  p.  428.   Justin,  lib.  30,  c.  1.  Hieionyinus  in  cap.  xi.  Dan. 


78  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

powerful  enemies,  one  on  each  hand  of  him,  to  deal  with  at  the  same  time,  he 
should  be  crushed  between  them;  and  therefore  he  empowered  his  ambassadors 
to  yield  to  Ptolemy  all  those  provinces  which  were  in  contest  between  them, 
tliat  is,  all  Coele-Syria  and  Palestine.  I  have  before  shown  that  Ccele-Syria 
contained  that  part  of  Syria  that  lay  between  the  mountains  Libanus  and  Anti- 
Libanus;  and  Palestine,  all  that  country  which  was  formerly  the  inheritance  of 
the  children  of  Israel,  and  that  the  maritime  parts  of  both  were  what  the  Greeks 
called  Phoenicia.  All  this  Antiochus  was  willing  to  part  with  to  the  king  of 
Egypt,  for  the  obtaining  of  peace  with  him  in  the  present  juncture,  choosing  ra- 
ther to  quit  his  claim  to  all  these  countries,  than  for  the  sake  of  them  to  run  the 
risk  of  losing  all  the  rest.  And  accordingly  a  truce  being  agreed  on  for  a  year, 
before  that  was  expired,  a  peace  was  made  upon  the  terms  proposed:  and  hereby 
Antiochus  was  left  wholly  at  leisure  to  attend  the  recovery  of  Lesser  Asia,  and 
the  suppressing  of  Achseus,  which  was  a  matter  of  much  greater  moment  unto 
him  at  this  time;  and  Ptolemy,  that  he  might  be  again  fully  at  liberty  to  follow 
his  voluptuous  enjoyments,  was  as  fond  of  being  rid  of  this  war  as  the  other. 
And  therefore,  as  soon  as  the  truce  was  concluded,  after  having  tarried  three 
months  in  those  provinces  to  settle  his  affairs  in  them,  he  committed  the  chief 
command  over  them  to  Andromachus  of  Aspendus,  and  returned  again  to  Alex- 
andria; and,  on  his  arrival  thither,  immersed  himself  again  deeper  than  ever  in 
all  the  beastly  pleasures  of  his  former  life;  and,  that  he  might  not  be  interrupted 
in  his  enjoyment  of  them,  he  sent  Sosibius,  his  chief  minister,  to  Antioch,  to 
turn  the  truce  into  a  peace,  which  was  accordingly  done  on  the  terms  I  have 
mentioned.  And  thus  Ptolemy,  for  the  sake  of  his  lusts,  contenting  himself  with 
the  recovery  of  the  provinces  of  Ccele-Syria  and  Palestine,  made  no  other  ad- 
vantage of  his  victory  at  Raphia:  but  this  did  not  content  his  people,  who  ex- 
pected much  more  from  it.  It  is  certain,  had  he  pursued  that  blow,  he  might 
have  deprived  Antiochus  not  only  of  Palestine  and  Ccele-Syria,  but  of  all  the 
rest  of  his  empire;  and  this  was  what  the  Egyptians  would  have  had  done,  and 
were  very  angry  when  they  found  themselves  disappointed  of  it  by  so  disadvan- 
tageous a  peace.  The  discontent  which  followed  herefrom  gave  rise  to  those 
disorders  in  Egypt,  which  soon  after  broke  out  into  a  rebellion;  and  thus  Ptolemy, 
by  avoiding  a  war  abroad,  caused  one  at  home  in  his  own  kingdom. 

An.  216.  Ptol.  Philopator  6.] — Ptolemy,  on  his  return  to  Alexandria,  carry- 
ing thither  with  him  his  anger  against  the  Jews  for  their  obstructing  his  en- 
trance into  their  temple  at  Jerusalem,  resolved  to  be  revenged  for  it  on  all  of 
that  nation  who  were  then  at  Alexandria.  And  therefore  he  published  a  de- 
cree,' and  caused  it  to  be  engraven  on  a  plUar  erected  at  the  gates  of  his  pa- 
lace, whereby  he  forbade  all  to  enter  thither  that  did  not  sacrifice  to  the  gods 
which  he  worshipped;  whereby  he  excluded  the  Jews  from  all  access  to  him, 
either  for  the  suing  to  him  for  justice,  or  the  obtaining  of  his  protection,  in  what 
case  soever  they  should  stand  in  need  of  it.  And  whereas  the  inhabitants  of 
Alexandria  were  of  three  ranks;^  1st,  The  Macedonians,  who  were  the  original 
founders  of  the  city,  and  had  the  first  right  in  it;  2dly,  The  mercenary  soldiers, 
who  came  thither  to  serve  in  the  army;  and,  3dly,  The  native  Egyptians;  and, 
by  the  favour  of  Alexander  the  Great  and  Ptolemy  Soter,  the  Jews  were  en- 
rolled among  the  first  rank,^  and  had  all  the  privileges  of  original  Macedonians 
confered  on  them,  Philopator  resolved  to  deprive  them  of  this  right;  and  there- 
fore, by  another  decree,''  ordered  that  all  of  the  Jewish  nation  that  lived  in 
Alexandria  should  be  degraded  from  the  first  rank,  of  which  they  had  hitherto 
always  been  from  the  first  founding  of  the  city,  and  be  enrolled  in  the  third 
rank,  among  the  common  people  of  Egypt;  and  that  all  of  them  should  come 
thus  to  be  enrolled,  and,  at  the  time  of  their  enrolment,  have  the  mark  of  an 
ivy  leaf,^  the  badge  of  his  god  Bacchus,  by  a  hot  iron  impressed  upon  them; 
and  that  all  those  who  should  refuse  to  be  thus  enrolled,  and  stigmatized  with 

1  3Maccab.  c.  2.  2  Strabo,  lib.  17.  p.  797.        3  Josephus  Aiitiq.  lib.  12.  c.  1.  etcontra  Apionem,  lib.  2. 

4  3  Maccab.  c.  2.  5  2  Maccab.  vi.  7. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  79 

the  said  mark,  should  be  made  slaves;  and  that,  if  any  of  them  should  stand 
out  against  this  decree,  he  should  be  put  to  death.  He  would  have  them 
marked  with  the  badge  of  his  god  Bacchus,  not  only  in  that,  by  his  drunken- 
ness, he  had  made  himself  a  great  devotee  of  his,  but  most  especially  in  that 
the  Ptolemies  of  Egypt  pretended  to  derive  their  pedigree  from  him,  and  there- 
fore he  himself  was  marked  with  this  badge;'  for  which  reason  they  gave  him 
the  nickname  of  Gallus,^  because  the  priests  called  Galli  were  so  marked.  So 
saith  the  author  of  the  Greek  Etymologicon:  his  words  are,'  "Ptolemy  Philo- 
pator  was  called  Gallus,  because  he  was  stigmatized  or  marked  with  the  leaf  of 
an  ivy,  in  the  same  manner  as  the  priests  called  Galli;  for  in  all  the  Bacchanal 
solemnities  they  were  crowned  with  ivy."  But  that  he  might  not  seem  an 
enemy  to  all  of  that  nation,  he  ordained,  that  as  many  of  them  as  would  be  ini- 
tiated into  the  heathen  rehgion,  and  sacrifice  unto  his  gods,  should  retain  their 
former  privileges,  and  remain  still  in  the  same  rank,  which  they  were  of  be- 
fore. But,  of  the  many  thousands  of  the  Jewish  race  which  then  dwelt  at 
Alexandria,  there  were  found  only  three  hundred  who  accepted  of  this  condi- 
tion, and  forsook  their  God  to  gain  the  favour  of  their  king.  The  rest  stood  all 
firm  to  their  religion,  rather  choosing  to  suffer  any  thing  than  depart  in  the 
least  from  it;  and  those  of  them  that  had  riches  freely  parted  with  them  to  the 
king's  otficers,  to  get  themselves  excused  from  being  thus  enrolled  and  stigma- 
tized; but  others  were  forced  to  submit  hereto.  But  all  of  them  so  abhorred 
those  that  apostatized  from  their  God,  to  please  the  king  on  this  occasion,  that 
they  thenceforth  excluded  them  from  all  manner  of  communication  with  them, 
none  of  them  vouchsafing  after  that  to  converse,  or,  on  any  occasion  whatso- 
ever, to  have  any  more  to  do  with  such  impious  wretches:  which  being  inter- 
preted as  done  by  them  in  opposition  to  the  king's  authority,  this  so  enraged 
him  against  them,*  that  he  took  a  resolution  of  destroying  them  all;  that  is,  not 
only  those  Jews  that  were  of  Alexandria,  but  all  the  other  of  that  nation,  where- 
soever they  lived,  within  his  dominions,  purposing  first  to  begin  with  those  of 
Egypt,  and  then  to  proceed,  in  the  next  place,  against  the  inhabitants  of  Ju- 
dea  and  Jerusalem,  and  extirpate  the  whole  nation.  And  therefore,  in  the  first 
place,  he  sent  out  his  orders  to  command  that  all  the  Jews,  who  lived  any  where 
in  Egypt,  should  be  brought  in  chains  to  Alexandria;  and  having  them  accord- 
ingly thus  brought  thither,*  he  shut  them  up  in  the  Hippodrome  (a  large  place 
without  the  city,  where  the  people  used  to  assemble  to  see  horse-races,  and 
other  shows,)  purposing  there  to  expose  them  for  a  spectacle  to  be  destroyed  by 
his  elephants.  But  when  they  were  all  met,^  at  the  day  appointed,  to  see  the 
sight,  and  the  elephants  were  brought  forth  ready  prepared  for  the  execution, 
they  were  disappointed  of  the  show  for  that  day  by  the  king's  absence;  for, 
being  late  up  the  night  before  at  a  drunken  carousal,  he  slept  so  long  the  next 
day,  that  the  time  for  the  show  was  over  before  he  awoke,  whereon  it  was  put 
oflf  to  the  next  day  following;  and  then  the  same  cause  made  another  disap- 
pointment: for  another  such  fit  of  drunkenness  had  so  drowned  his  thoughts, 
that,  when  called  up  the  next  morning  then  to  see  the  show,  he  remembered 
nothing  of  it,  but  thought  those  out  of  their  wits  who  spoke  to  him  of  it;  which 
caused  that  the  show  was  put  off  again  to  the  third  day.  All  this  while  the 
Jews  continuing  shut  up  in  the  Hippodrome,  ceased  not,  with  lifted  up  hands 
and  voices,  to  pray  unto  God  for  their  deliverance,  which  he  accordingly  vouch- 
safed unto  them;  for,  on  the  third  day,  when  the  king  was  present,  and  the 
elephants  were  brought  forth,  and  made  drunk  with  wine  mingled  with  frank- 
incense (as  they  had  been  the  two  days  before,)  that  they  might  with  the  more 
rage  execute  what  was  intended  upon  those  people,  and  were  accordingly  let 
loose  upon  them,  instead  of  falling  upon  the  Jews,  they  turned  their  rage  all 
upon  those  who  came  to  see  the  show,  and  destroyed  great  numbers  of  them; 

1  Theophilus  Aiitiochenus  ex  Satyri  Historia. 

2  'El'  'E^'TOfi^  XpovDv,  a  Scaligero  edita,  p.  254.    Chron.  Alexandriii. 

3  VxKKik;  0  tt>t?.35T»Tuop  IlTOA.iju»iO{  Ji»  TO  c^uXXk  xi<r(riti  x»ixa-T<x^»t  wj  o'  r«XXoi,  &c. 

4  3Maccab.  c.  3.  5  Ibid.  c.  4.  G  Ibid.  c.  5. 


80  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

and  besides,  several  appearances  were  seen  in  the  air,  which  much  frighted  the 
king  and  all  the  spectators.  All  which  manifesting  the  inteiposal  of  a  divine 
power  in  the  protection  of  those  people,  Philopator  durst  not  any  longer  prose- 
cute his  rage  against  them,  but  ordered  them  to  be  all  again  set  free;  and  fear- 
ing the  divine  vengeance  upon  him  in  their  behalf,  for  the  appeasing  and  divert- 
ing of  it,  he  restored  them  to  all  their  privileges,  rescinding  and  revoking  all 
his  decrees  which  he  had  published  against  them:  and  he  added  over  and  above 
many  gifts  and  favours  unto  them;  among  which  one  was,  that  he  gave  them 
liberty  to  put  to  death  all  those  Jews  who  had  apostatized  from  their  religion; 
which  they  accordingly  executed,  not  sparing  a  man  of  them.  Josephus  gives 
us  no  account,  in  his  Antiquities,  of  all  this  matter;  but  there  is  mention  of  it 
in  his  second  book  against  Apion.  But  it  is  to  be  observed,  that  we  have  this 
only  in  the  Latin  edition  of  Ruffinus:  for  the  Greek  text  is  there  wanting;  and 
also  there  this  whole  matter  is  said  to  be  transacted  in  the  reign  of  Ptolemy 
Physcon,  many  years  after  the  time  where  I  have  here  placed  it,  according  to 
the  third  book  of  the  Maccabees;  for  there  the  whole  history  of  this  persecution, 
and  the  deliverance  of  tlie  Jews  from  it,  is  at  large  related,  it  being  the  whole 
subject  of  that  book;  and  therein  it  is  said  to  have  been  all  transacted  in  the 
reign  of  Ptolemy  Philopator,  immediately  on  his  return  from  Syria,  after  the 
victory  obtained  by  him  at  the  battle  of  Raphia;  and  when  that  battle  was  fought, 
Polybius  and  other  authors  have  told  us. 

The  name  of  Maccabees  was  first  given  to  Judas  and  his  brethren,  for  the 
reason  which  will  be  hereafter  mentioned;  and,  therefore,  the  first  book  and 
the  second  book  which  give  us  an  account  of  their  actions,  are  called  the  first 
book  and  the  second  book  of  the  Maccabees.  But,  because  they  were  sufferers 
in  the  cause  of  their  religion,  hence  others,  who  were  like  sufferers  in  the  same 
cause,  and  by  their  sufferings  bore  witness  to  the  truth,  were  in  after-times  call- 
ed also  Maccabees  by  the  Jews.  And  for  this  reason  it  is  that  Josephus,  having 
written  apart  by  itself  the  history  of  those  who  suffered  martyrdom  under  the 
persecution  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  gives  it  the  title  of  the  Maccabees;  and, 
for  the  same  reason,  this  history  of  the  persecution  of  Ptolemy  Philopator 
against  the  Jews  in  Egypt,  and  their  sufferings  under  it,  is  called  the  third 
book  of  Maccabees,  although,  as  to  the  subject-matter  of  it,  it  ought  to  be  called 
the  first  book;  for  the  things  which  it  relates  were  first  in  order  of  time,  as  be- 
ing transacted  before  ever  those  Maccabees,  of  whom  we  have  the  history  in 
the  first  and  second  books  of  the  Maccabees,  were  at  all  in  being.  But  this 
book,  being  of  less  authority  and  repute  than  the  other  two,  it  hath,  for  this 
reason,  been  reckoned  after  them,  according  to  the  order  of  dignity,  though  it 
is  before  them  in  the  order  of  time.  It  seems  to  have  been  written  by  some 
Alexandrian  Jew,  in  the  Greek  language,  not  long  after  the  time  of  Siracides. 
What  is  related  in  the  beginning  of  it,  concerning  the  exploit  of  Theodotus, 
the  batde  of  Raphia,  and  Arsinoe's  accompanying  her  husband  in  it,  is  mani- 
festly taken  from  Polybius;  and,  therefore,  it  must  have  been  written  after  the 
publication  of  that  history.  It  is  extant  in  Syriac;  but  the  author  of  that  ver- 
sion seems  not  well  to  have  understood  the  Greek  original;  for,  in  some  places, 
he  varies  from  it  through  manifest  ignorance  of  the  Greek  language.  It  is  in 
most  of  the  ancient  manuscript  copies  of  the  Greek  Septuagint;  as  particularly 
it  is  in  the  Alexandrian  manuscript,  in  the  king's  library  at  St.  James's,  and  in 
the  Vatican  manuscripts  at  Rome,  which  are  two  of  the  ancientest  manuscripts 
of  the  Septuagint  now  in  being;  but  was  never  inserted  into  the  Vulgar  Latin 
version  of  the  Bible,  or  is  it  to  be  found  in  any  manuscript  of  it.  And  that 
version  being  only  in  use  through  the  whole  western  church  till  the  Reforma- 
tion, the  first  translations  which  we  have  of  the  Bible  into  English  were  made 
from  thence;  and,  for  that  reason,  none  of  those  having  the  third  book  of  Mac- 
cabees among  the  apocryphal  books,  it  hath  never  since  been  added,  though  it 
deserves  a  place  there  much  better  than  some  parts  of  the  second  book  of  Mac- 
cabees: for  though  it  comes  to  us  in  a  romantic  dress,  with  some  enlargements 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  81 

and  embellishments  of  a  Jewish  invention,  yet  it  is  not  to  be  doubted  but  the 
ground-work  of  it  is  true;  and  that  there  really  was  such  a  persecution  raised 
against  the  Jews  of  Alexandria  by  Ptolemy  Philopator  as  that  book  relates, 
there  are  accounts  of  other  persecutions'  they  there  underwent,  altogether  as 
bad,  which  no  one  doubts  of.  The  first  authentic  mention  we  have  of  this 
book  is  in  Eusebius's  Chronicon."  It  is  also  named  with  the  other  two  books 
of  the  Maccabees  in  the  eighty-fifth  of  the  apostolic  canons.  But  when  that 
canon  was  added  is  uncertain.  Some  manuscript  Greek  Bibles  have  not  only 
this  third  book  of  the  Maccabees,  but  also  Josephus's  history  of  the  martyrs, 
that  suffered  under  Antiochus  Epiphanes,^  inserted  after  it  by  the  name  of  the 
fourth  book  of  the  Maccabees. 

In  the  interim  Antiochus,  after  the  peace  made  with  Ptolemy,  turning  all  his 
thoughts  to  the  making  of  war  against  Achseus,  and  having  made  great  prepa- 
rations for  it,'*  marched  over  Mount  Taurus  into  Lesser  Asia  for  the  suppress- 
ing of  him;  where,  having  joined  himself  in  league  with  Attalus,  king  of  Per- 
gamus,  by  virtue  of  this  conjunction  he  so  distressed  Achseus,  that  he  drove 
him  out  of  the  field,  and  shut  him  up  in  Sardis,  and  thereon  sitting  down  before 
that  place,  he  besieged  him  in  it  with  his  whole  army. 

Jin.  215.  Ptol.  Philopator  7.] — Achseus*  there  held  out  above  a  year  against 
him.  In  the  interim  many  sallies  were  made,  and  many  skirmishes  were 
fought  under  the  walls;  till,  at  length,  in  the  second  year  of  the  siege,  by  the 
craft  of  Ligoras,  one  of  Antiochus's  commanders,  the  city  was  taken;  whereon 
Achseus  retreated  into  the  castle,  and  there  defended  himself  for  some  time, 
till" at  last  he  was,  by  the  treacherous  contrivance  of  two  crafty  Cretans,  de- 
livered into  the  hands  of  Antiochus.  The  manner  of  it  was  thus:**  Ptolemy 
Philopator,  having  entered  into  a  strict  alliance  with  Achseus,  was  much  con- 
cerned on  his  hearing  of  his  being  so  closely  shut  up  in  the  castle  of  Sardis, 
and  therefore  committed  it  to  the  care  of  his  chief  minister  Sosibius,  by  any 
means  possible,  to  get  him  out  of  this  danger.  There  being  at  that  time  in 
Ptolemy's  court  a  crafty  Cretan  called  Bolis,  w^ho  had  long  resided  there,  Sosi- 
bius consulted  with  him  about  this  matter,  and  asked  his  advice  for  the  finding 
out  of  proper  means  for  the  accomplishing  of  what  his  master  desired.  Bolis 
asking  time  to  consider  of  it,  at  the  next  conference  undertook  the  matter,  and 
communicated  to  him  the  way  which  he  thought  of  whereby  to  accomplish  it; 
for  he  told  him  that  he  had  an  intimate  friend,  who  was  also  a  near  relation  of 
his,  called  Cambylus,  that  was  captain  of  the  Cretan  mercenaries  in  Antiochus's 
army,  and  had  then  the  keeping  of  a  fortress  behind  the  castle  at  Sardis:  that 
him  he  would  deal  with  to  permit  Achseus  to  make  his  escape  that  way.  Sosi- 
bius approving  of  the  project,  forthwith  sent  Bolis  to  Sardis  to  put  it  in  execu- 
tion, and  gave  him  ten  talents  to  bear  him  through  in  it.  Bolis  having  com- 
municated the  matter  to  Cambylus,  they,  like  two  crafty  knaves,^  consulted 
together  how  to  make  the  most  of  it,  agreed  to  discover  the  whole  to  Antiochus; 
and,  on  his  promise  of  a  suitable  reward  to  turn  the  plot  for  the  betraying  of 
Achseus  into  his  hands,  and  then  divide  that  reward,  and  also  the  ten  talents 
which  Bohs  had  from  Sosibius  between  them.  Antiochus,  on  his  receiving  of 
this  proposal,  was  much  pleased  with  it,  and  promised  rewards  large  enough  to 
encourage  the  undertakers  to  go  on  with  the  plot.  Bohs,  by  the  means  of  Cam- 
bylus, having  got  into  the  csistle,  and  by  virtue  of  his  credentials  from  Sosibius, 
and  other  friends,  gained  full  credit  with  the  unfortunate  prince;  so  that  he  was 
hereby  induced  to  put  himself  into  the  hands  of  these  two  false  Cretans:  they, 
as  soon  as  they  had  gotten  him  out  of  the  castle,  seized  his  person  and  deliver- 
ed him  to  Antiochus;  who  having  caused  him  forthwith  to  be  beheaded,  did 
thereby  put  an  end  to  the  Asian  war:  for  as  soon  as  the  death  of  Achseus  was 

1  See  Philo's  book  against  Flaccus,  and  the  history  of  his  embassy  to  Caligula. 

2  Page  185.  3  Vide  Hodium  de  Biblioriim  TextibusOriginalibus,  649. 

4  Polybius,  lib.  5.  p.  444.  446.  5  Ibid.  lib.  7.  p.  300,  507.  6  Ibid.  lib.  8.  p.  522,  523,  &:c. 

7  The  Cretans  were  always  infamous  for  falseness  and  knavery.  Hence  St.  Paul  to  Titus,  chap.  i.  12. 
"  The  Cretans  are  always  liars." 

Vol.  II.— 11 


83  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

known,  they  tliat  were  in  the  castle  forthwith  surrendered;  and  soon  after,  aU 
the  other  places  through  the  Asian  provinces  did  the  same:  and  therefore  An- 
tiochus,  having  received  them  all  again  under  his  obedience,  left  such  governors 
over  them  as  he  might  best  confide  in,  and  then  returned  again  to  Antioch. 

Aa.  '2Vi.  PloL  Philopator  9.] — About  this  time  the  discontents  of  the  Egyp- 
tians against  Philopator,  which  I  have  above  mentioned,  broke  out  into  a  civil 
war.  Polybius'  tells  us,  that  there  was  such  a  war;  but  neither  he  nor  any  other 
author  gives  us  any  account  of  the  event  of  it.  But  Philopator  still  retaining 
his  royal  dignity  and  power,  without  any  diminution  of  either,  this  sufficiently 
proves  that  he  mastered  this  difficulty.  Which  side  the  Jews  (who  now  made  a 
considerable  part  of  the  bulk  of  the  people  of  Egypt)  ibok  in  this  war  is  not 
said;  but  it  seems  most  likely  that  they  were  of  that  party  which  came  by  the 
worst:  for  Eusebius"  tells  us,  that  about  this  time  forty  thousand  of  them  were 
cut  off  and  destroyed. 

An.  ^Vi.  Ptol.  Philopator  10.] — Antiochus,  having  settled  his  affairs  in  Lesser 
Asia,^  made  an  expedition  into  the  east  for  the  reducing  of  those  provinces  which 
had  revolted  from  the  Syrian  empire;  and  the  Parthians  having  lately  seized 
Media,  his  first  attempt  was  upon  that  province.  There  reigned  at  that  time  over 
the  Parthians,  Arsaces,  the  son  of  that  Arsaces  who  first  founded  the  Parthian 
empire.  He,  taking  the  advantage  of  Antiochus's  being  otherwise  engaged  in  his 
wars  with  Ptolemy  and  AchfEus,  had  entered  JNIedia,  and  made  himself  master 
of  that  country,  and  added  it  to  his  former  dominions.  On  Antiochus's  approach 
that  way,  he  endeavoured  to  hinder  his  passage,  by  stopping  up  all  the  wells  in 
the  deserts  through  which  he  was  to  march,  no  army  being  able  there  to  be  sub- 
sisted without  them.  But  Antiochus,  being  aware  of  the  design,  sent  a  party  of 
horse  before  him  to  secure  those  wells;  M^ho  having  driven  away  the  party  that 
was  sent  to  destroy  them,  Antiochus  safely  passed  those  deserts,  with  all  his 
army,  and  entering  Media,  drove  Arsaces  thence:  and  having  recovered  all  that 
country,  spent  the  remainder  of  the  year  in  settUng  of  it  again  in  its  former  or- 
der under  his  dominion,  and  in  providing  for  the  farther  operations  of  the  war. 

An.  211.  Piol.  Philopator  11.] — Early  the  next  spring^  he  marched  into  Par- 
thia;  and  there  having  obtained  the  same  success  as  in  Media,  Arsaces  was 
forced  to  retreat  into  Hyrcania,  where,  thinking  to  secure  himself  behind  the 
mountains  which  parted  that  country  from  Parthia,  he  placed  guards  in  all  the 
passes  through  which  the  Syrian  army  was  to  march,  hoping  thereby  to  obstruct 
their  farther  progress  that  way. 

An.  210.  Ptol.  Philopator  12.] — But  Antiochus,  as  soon  as  the  season  would 
admit,  took  the  field  to  drive  them  thence;  and  by  dividing  his  army  into  several 
parties,*  and  assaulting  those  guards  all  at  the  same  time  in  their  several  stations, 
he  soon  made  himself  master  of  all  those  passes,  and  therefore  marching  securely 
through  them  over  those  mountains,  he  descended  from  them  with  all  his  army 
into  the  country  of  Hyrcania,  and  there  laid  siege  to  Syringis,  the  capital  of  the 
province;  and  after  some  time  having,  by  undermining  the  walls,  made  a  great 
breach  in  them,  he  took  the  place  by  storm,  and  all  the  inhabitants  surrendered 
themselves  to  his  mercy.  In  the  interim  Arsaces  was  not  idle;  but  all  the  way 
as  he  retreated,  having  gathered  forces,  at  length  made  up  an  army  of  one  hun- 
dred thousand  foot,®  and  twenty  thousand  horse,  with  which  being  strong  enough 
to  face  the  enemy,  he  made  a  stand  against  him,  and  with  great  valour  opposed 
his  farther  progress,  which  drew  out  the  war  into  a  great  length.  But  after  many 
conflicts  that  happened  between  the  two  armies,  no  farther  advantage  being 
gained  on  the  part  of  Antiochus,  he  found  it  would  be  no  easy  matter  for  him  to 
vanquish  so  valiant  an  enemy,  and  wholly  dispossess  him  of  the  provinces  which 
he  had  been  so  long  settled  in. 

An.  208.  Ptol.  Philopator  14.  J — And  therefore  he  became  inclined  to  hearken 
to  terms  of  accommodation  for  the  ending  of  so  troublesome  a  war:'  and  accor- 

1  Lib.  5.  p.  444.  2  In  Cliionico,  p   185.  3  Polybius,  lib.  10.  p.  598—602.     Appian.  in  Syriacis. 

4  Tolybius,  lib.  10.  p.  591).  5  Ibid.  p.  600,  COl.  C  Justin,  lib.  41.  c.  5.  7  Ibid. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  83 

dingly  a  treaty  being  set  on  foot,  it  was  agreed  that  Arsaces  sliould  hold  Parthia 
and  Hyrcania,  on  the  terms  of  becoming  a  confederate  of  Antiochus's,  and  as- 
sisting him  in  his  wars  for  the  recovery  of  other  provinces  which  had  revolted 
from  him. 

Jin.  207.  Piol.  Philopator  15.] — Antiochus  having  thus  made  peace  with  Ar- 
saces,' carried  the  war  in  the  next  place  against  Euthydemus  king  of  Bactria. 
It  hath  been  above  related  how  Theoditus  first  usurped  Bactria  from  the  empire 
of  the  Syrian  kings,  and  left  it  to  his  son  of  the  same  name.  Him  Euthy- 
demus having  vanquished  and  driven  out  reigned  in  his  stead;  and  being  a  very 
valiant  and  wise  prince,  he  maintained  a  long  war  against  Antiochus  in  defence 
of  the  country  which  he  had  made  himself  master  of,  and  every  where  made 
good  his  ground  against  him;  so  that  Antiochus  only  wasted  his  army  in  this 
country,  without  gaining  any  advantage  by  it. 

In  the  interim  Philopator  went  on  in  his  old  course  of  life,  giving  himself 
wholly  up  to  his  lusts  and  voluptuous  delights.  Agathoclea,  his  concubine,  and 
Agathocles,  her  brother,  who  was  his  catamite,  governed  him  absolutely.  Drink- 
ing, gaming,  and  lasciviousness,  were  the  whole  employments  of  his  life.  Sosi- 
bius,  being  an  old  crafty  minister,  who  ha>d  now  served  in  the  court  under  three 
kings,  did,  as  far  as  the  favourites  would  permit,  manage  the  atiairs  of  the  state, 
in  which,  by  his  long  experience,  he  was  thoroughly  versed,  but  was  wicked 
enough  to  serve  such  a  king  and  such  his  favourites  in  all  their  vilest  purposes. 
While  things  were  thus  managed,"  Arsinoe,  who  was  sister  and  wife  to  Philopa- 
tor, was  little  regarded,  which  she,  not  having  patience  enough  to  bear,  spared 
neither  her  complaints  nor  her  clamours  on  all  occasions;  which  much  offending 
the  king,  and  also  the  whore  and  the  catamite  who  governed  him,  orders  were 
given  to  Sosibius  to  put  her  to  death,  which  he  accordingly  executed  by  the 
hands  of  one  Philammon,  whom  he  employed  for  the  effecting  of  this  cruel 
and  barbarous  murder.  Justin^  calls  her  Eurydice,  and  Livy,'*  Cleopatra;  but  ac- 
cording to  Polybius,  who  writeth  with  the  most  exactness  of  these  matters,  her 
name  was  Arsinoe. 

An.  206.  Ptol.  Philopator  16.] — These  things^  very  much  displeasing  the  peo- 
ple, they  forced  Sosobius,  during  the  life-time  of  the  king,  to  quit  his  oflice  of 
chief  minister,  and  called  to  it  Tlepolemus,  a  young  nobleman  of  great  note  in 
the  army  for  his  valour  and  military  prowess  and  skill;  and,  by  a  general  vote 
in  the  grand  council,  appointed  him  to  succeed  therein.  And  accordingly  Sosi- 
bius  resigned  to  him  the  king's  signet,  which  was  the  badge  of  his  office;  and, 
by  virtue  hereof,  Tlepolemus  managed  all  the  public  affairs  of  the  kingdom  dur- 
ing the  remainder  of  the  king's  life;  but  in  that  short  time  he  abundantly 
showed,  that  he  was  no  way  equal  to  the  charge  he  undertook,  having  neither 
the  experience,  craft,  nor  appUcation  of  his  predecessor  to  qualify  him  for  it. 

In  the  meanwhile  Antiochus  carried  on  the  war  against  Euthydemus  in  Bactria; 
but,  after  his  utmost  efforts  for  the  dispossessing  him  of  that  country,®  findmg  that 
he  made  but  little  progress  herein,  by  reason  of  the  valour  and  vigilancy  of  those 
he  had  to  deal  with,  he  grew  weary  of  the  war,  and  therefore  admitted  ambas- 
sadors from  Euthydemus  to  treat  of  an  accommodation.  By  them  Euthydemus 
complained  of  the  injustice  of  the  war  which  Antiochus  had  made  against  him, 
telling  him  that  he  was  not  of  those  who  had  revolted  from  him,  and  that  there- 
fore he  had  not  on  this  account  any  right  of  war  against  him;  that  the  revolt  of 
the  Bactrians  from  the  Syrian  empire  had  been  made  under  the  leading  of  others 
before  his  time;  that  he  was  possessed  of  that  country  by  having  vanquished  and 
driven  out  the  descendants  of  those  revolters,  and  held  it  as  a  just  price  of  his 
victory  over  them.  He  farther  ordered  it  to  be  suggested  to  Antiochus,  that  the 
Scythians,  taking  the  advantage  of  the  war  in  which  they  were  now  wasting  each 
other,  were  preparing  a  great  army  to  invade  Bactria;  and  that  therefore,  if  they 
continued  any  longer  their  contention  about  it,  a  fair  opportunity  would  be  given 

1  Polybius,  lib.  10.  p.  620.  2  Idem,  lib.  15.  p.  719.     Valesii  Excprpl.i,  p.  65.    Justin,  lib,  MO.  c.  1. 

3  Just.  lib.  30.  c.l.       4  Idem,  lib. 27.       5  Valesii  Excerptae.\  Polybio,  lib.  16.       6  Polybius,  lib.  11.  p.  651. 


84  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

those  barbarians  to  take  it  from  both.  This  consideration,  added  to  the  desire 
which  Antiochus  before  had  to  get  rid  of  this  tedious  and  troublesome  war, 
brought  him  to  agree  to  such  terms  as  produced  a  peace;  for  the  confirming  and 
ratifying  of  which,  Euthydemus  sent  his  son  to  Antiochus,  who  took  such 
liking  to  the  young  man,  that  he  gave  him  one  of  his  daughters  in  marriage,  and 
for  his  sake  allowed  the  father  to  take  the  title  and  style  of  king  of  Bactria.  And 
then,  having  received  from  him  all  his  elephants  (which  was  one  of  the  terms 
of  the  peace,)  he  marched  over  Mount  Caucasus  into  India;  where  having  re- 
newed his  league  with  Sophagasenus,  the  king  of  that  country,  and  received  so 
many  elephants  from  him,  as,  when  added  to  those  which  he  had  from  Euthy- 
demus, made  up  their  number  to  a  hundred  and  fifty,  he  marched  from  thence 
to  Arachosia,  and  from  that  country  into  Drangiana  and  from  thence  into  Car- 
mania,  settling,  as  he  went,  all  those  countries  in  due  order  under  his  obedience. 

An.  205.  Ptol.  Philopator  17.] — After  having  wintered  in  Carmania,^  he  re- 
turned through  Persia,  Babylonia,  and  Mesopotamia,  again  unto  Antioch,  after 
having  been  seven  years  absent  from  thence  on  this  expedition.  By  the  bold- 
ness of  his  attempts,  and  the  wisdom  of  his  conduct  through  this  whole  war,  he 
gained  the  reputation  of  a  very  wise  and  valiant  prince;  which  made  his  name 
terrible  through  all  Europe  as  well  as  Asia;  and  thereby  he  kept  all  the  provinces 
of  his  empire  in  thorough  subjection  to  him:  and  thus  far  his  actions  might  well 
have  deserved  the  name  of  the  Great,  which  was  given  unto  him,  and  he  might 
have  carried  it  with  full  glory  and  honour  to  his  grave,  but  that  he  unfortunately 
engaged  in  a  war  with  the  Romans.  Being  blown  up  with  vanity  and  conceit 
on  the  reputation  he  had  gained,  he  thought  none  could  now  stand  before  him, 
and  this  made  him  project  the  conquest  of  Greece  and  Italy;  but  faiUng  in  the 
attempt,  he  fell  low  by  the  ill  success  of  it;  and  afterward  concluded  his  reign 
in  a  very  vmfortunate  and  dishonourable  death,  as  will  be  hereafter  related. 

An.  204.  Piol.  EpipJmnes  1.] — He  had  not  been  long  returned  to  Antioch,  ere 
he  had  an  account  of  the  death  of  Ptolemy  Philopator,  king  of  Egypt.  This 
prince^  having  worn  out  a  very  strong  body  by  his  intemperance  and  debauche- 
ries, ended  his  life,  as  it  usually  happens  to  others  in  this  case,  before  he  had 
lived  out  half  its  course.  He  was  very  little  above  twenty  when  he  first  came 
to  the  throne,  and  he  sat  on  it  only  seventeen  years.  After  him  succeeded 
Ptolemy  Epiphanes,'  his  son,  a  child  of  five  years  old.  None  but  Agathocles, 
Agathoclea,  and  their  creatures,  being  about  him  at  the  time  of  his  death,''  they 
concealed  it  as  long  as  they  could,  and,  in  the  interim,  plundered  the  palace  of 
all  the  treasure  and  riches  there  left  by  the  deceased  king  that  they  could  lay 
their  hands  upon;  and,  at  the  same  time,  were  framing  projects  for  their  con- 
tinuing in  the  same  power  which  they  had  under  the  deceased  king,  by  usurp- 
ing the  regency  during  the  minority  of  his  successor:  and,  vainly  imagining 
that  they  could  carry  this  point,  if  Tlepolemus  were  out  of  the  way,  they  laid 
a  plot  to  have  him  cut  off;  and  therefore,  when  the  king's  death  was  known,^ 
they  called  together  the  Macedonians  to  a  general  council:'^  and,  when  they 
were  met,  Agathocles  and  Agathoclea  came  out  to  them;  and  Agathocles,  having 
the  young  king  in  his  arms,  after  much  weeping,  spoke  to  them.  The  effect 
of  this  speech  was  to  implore  their  protection  for  the  young  king,  whom,  he 
said,  his  father  at  his  death  had  delivered  (pointing  at  Agathoclea)  into  her 
hands;  and  that  at  the  same  time  he  had  recommended  him  to  the  fidelity  of 
his  Macedonian  subjects;  and  therefore  he  implored  their  aid  and  assistance 
against  Tlepolemus,  of  whom,  he  told  them,  he  had  certain  information  that  he 
was  preparing  to  seize  the  crown:  and  then  he  would  have  produced  several 
witnesses,  whom  he  had  then  present,  to  prove  his  charge.  He  foolishly  hoped, 
by  this  weak  artifice,  to  have  stirred  up  the  Macedonians  to  cut  him  off,  and 

1  Polybius,  lib.  U.  p.  651.  2  Justin,  lib.  30.  c.  1,  2. 

3  Ptol.  In  Catione,  Kusebius,  Hieronymus,  aliique.  4  Justin,  lib.  30.  c.  2. 

5  Polybius,  lib.  15.  p.  712,  T13. 

6  Those  Ale.tandrians  vvlio  were  of  the  Macedonian  race,  and  the  descendants  of  those  who  were  the  lirst 
founders  of  Aleiandtia,  or  such  as  had  been  admitted  to  their  privileges. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  85 

then  to  have  established  himself,  upon  his  death,  in  the  regency.  But  the  folly 
of  this  contrivance  being  easily  seen  through,  it  at  first  provoked  the  laughter, 
and  afterward  the  rage,  of  all  that  heard  it;  and  the  ruin  of  him  and  his  sister, 
and  all  their  creatures,  followed  immediately  after.  For,  on  this  occasion,  all 
their  misdemeanors  being  called  to  remembrance,  all  the  people  of  Alexandria 
arose  in  a  general  uproar  against  them.  And  therefore,  having  first  taken  from 
them  the  young  king,  and  placed  him  on  the  throne  in  the  public  hippodrome, 
they  there  brought  before  him,  first  Agathocles,  and  next  Agathoclea,  and 
CEnanthe,  their  mother,  and  caused  them  there,  as  by  the  king's  order,  to  be  all 
put  to  death  in  his  presence;  and  then  proceeded  in  the  same  manner  against 
the  sisters  and  kindred  of  Agathocles  and  Agathoclea,  and  all  other  their  crea- 
tures, till  they  had  cut  them  all  off.  And  such  reckonings  wicked  favourites 
are  often  brought  to,  when  deprived  of  that  power  whereby  they  have  abused 
the  people.  The  power  alone  in  this  case  is  apt  enough  to  create  envy,  but  is 
much  more  so  when  employed  for  unjust  and  wicked  purposes:  the  only  method 
to  make  any  one  safe  in  such  stations,  is  to  do  nothing  else  in  them  but  what 
shall  be  in  all  times  justifiable.  About  three  days  before  this  uproar  happened, 
Philammon,'  who  had  been  employed  in  the  murdering  of  Arsinoe,  being  come 
from  Cyrene  to  Alexandria,  the  ladies  who  had  been  of  her  attendance  hearing 
of  it,  took  the  advantage  of  this  disorder  to  revenge  on  him  the  death  of  their 
mistress:  for,  breaking  in  his  house,  they  feU  upon  him  with  stones  and  clubs, 
till  they  had  beaten  him  to  death;  a  punishment  which  he  well  deserved,  by 
becoming  the  instrument  of  so  wicked  an  act.  After  this,  the  guardianship  of 
the  young  king  was  for  the  present  committed  to  the  charge  of  Sosibius,  the 
son  of  that  Sosibius  who  had  been  the  ruling  minister  of  the  court  during  the 
three  last  reigns.  Whether  he  were  then  living  or  no  is  not  said;  it  is  certain 
he  lived  to  a  very  great  age;  his  continuance  for  above  sixty  years  in  the  min- 
istry is  a  sufficient  instance  of  it;  and  for  this  reason  he  was  called"  noxuzpov.o;. 
i.  e.  the  long  liver.  And,  no  doubt,  by  the  Sosibius  who  is  said  in  the  history 
of  Aristeas  to  be  one  of  the  chief  promoters  of  the  Greek  version  of  the  He- 
brew scriptures,  called  the  Septuagint,  is  meant  none  other  than  this  Sosibius 
by  the  wu-iter  of  that  apocryphal  book.  But  whether  he  were  brought  so  early 
upon  the  stage,  the  distance  of  the  time  gives  us  reason  to  doubt.  For  we  have 
placed  the  makmg  of  that  version  in  the  year  277,  which  was  seventy-one  years 
before  the  time  that  he  left  the  ministry.  He  was  as  crafty  and  as  wicked  a 
minister  as  ever  governed  the  public  affairs  of  any  kingdom,^  not  caring  how 
wicked  and  vile  any  means  were,  so  that  they  conduced  to  the  effecting  of  the 
end  he  proposed,  which  is  exactly  that  scheme  of  politics  which  Machiavel  hath 
since,  with  a  bare  face,  recommended  to  the  world,  and  so  many  in  our  time 
have  practised  after  him.  But  that  which  is  most  remarkable  in  this  old  Egyp- 
tian politician  is,  that  he  continued  so  long  in  prosperity,  and  was  permitted  at 
last  so  easily  to  retire,  which  hath  scarce  ever  happened  to  any  other  that  has 
acted  by  his  principle^. 

An.  203.  Ptol.  Epiphanes  2. — Antiochus,  king  of  Syria,  and  Philip,  king  of 
Macedon,  thinking  to  serve  themselves  of  the  advantage  they  had  by  the  death 
of  Philopator,  and  the  succession  of  an  infant  king  after  him,''  entered  into  a 
league  to  divide  his  dominions  between  them,  agreeing  that  Phihp  should  liave 
Caria,  Libya,  Cyrene,  and  Egypt;  and  Antiochus  all  the  rest.  And  accordingly 
Antiochus  forthwith  marched  into  Coele-Syria  and  Palestine,  and  partly  this 
year,  and  partly  in  the  next,  made  himself  master  of  those  provinces,  and  all 
the  several  districts  and  cities  in  them. 

An.  202.  Ptol.  Epiphanes  3.] — Scipio  having  beaten  Hannibal  in  Africa,  and 
thereby  put  an  end  to  the  second  Punic  war  with  victory  and  honour,  the  name 
of  the  Romans  began  to  be  every  where  of  great  note;  and  therefore  the  Egyp- 

1  Polybius,  lib.  15.  p.  712,  713.        2  Valesii  Excerpta  ex  Polybio,  p.  65.        3  Ibid,    Plutarch,  in  Cleomene. 
4  Polybius,  lib.  3.  p.  159.  lib.  15.  p.  707.     Livius,  lib.  31.    Justin,  lib.  13.  c.  3.     Hieronyniu3  in  cap.  xi. 
Danielis. 


86  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

tian  court  finding  themselves  much  distressed  by  the  league  made  between 
Philip  and  Antiochus  against  their  infant  king,  and  the  usurpations  which  had 
thereon  been  made  by  them  on  his  provinces,'  sent  an  enbassy  to  Rome  to  pray 
their  protection,  offering  them  the  guardianship  of  their  king,  and  the  regency 
of  his  dominions,  during  his  minority;  and,  to  induce  them  to  accept  hereof, 
alleged  that  the  deceased  king  had  recommended  both  to  them  at  his  death. 
The  Romans  thinking  this  Avould  enlarge  their  fame,  complied  with  what  was 
desired,  and  took  on  them  the  tuition  of  the  young  king. 

This  year  being  the  three  thousand  five  hundred  and  sixtieth  year  of  the 
Jewish  era  of  the  creation,^  the  writers  of  that  nation  tell  us,  that  Joshua,  the 
son  of  Perachia,  was  admitted  president  of  the  Sanhedrin,  and  Nathan,  the  Ar- 
belite,  his  vice-president,  and  that  both  together  had  the  charge  of  being  rectors 
of  the  divinity  school  at  Jerusalem.  They  teU  us  nothing  in  particular  of  the 
latter,  neither  is  what  they  say  of  the  other  consisting  with  the  time  in  which 
they  place  him,  or  of  any  truth  as  to  the  matters  related.  For  they  tell  us  of 
him,  that  when  Alexander,  the  Asmonean,  king  of  Judea,  slew  the  doctors  of 
the  law  at  Jerusalem,  for  telling  him  that  he  ought  to  be  contented  with  the 
crown,  and  not  hold  that  and  the  high-priesthood  together,  Joshua,  then  escap- 
ing from  his  wrath,  fled  into  Egypt,  and  that  Jesus  Christ,  being  his  scholar, 
accompanied  him  thither.  But  the  year  of  the  Jewish  era  above-mentioned, 
under  which  they  place  the  first  entering  of  this  Joshua  on  his  presidentship, 
was  two  hundred  years  before  Christ's  birth,  and  many  years  also  before  the 
reign  of  Alexander  the  Asmonean  in  Judea;  but  to  be  out  two  or  three  hun- 
dred years  in  their  chronology  is  nothing  wdth  the  Jews.  They  are  certainly 
the  worst  historians,  and  the  worst  accounters  of  times,  that  ever  pretended  to 
be  either. 

Jin.  201.  Ptol.  Epiphanes  4.] — The  Romans,  having  complied  with  the  re- 
quest of  the  Egyptian  embassy  to  them,  which  I  have  mentioned,^  sent  three 
ambassadors  to  Philip,  king  of  Macedon,  and  Antiochus,  king  of  Syria,  to  let 
them  know  that  they  had  taken  on  them  the  tuition  of  Ptolemy,  king  of  Egypt, 
during  his  nonage;  and  to  require  them,  that  they  therefore  desist  from  invading 
the  dominions  of  their  pupil,  and  that  otherwise  they  should  be  obliged  to  make 
war  upon  them  for  his  protection.  After  they  had  delivered  this  embassy  to 
both  kings,''  M.  ^Emilius  Lepidus,  who  was  one  of  them,  according  to  the  in- 
structions he  had  received  from  the  senate  at  his  first  setting  out,  went  to  Alex- 
andria, to  take  on  him,  in  their  names,  the  tuition  of  the  young  king;  w^here, 
having  regulated  his  affairs  as  well  as  the  then  circumstances  of  them  would 
admit,  he  appointed  Aristomenes,^  an  Acarnanian,  to  be  his  guardian  and  chief 
minister,  and  then  returned  again  to  Rome.  This  Aristomenes  was  an  old  ex- 
perienced minister  of  that  court,  who  had  long  been  conversant  in  all  the  affairs 
of  it;  and  having  undertaken  this  charge,  he  managed  it  with  great  prudence 
and  fidelity. 

An.  200.  Ptol.  Epij)hanes  5.] — The  first  thing  that  he  did  w^as  to  provide 
against  the  invasions  of  the  two  confederated  kings;  in  order  whereto,  he  took 
care  to  recruit  the  army  with  the  best  soldiers  he  could  get:  for  which  purpose 
he  sent  Scopas  into  iEtolia,'^  with  vast  sums  of  money,  to  raise  as  many  men 
there  as  he  could,  they  being  then  reputed  the  best  soldiers  of  the  age.  This 
Scopas  had  formerly  been  the  chief  governor  of  that  country,  and  was  a  person 
of  great  note  in  his  time  for  his  military  skill  and  prowess:  when  the  time  of 
his  ministry  was  expired,  and  he  missed  of  being  continued  in  it  as  he  desired, 
he  left  JEtoha,  and  went  into  the  service  of  the  king  of  Egypt;  and  being  em- 
ployed to  make  this  levy,  he  brought  to  him  from  iEtoha  six  thousand  stout 
men,  which  was  a  very  considerable  reinforcement  to  the  army. 

An.  199.  Ptol.  Epiphanes  6.] — At  this  time  Antiochus  having  passed  into 

1  Justin,  lib.  30.  c.  2. 

2  R.  Abraham  Zaciitus  in  Jnchasin.     David  Gantz  in  Zemach  David.    Shalsheteth  Haccabbalah. 

3  Livius,  .lib.  31.     Justin.  lib.  30.  c.  3.  4  Justin,  ibid.    Valerius  Maxjmu.s,  lib.  6.  c.  6. 
5  Polybius,  lib.  15.  p.  717.  6  Livius,  lib.  31. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  87 

Lesser  Asia,  and  there  engaged  himself  in  a  war  with  Attalus,  king  of  Perga- 
mus,  the  ministry  at  Alexandria  took  the  advantage  hereof  to  send  Scopas  with 
an  army  into  Palestine  and  Ccele-Syria,  for  the  recovery  of  those  provinces; 
Avhere  he  managed  the  war  with  that  success/  that  he  took  several  cities,  and 
reduced  all  Judea  by  force,  and  put  a  garrison  into  the  castle  at  Jerusalem; 
and,  on  the  approach  of  winter,  returned  to  Alexandria  with  full  honour  for  the 
victories  he  had  obtained,  and  Avith  as  great  riches,  Avhich  he  had  gathered  from 
the  plunder  of  the  country.  But  it  soon  appeared,  that  his  successes  in  this 
campaign  Avere  mostly  owing  to  the  absence  of  Antiochus,  and  the  Avant  of 
that  opposition  thereon  which  otherwise  would  have  been  made  against  him. 

An.  198.  Ptol.  Epiphanes  7.] — For  after  Antiochus*  had  on  the  interposition 
of  the  Romans,  desisted  from  his  Avar  against  Attalus,  and  was  come  in  person 
into  CcEle-Syria,  this  soon  turned  the  scales,  and  brought  the  victory  absolutely 
over  on  the  other  side.  For,  although  Scopas  came  again  with  a  great  army 
into  those  parts,  yet  being  encountered  by  Antiochus,  at  Paneas,  near  the  foun- 
tains of  the  River  Jordan,  he  Avas  there  overthrown  with  a  great  slaughter,^  and 
forced  to  flee  to  Sidon;  Avhere  being  shut  up  Avith  ten  thousand  of  his  men,  he 
was  there  besieged  by  Antiochus,  till  at  length  he  Avas  forced  by  famine  to  sur- 
render on  terms  of  life  only;  and  he  and  his  men  Avere  sent  thence  stripped  and 
naked.  The  regency  at  Alexandria  were  not  Avanting  to  do  the  utmost  for  his 
relief;  for  on  their  hearing  of  his  being  besieged  in  Sidon,  they  sent  three  of 
their  best  generals  with  the  best  of  their  forces  to  raise  the  siege.  But  Antio- 
chus having  disposed  all  matters,  so  that  they  could  find  no  Avay  to  effect  it, 
Scopas  and  his  men  Avere  forced  to  submit  to  the  dishonourable  conditions  I 
have  mentioned,  and  to  return  to  Alexandria,  to  be  there  provided  Avith  neAV 
clothes  and  new  arms  for  future  service. 

After  this  Antiochus'*  marched  to  Gaza;  and  finding  there  a  resistance  that 
provoked  his  anger,  he  gaA^e  up  the  place,  when  taken,  to  be  plundered  and 
raA'aged  by  his  soldiers;  and  then,  having  secured  the  passes  there  against  the 
march  of  any  new  forces  out  of  Fgypt  to  disturb  him  in  his  conquests,  he 
marched  back,*  and  took  in  Betania,  Samaria,  Abila,  Gadera,  and  all  other  re- 
maining parts  of  Palestine  and  Ccele-Syria,  and  made  himself  Avholly  master  of 
both  the  countries  and  all  the  cities  in  them.*^ 

The  Jews  Avere  at  this  time  very  much  alienated  in  their  affections  from  the 
Egyptian  king:  whether  it  Avere  by  reason  of  the  former  ill  treatment  of  their 
nation  by  his  father,  or  for  some  fresher  ill  usage  they  had  received,  is  not  said. 
It  is  most  likely  it  Avas  because  of  the  ravages  and  roberies  of  Scopas,  on 
his  taking  Jerusalem  the  former  year:  for  he  Avas  a  A^ery  covetous  and  rapa- 
cious man,'  laying  his  hands  every  Avhere  on  all  that  he  could  get;  and  there- 
fore, on  Antiochus's  marching  that  wa}^'^  they  AviUingly  rendered  all  places 
unto  him,  and  on  his  coming  to  Jerusalem,  the  priests  and  elders  went  out  in 
a  solemn  procession  to  meet  him,  and  receiAcd  him  with  gladness,  and  enter- 
tained him  and  all  his  army  in  their  city,  provided  for  his  horses  and  elephants, 
and  assisted  him  Avith  their  arms  for  the  reducing  of  the  castle,  where  Scopas 
had  left  a  garrison.  In  acknoAvledgment  hereof,  Antiochus,'  in  a  decree  directed 
to  Ptolemy,  one  of  his  lieutenants,  granted  them  many  privileges  and  favours; 
and,  in  another  decree  published  in  their  favour,  he  particularly  ordained,  that 
no''  stranger  should  enter  Avithin  the"^  sept  of  the  temple;  Avhich  seems  to  have 
been  provided  against  Avith  respect  to  the  attempt  Avhich  Philopator  made  to 
put  a  force  upon  them  as  to  this  matter,  and  Avhich,  I  doubt  not,  Avas  no  small 
part  of  the  reason  that  made  them  so  disaffected  to  the  Egyptian  cause,  contrary 
to  their  former  inclinations  toward  it.  And  it  is  to  be  remarked,  that  Antiochus, 

I  Hyeronyiniis  in  cap.  xi.  Danielis.     Joseph.  Aiitiq.  lib.  12.  c.  3.  2    Liviiis,  lib.  33. 

3  ValesiiExcerpta  ex  Polybio,  p.  77,  78,  &,c.     Hieroiiyiuus  in  cap.  xi.  Danielis.  Joseph.  Aniiq.  lib.  12.  c.  3. 

4  Valesii  Excerpta  ex  Polybio,  p.  87.  5  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  lii.  c.  3. 
6  Justin,  lib.  31.  c.  1.     Livius,  lib.  33.    Polyb.  Legat.  72.  p.  893.  7  Polybius,  lib.  17.  p.  773. 

8  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  3.  9  Ibid. 

10  i.  e.  Within  the  sept,  called  the  chel,  within  which  no  uncircuincised  person  was  to  pass.  SeeLJghtfoot 
on  the  Temple,  c.  17. 


88  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

by  former  favours  granted  by  him  to  their  brethren  who  were  settled  in  Baby- 
lonia and  Mesopotamia,  had  declared  himself  a  friend  to  their  nation,  in  such  a 
manner  as  had  made  them  much  more  desirous  of  having  him  for  their  sove- 
reign, than  the  Egyptian  king,  who  had  used  them  ill;  and  therefore,  they 
gladly  laid  hold  of  this  opportunity  to  revolt  from  him.  For  Antiochus,  in  his 
eastern  expeditions,  having  found  the  Jews  of  Babylonia  and  Mesopotamia  very 
serviceable  to  him,  and  very  steady  to  his  interest,  entertained  a  great  opinion 
of  their  fidelity  to  him;  and  therefore,'  on  some  commotions  that  happened  in 
Phrygia  and  Lydia,  by  a  decree  directed  to  Zeuxis,  an  old  commander  of  his, 
and  then  his  lieutenant  in  those  provinces,  he  ordered  two  thousand  families 
of  the  Jews  of  Babylonia  and  Mesopotamia  to  be  sent  thither  for  the  suppressing 
of  those  seditions,  and  the  keeping  of  those  parts  in  quiet,  commanding  that 
they  and  all  that  they  had  should  be  transported  thither  at  the  king's  charges; 
and  that,  on  their  arrival  thither,  they  should  be  placed  in  the  strongest  for- 
tresses for  guards  of  the  country,  and  have  lands  and  possessions  there  divided 
out  unto  them  for  a  plentiful  subsistence;  and  that  till  they  should  receive  the 
fruits  of  those  lands,  they  should  be  maintained  out  of  the  king's  stores.  All 
which  was  a  great  argument  of  the  opinion  he  had  of  their  fidelity,  and  of  the 
confidence  which,  on  the  account  hereof,  he  placed  in  them.  And  from  those 
Jews  who  were  on  this  occasion  transplanted  from  Babylonia  into  those  parts, 
'  were  descended  most  of  the  Jews  whom  we  find  afterward  scattered  in  great 
numbers  all  over  the  Lesser  Asia,  especially  in  the  times  of  the  first  preaching 
of  the  gospel. 

Antiochus  having  thus  brought  all  Coele-Syria  and  Palestine  in  subjection  to 
him,  projected  the  doing  of  the  same  in  Lesser  Asia,  his  grand  aim  being  to 
restore  the  Syrian  empire  to  the  full  extent  in  which  it  had  been  held  by  any 
of  his  ancestors,  especially  by  Seleucus  Nicator  the  founder  of  it.  But,  to  quiet 
the  Egyptians,  that  they  might  not  renew  the  war  in  Palestine  and  Ccele-Syria 
in  his  absence,  he  sent  Eucles  of  Rhodes^  to  Alexandria,  with  proposals  of  a 
marriage  between  Cleopatra  his  daughter  and  King  Ptolemy,  to  be  consum- 
mated as  soon  as  they  should  be  of  an  age  fit  for  it,  promising  the  restoration 
of  those  provinces,  on  the  day  of  the  nuptials,  by  way  of  dower  with  the 
young  princess;  which  offer  being  accepted  of,  and  the  contract  fully  agreed  to 
on  these  terms,  the  Egyptians  acquiesced  in  Antiochus' s  engagements  for  the 
performance  of  them,  and  no  more  renewed  the  war  upon  -him,  but  left  him 
wholly  free  to  pursue  his  other  designs.  This,  Jerome  tells  us,*  was  done 
in  the  seventh  year  of  the  reign  of  Epiphanes. 

An.  197.  Piol.  EpipJum.es  8.] — Antiochus,  therefore,  having  thus  secured  all 
in  peace  behind  him,  early  the  next  spring  did  set  forward  with  a  great  fleet 
for  the  carrying  on  of  his  designs  upon  Lesser  Asia;^  and  at  the  same  time 
sent  thither  Ardyes  and  Mithridates,  two  of  his  sons,  with  a  great  army  by 
land,  ordering  them  to  march  to  Sardis,  and  there  tarry  his  coming  to  them. 
At  this  time,  T.  Quintius  Flaminius,  the  Roman  general,  was  in  Greece, 
with  a  great  army,  making  war  with  Philip  king  of  Macedon.  Attains,  king 
of  Pergamus,  and  the  Rhodians,  were  confederates  with  the  Romans  in  this 
war;  and  Antiochus  having  been  in  league  with  King  Philip,  ever  since  the 
death  of  Ptolemy  Philopator,  was  well  understood  to  have  come  into  those  parts 
to  give  him  all  the  assistance  he  was  able.  Thus  stood  the  state  of  affairs  in 
those  parts  when  Antiochus  first  set  out  on  this  expedition;  but  he  had  not  pro- 
ceeded far  in  it,  before  they  received  a  considepable  change  in  two  particulars, 
that  is,  in  the  death  of  Attains  king  of  Pergamus,  and  the  overthrow  of  Philip, 
king  of  Macedon,  by  the  Romans. 

For  Attalus,''  having  at  Thebes  made  an  oration  to  the  Boeotians,  to  persuade 
them  to  join  with  the  Romans  against  Philip,  spoke  it  with  that  vehemence, 
that  his  soul  in  a  manner  expiring  with  his  voice,  he  swooned  away,  and  fell 

I  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  3.  2  Hieronvmus  in  cap.  xi.  Dan.  3  Livius,  lib.  33. 

3  Ibid.    Polyb.  Legal.  25.  p.  820.    Plutarch,  in  T.  auiutio  Flaminio. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  89 

down  as  dead  in  the  middle  of  it:  after  this,  having  lain  sick  awhile  at  Thebes, 
he  was  carried  to  Pergamus,  and  there  died,  after  having  lived  seventy-two 
years,'  and  reigned  forty-four.  He  having  left  behind  him  four  sons,  Eumenes, 
Attalus,  Philetee.rus,  and  Athenaeus,  Eumenes,  the  eldest  of  them,  succeeded 
him  in  his  throne,  and  was  the  founder  of  the  famous  library  that  was  at  Per- 
gamus.^ His  three  brothers  carried  it  wit-h  that  fidelity  to  him,  and  he  with 
that  affection  to  them,  that  they  seemed  all  of  them  to  have  one  and  the  same 
interest;  and  continuing  in  this  concord  and  unanimity  all  their  life  at\er,^  they 
became  a  rare  example  of  brotherly  love  to  each  other. 

As  to  Philip  king  of  Macedon,"*  he  having  come  to  a  battle  with  the  Romans 
at  a  place  called  Cynocephalus  in  Thessaly,  was  there  overthrown  with  the  loss 
of  eight  thousand  men  slain,  and  five  thousand  taken  prisoners;  whereon,  being 
brought  to  distress,  he  sued  for  peace,  which  was  granted  him  barely  on  this 
consideration,"  that  the  Romans  understanding  that  Antiochus  was  coming  into 
those  parts  with  great  forces,  both  by  sea  and  land,  they  might  not  have  to  do 
with  two  of  such  potent  and  warlike  princes  at  the  same  time. 

In  the  interim,  Antiochus,^  having  with  his  fleet  sailed  along  the  coasts  of 
Cilicia,  Pamphylia,  Lycia,  and  Caria,  took  in  a  great  many  of  the  maritime 
cities  of  those  provinces  and  the  islands  adjoining;  and  at  length  coming  round 
to  Ephesus,  seized  that  city,  and  there  set  up  for  his  winter-quarters;  spending 
the  remainder  of  the  year  in  projecting  and  concerting  those  measures  which 
might  be  most  proper  for  the  accomplishing  of  the  designs  that  brought  him 
into  those  parts.  But  Smyrna,^  Lampsacus,  and  other  Greek  cities  in  Asia 
which  then  enjoyed  their  liberties,  finding  his  scheme  was  to  reduce  them  all 
to  be  in  the  same  subjection  to  him  as  they  had  formerly  been  to  his  ancestors, 
resolved  to  stand  out  against  him,  and  sent  to  the  Romans  for  their  protection; 
which  they  readily  undertook  in  their  behalf.  For,  they  being  resolved  fo  put 
a  stop  to  Antiochus's  farther  progress  westward,  as  fearing  to  what  the  power 
of  so  great  a  king  might  grow,  should  he  establish  himself  in  those  parts  of 
Asia,  according  to  his  designs,  gladly  laid  hold  of  this  opportunity  to  oppose 
themselves  against  him;  and  therefore,  forthwith  sent  ambassadors  to  him,  to 
require  of  him  that  he  should  restore  to  King  Ptolemy  all  the  cities  of  Lesser 
Asia  that  he  had  taken  from  him;  that  he  should  quit  those  that  had  been  King 
Philip's;  and,  that  he  should  permit  all  the  Grecian  cities  in  those  parts  to  enjoy 
their  liberties,  and  not  pass  into  Europe;  and  to  declare,  that,  in  case  they  had 
not  satisfaction  in  all  these  particulars,  they  would  make  war  against  him. 

An.  Idd.PioI.  Epiphanes  9.] — But,  before  these  ambassadors  came  to  him,  he 
had  caused  one  part  of  his  forces  to  lay  siege  to  Smyrna,**  and  another  to  Lamp- 
sacus, and  with  the  rest  he  passed  over  the  Hellespont,  and  seized  all  the  Thra- 
cian  Chersonesus;  where,  finding  the  city  Lysimachia  (which  lay  in  the  neck 
of  the  isthmus  leading  into  that  Chersonesus  or  Peninsula)  lying  in  its  ruins 
(it  having  a  few  years  before  been  reduced  to  this  condition  by  the  Thracians,) 
he  set  himself  to  rebuild  it,  designing  there  to  lay  the  foundation  of  a  kingdom 
for  Seleucus  his  second  son,  and  subject  the  neighbouring  country  to  him,  and 
make  this  the  prime  seat  for  his  residence.  While  he  was  busying  himself  in 
these  projects,  the  ambassadors  sent  to  him  from  Rome,  came  into  Thrace,"  and 
finding  him  at  Selymbria,  a  city  of  that  country,  they  there  had  audience  of 
him,  and  communicated  their  commission  to  him.  On  their  debating  with  him 
the  particulars  of  it,  which  are  above  mentioned,  the  Romans  argued,  how  un- 
reasonable a  thing  it  was,  that,  when  they  had  vanquished  King  Philip,  Antio- 
chus should  reap  the  fruits  of  their  victory  by  seizing  his  cities  in  Asia;  that, 
they  having  undertaken  the  guardianship  of  King  Ptolemy  during  his  minority, 

1  Polybius  in  Excerptis  Valesii,  p.  102.    Livius,  lib.  33.    Suidas  in  voce  'Arraxo;. 

2  Plinius,  lib.  13.  c.  11. 

3  PIntarch.  Tspi  $ i>.x<i>.six,-.    Excerpta  Valesii  ex  Polybio,  p.  168.    Siiidas  in  voce  'ATTa>.o;. 

4  Plutarch,  in  T.  Qnintio  Flaminio.     Living,  lib.  33.  5  Polyb.  Legal.  6.  p.  792. 

6  Livius,  lib.  33.     Hieroiiymus  in  cap.  .xi.  Danielis.  7  Livius,  ibid.     Appianus  in  Syriacis. 

8  Livius  et  .i^ppianus.  lib.  33. 

9  Polybin?!,  lib.  17.  p.  7<in.  et  Legal.  10.  p.  800.    Livius  et  Appianus,  ibid. 

Vol.  II.— VH 


90  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

it  was  incumbent  on  them  to  demand  restitution  of  all  those  cities  that  were 
taken  from  him;  and  that,  they  having  decreed  the  restoration  of  all  the  Greek 
cities  to  their  liberties,  it  became  them  to  see  that  what  they  had  decreed  should 
be  made  good;  that  they  required  his  not  passing  into  Europe,  because  they 
could  not  see  with  what  other  intent  he  should  make  that  passage,  and  now 
build  Lysimachia  on  that  side,  as  they  found  him  then  doing,  than  to  be  as  a 
step  to  a  farther  war  which  must  light  upon  them.  To  this  Antiochus  answered, 
That,  as  to  Ptolemy,  full  satisfaction  would  be  given  him,  on  that  king  marrying 
his  daughter,  which  was  then  agreed  on;  that,  as  to  the  Greek  cities,  he  intended 
them  their  freedom,  but  that  they  should  owe  it  to  him,  and  not  to  the  Romans; 
that,  as  to  Lysimachia,  he  built  it  to  be  a  residence  for  his  son  Seleucus;  that 
Thrace,  and  the  Chersonesus,  as  a  part  of  it,  belonged  all  to  him,  as  having 
been  conquered  by  Seleucus  Nicator  his  ancestor,  on  his  vanquishing  of  Lysima- 
chus,  and  therefore  he  passed  over  into  it  as  his  just  inheritance.  As  to  Asia, 
and  the  cities  in  it,  he  told  them,  that  they  had  no  more  to  do  there  than  he 
had  in  Italy;  and  that,  since  he  meddled  not  with  any  of  the  affairs  of  the  lat- 
ter, he  wondered  that  they  concerned  themselves  with  what  was  done  in  the 
former.  Hereon  the  Romans  having  desired,  that  the  ambassadors  from  Smyr- 
na and  Lampsacus  might  be  called  in,  and  they,  on  their  being  admitted,  hav- 
ing spoken  very  freely  as  to  their  cause,  Antiochus  could  not  bear  it,  but  fell 
into  a  passion,  and  cried  out,  That  the  Romans  were  not  to  be  his  judges  in 
these  matters;  whereon  the  assembly  broke  up  in  confusion,  and  no  satisfaction 
was  given  on  either  side,  but  all  things  tended  toward  a  breach  between  them. 
While  these  matters  were  thus  treating  of,  there  came  a  rumour  that  Ptolemy 
Epiphanes  was  dead  in  Egypt,'  whereon  Antiochus,  reckoning  Egypt  to  be  his 
own,  made  haste  on  board  his  fleet  to  sail  thither  to  take  possession  of  it,  and, 
havirfg  left  Seleucus  his  son  with  his  army  at  Lysimachia,  to  finish  what  was 
there  intended,  he  first  called  in  at  Ephesus,  and,  having  joined  to  his  fleet  such 
other  ships  as  he  had  in  that  port,  from  thence  made  all  the  sail  he  could  for 
Egypt:  but,  on  his  arrival  at  Paterae  in  Lycia,  finding  the  report  of  Ptolemy's 
death  to  be  there,  upon  good  evidence,  contradicted,  instead  of  steering  for 
Egypt,  he  shaped  his  course  directly  for  Cyprus,  purposing  to  sieze  that  island; 
but,  in  his  way  thither,  meeting  with  a  violent  storm,  in  which  he  lost  a  great 
many  of  his  ships  and  men,  he  was  glad,  after  having  gathered  up  the  remain- 
ders of  this  ruinous  wreck,  to  put  in  at  Seleucia  to  repair  his  shattered  ships, 
and  then  wintered  at  Antioch,  without  doing  any  thing  more  this  year. 

That  which  occasioned  the  rumour  of  Ptolemy's  death  was  a  treasonable  plot 
then  laid  against  his  life:  which,  being  first  supposed,  was  afterwards  reported 
to  have  taken  effect.  Scopas  the  JEtolian  was  the  author  of  this  conspiracy, 
who  being  general  of  the  mercenaries,*^  most  of  which  were  iEtoUans,  and,  by 
virtue  of  that  command,  having  under  him  a  numerous  and  strong  band  of  ve- 
teran soldiers,  thought  he  had  hereby  an  advantage  now  in  the  infancy  of  the 
king  to  make  himself  master  of  Egypt,  and  usurp  the  sovereignty  over  it. 
And  accordingly  he  had  formed  his  scheme  for  the  attempt,  and  no  doubt  he 
would  have  succeeded  in  it,  had  he  executed  his  treason  with  the  same  bold- 
ness and  resolution  as  he  first  contrived  it.  But,  although  he  was  a  very  valiant 
man,  yet,  when  it  came  to  the  point  of  execution,  his  heart  failing  him,  instead 
of  immediately  faUing  on,  as  such  a  desperate  case  required,  he  sat  at  home 
consulting  and  debating  with  his  friends  and  partisans  how  best  to  manage  the 
matter;  and,  while  he  was  thus  doubting  and  delaying,  the  opportunity  was 
lost.  For  Aristomenes,  the  chief  minister,  having  in  the  interim  gotten  infor- 
mation of  the  whole  matter,  took  such  care  to  prevent  it,  that  Scopas  was  seized, 
and,  being  brought  before  the  council,  was  there  convicted  of  the  treason,  and 
thereon  he  and  all  his  accomplices  were  put  to  death  for  it:  and,  as  to  the  rest 
of  his  ^tolians,  they  having,  on  this  occasion,  forfeited  the  confidence  which 
the  government  had  before  in  them,  were  most  of  them  hereon  cashiered  out 

1  Appiaiiui  iH  gyriacis.     Livius,  lib.  33.  2  Polybiua,  lib.  17.  p.  771,  772.    Valesii  Excerpta,  p.  61. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  91 

of  the  king's  service,  and  sent  home  into  their  own  country.  Thus  ended  the 
treason  of  Scopas:  and  he  is  not  the  only  villain  that,  having  with  great  resolu- 
tion entered  on  wicked  designs,  hath  failed  of  courage  at  the  time  of  execution, 
and  defeated  his  own  treason  for  want  of  it;  for  few  men  are  so  entirely  wicked, 
as  to  be  thorough  proof  against  that  horror  and  confusion  of  mind  which  very 
wicked  actions  usually  create  whenever  they  come  to  be  executed.  At  his 
death,  he  was  found  to  be  possessed  of  vast  riches,  which  he  had  gotten  in  the 
king's  service  by  plundering  those  countries  where  he  commanded  as  general; 
and  he  having,  while  he  was  victorious  in  Palestine,  recovered  Judea  and  Jeru- 
salem to  the  king  of  Egypt,  no  doubt  a  great  part  of  his  plunder  was  gotten 
from  thence.  One  of  the  chiefest  of  his  accomplices  in  this  treason  was 
DiccBrchus,'  who  had  formerly  been  admiral  under  Philip,  king  of  Macedon; 
and,  being  sent  by  him  to  make  war  upon  the  Cyclades,  on  a  very  unjust  and 
wicked  account,  to  show  how  little  he  regarded  either  piety  or  justice,  before 
he  sailed  out  of  the  port  on  that  expedition,  he  erected  two  altars,  one  to  ini- 
quity, and  the  other  to  impiety,  and  sacrificed  on  them  both.  And  do  not  all 
else  do  the  same,  who  engage  in  such  horrid  designs  of  assassination  and  trea- 
son as  that  was  in  which  this  man  perished?  He  having  so  signally  distin- 
guished himself  by  his  wickedness,  Aristomenes  very  justly  distinguished  him 
from  all  the  rest  of  the  conspirators  in  his  punishment;  for  all  the  others  he 
poisoned,  but  him  he  tormented  to  death. 

When  this  conspiracy  was  fully  mastered,  the  king,*  being  now  fourteen 
years  old,  was  according  to  the  usage  of  that  country,  declared  to  be  out  of  his 
minority,  and  his  enthronization  (which  the  Alexandrians  called  his  anacla- 
teria)  was  celebrated  with  great  pomp  and  solemnity;  and  hereby  the  govern- 
ment was  put  into  his  hands,  and  he  actually  admitted  to  the  administration  of 
it.  And  as  long  as  he  managed  it  by  Aristomenes,  his  former  minister,  all 
things  went  well;  but  when  he  grew  weary  of  that  able  and  faithful  servant, 
and  put  him  to  death  to  get  rid  of  him,  the  remainder  of  his  reign  was  all  turned 
into  disorder  and  confusion,  and  his  kingdom  suffered  the  same,  or  rather  more 
by  it  than  in  the  worst  times  of  his  father. 

An.  195.  Ptol.  Epiphanes  10.] — Early  the  next  spring,  Antiochus  set  out  from 
Antioch  to  return  to  Ephesus.  He  was  no  sooner  gone,^  but  Hannibal  came 
thither  to  put  himself  under  his  protection.  He  had  lived  six  years  quietly  at 
Carthage  since  the  late  peace  with  the  Romans;  but  being  now  under  a  sus- 
picion of  holding  secret  correspondence  with  Antiochus,  and  plotting  with  him 
for  the  bringing  of  a  new  war  upon  Italy,  and  some  that  maligned  him  at 
home  having  sent  to  Rome  clandestine  information  to  this  etfect,  the  Romans 
sent  ambassadors  to  Carthage  to  make  inquiry  into  the  matter;  and  to  demand 
Hannibal  to  be  delivered  to  them,  if  they  found  reason  for  it.  Hannibal,  hear- 
ing of  their  arrival,  suspected  their  business;  and  therefore,  before  they  had 
time  to  deliver  their  message,  got  privately  away  to  the  sea-shore,  and  putting 
himself  on  board  a  ship  which  he  had  there  ready  provided,  escaped  to  Tyre, 
and  from  thence  went  to  Antioch,  hoping  to  find  Antiochus  there;  but  he  beino' 
gone  for  Ephesus  before  his  arrival,  he  made  thither  after  him.  Antiochus 
was  there  at  that  time  in  debate  with  himself  on  the  point  of  making  war  with 
the  Romans,  being  veiy  doubtful  and  fluctuating  in  his  mind  whether  he  should 
enter  on  it  or  no.  But  Hannibal's  coming  to  him  soon  determined  his  resolu- 
tions for  the  war,  he  being  hereon  excited  to  it,  not  only  by  the  arguments 
which  this  great  adversary  of  the  Romans  pressed  upon  him  for  it,  but  especially 
because  of  the  opinion  he  had  of  the  man.  For  he  having  often  vanquished  the 
Romans,  and  thereby  justly  acquired  the  reputation  of  having  exceeded  all  other 
generals  in  military  skill,  this  created  In  Antiochus  a  confidence  of  beino-  able 
to  do  all  things  with  him  on  this  side.  And,  therefore,  thinking  of  nothing 
thenceforth  but  of  victories  and  of  conquests,  he  became  fixed  for  the  war;  aad 

1  Polyhiua,  lib.  17.  p.  772.  2  Ibid.  p.  773. 

3  Corn.  Nepos  in  Hannibale.    Livius,  lib.  33.    Appianus  in  Syriacis.    Justin,  lib.  31.  c.  S,  3. 


92  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

all  this  year  and  next  were  spent  in  making  preparations  for  it.  In  the  mean 
time,  however,  ambassadors  were  sent  from  both  sides,  on  pretence  of  accom- 
modating matters,  but,  in  reality,  only  to  spy  out  and  discover  what  each  other 
was  doing. 

This  year  Simon  the  high-priest  of  the  Jews  being  dead,'  his  eldest  son  Onias, 
the  third  of  that  name,  succeeded  in  his  stead,  and  held  that  office,  reckoning 
it  to  the  time  of  his  death,  twenty-four  years.  He  had  the  character  of  a  very 
worthy  good  man,  but  falling  into  ill  times,  he  perished  in  them,  in  the  manner 
as  will  be  hereafter  related. 

Jin.  194.  Ptol.  Epiphanes  11.] — About  this  time  died  Eratosthenes,^  the  second 
library -keeper  at  Alexandria,  being  eighty-two  years  old  at  the  time  of  his  death, 
and  was  succeeded  in  his  office  by  Apollonius  Rhodius,*  the  author  of  the 
Argonautics.  This  Apollonius  had  been  a  scholar  of  Callimachus;  but  having 
afterward  very  much  offended  him,^  Callimachus  wrote  a  very  bitter  invective 
against  him,  which  he  called  Ibis,  from  the  name  of  a  bird  in  Egypt,  which 
used  to  foul  his  bill  by  cleansing  his  breech,  intimating  thereby,  as  if  the  of- 
fence given  him  by  his  scholar  was  by  foul  words  against  him,  and  that  he 
therefore  gave  him  this  name,  to  express  thereby  that  he  was  a  foul-mouthed 
person.  Hence  Ovid,  writing  an  invective  against  one  that  had  in  a  like 
manner  offended  him,  calls  him,  in  imitation  of  Callimachus,  by  the  same  name 
of  Ibis.  Although  this  Apollonius  was  called  Rhodius,^  it  was  only  for  that  he 
had  long  lived  at  Rhodes,  not  that  he  was  born  there:  for  he  was  a  native  of 
Alexandria,  and  there  at  length  he  ended  his  days,  being  called  thither  from 
Rhodes  to  take  upon  him  this  office  in  the  king's  library. 

An.  193.  Ptol.  Epiphanes  12.] — Antiochus  being  eagerly  set  in  his  mind 
for  a  war  with  the  Romans,  after  having  made  the  preparations  I  have  men- 
tioned, he  endeavoured  farther  to  strengthen  himself,  by  making  aUiances  with 
the  neighbouring  princes.  To  this  intent  he  went  to  Raphia,*^  the  place  on  the 
confines  of  Palestine  and  Egypt  which  hath  been  above  mentioned,  and  there 
married  his  daughter  Cleopatra  to  King  Ptolemy  Epiphanes,  agreeing  to  give 
with  her,  by  way  of  dower,  the  provinces  of  Ccele-Syria  and  Palestine,''  upon 
the  terms  of  sharing  the  revenues  equally  between  them,  according  as  he  had 
been  before  promised.  And,  on  his  return  from  thence  to  Antioch,  he  married 
Antiochis,*  another  of  his  daughters,  to  Ariarathes,  king  of  Cappadocia;  and 
would  have  given  a  third  to  Eumenes,"  king  of  Pergamus.  But  that  king  re- 
fused his  alliance,  contrary  to  the  opinion  of  his  three  brothers:  for  they  thought 
it  would  be  a  great  strengthening  of  his  interest  to  be  son-in-law  to  so  great  a 
king,  and  therefore  advised  him  to  it.  But  Eumenes  soon  convinced  them,  by 
the  reasons  which  he  gave  for  the  refusal,  that  he  had  much  better  considered 
the  matter:  for  he  told  them,  that  if  he  married  Antiochus's  daughter,  he  should 
be  obliged  thereby  to  engage  with  him  in  his  war  against  the  Romans,  which 
he  saw  he  was  at  that  time  entering  on;  and  then,  if  the  Romans  were  con- 
querors, as  he  had  reason  to  think  they  would,  he  must  partake  of  the  misfor- 
tunes of  the  conquered,  and  be  undone  by  it:  and,  on  the  other  hand,  if 
Antiochus  should  have  the  better,  he  should  have  no  other  advantage  by  it, 
but,  under  the  notion  of  being  his  son-in-law,  the  easier  to  become  his  slave; 
for,  whenever  he  should  gain  the  upper  hand  in  the  war,  all  Asia  must  truckle 
to  him,  and  every  prince  therein  become  his  homager:  that  much  better  terms 
were  to  be  expected  from  the  Romans,  and  that  therefore  he  would  stick  to 
them:  and  the  event  sufficiently  proved  the  wisdom  of  his  choice. 

An.  192.  Ptol,  Epiphanes  13.] — After  these  marriages  were  over,  Antiochus 
hastened  again  into  Lesser  Asia,  and  came  to  Ephesus  in  the  depth  of  the  winter." 

1  Joseph.  Antiq.lib,  12.  c.  4.    Euseb.  in  Chron.    Chron.  Alexandrinum. 

2  Luciaiiiis  in  Macrobiis.  3  Siiidas  iu  A^o/.A.ai'io!.  4  Suidasin  Kx\xiiUx%of. 

5  Anoiiymus  Vitae  Apollonii  Rhodii  Scriptor. 

6  Hieronymus  in  cap.  xi.  Danielis.    Livius,  lib.  35.    Appian.  in  Syriacis. 

7  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  3.  8  Appianua  in  Syriacis. 

9  AppianuB,  ibid.    Polyb.  Legal.  25.  p.  820.    Livius,  lib.  37.  10  Livius,  lib.  35. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  93 

From  thence,  in  the  beginning  of  the  spring,  he  marched  against  the  Pisidians, 
who  stood  out  against  him.  But  he  had  not  long  been  engaged  in  this  war,' 
ere  he  had  the  news  of  the  death  of  Antiochus  his  eldest  son.  This  brought 
him  back  again  to  Ephesus,  there  to  mourn  for  this  loss;  and  a  great  show  of 
sorrow  was  there  made  by  him  on  this  account.  But  it  was  commonly  said, 
that  it  was  all  show  only;  that,  in  reality,  he  himself  procured  his  son's  death,* 
and  made  him  fall  a  sacrifice  to  his  jealousy:  for  he  was  a  prince  of  great  hopes, 
and  had  given  such  proofs  of  his  wisdom,  goodness,  and  other  royal  virtues,  that 
he  became  the  idol  of  all  that  knew  him.  This,  they  say,  made  the  old  king 
jealous  of  him;  and  therefore,  on  his  last  arrival  at  Ephesus,  having  sent  him 
back  into  Syria,  on  pretence  that  he  might  there  take  care  of  the  eastern  pro- 
vinces, caused  poison  to  be  there  given  him  by  some  of  the  eunuchs  of  the 
court,  and  so  did  rid  himself  of  him.  But  scarce  any  prince  hath  died  an  un- 
timely death,  whose  life  was  desirable,  but  suspicions  have  been  raised,  and 
rumours  spread  about  of  poison,  or  some  other  violence,  for  the  cause  of  it;  and 
perchance  such  a  bare  suspicion  was  all  that  was  in  this  case. 

As  soon  as  the  solemnity  of  this  mourning  was  somewhat  over,  and  Antiochus 
began  again  to  betake  himself  to  business,  great  consultation  was  had  between 
him  and  those  of  his  council  about  his  passing  into  Greece,'^  and  there  beginning 
the  war  which  he  had  resolved  on  with  the  Romans.  Hannibal,  who  was  for 
making  Italy,  and  not  Greece,  the  seat  of  the  war,  Avas  not  called  to  any  of 
these  councils:  for,  being  then  under  suspicion  with  Antiochus,  he  had  no  more 
of  his  confidence.  This  was  effected  by  the  craft  of  Publius  Villius,  who  thereby 
overreached  the  craftiest  and  most  cautious  of  men:"*  for  this  Villius,  being  am- 
bassador from  the  Romans  to  Antiochus,  took  all  opportunities  to  converse  with 
Hannibal.  This  had  the  effect  he  intended,  which  w^as  to  bring  him  into  sus- 
picion with  Antiochus;  and  hereon  his  council  being  no  more  regarded,  Greece 
was  made  the  seat  of  the  war,  and  not  Italy,  as  he  advised.  This  saved  Italy 
from  having  Hannibal  again  with  another  war  in  its  bowels,  which  might  have 
been  as  dangerous  to  the  Roman  state  as  when  he  was  there  in  the  former  war. 

But  that  which  pinned  down  his  resolution  for  the  beginning  of  the  w^ar  in 
Greece,  was  an  embassy  from  the  ^tolians  to  invite  him  thither.  The  iEtolians, 
from  being  late  confederates  with  the  Romans,  being  now,  on  some  disgust,  be- 
come their  enemies,^  sent  this  embassy  to  Antiochus,  to  draw  him  into  Greece 
against  them;  not  only  promising  him  the  assistance  of  all  their  forces,  but  also 
giving  him  assurances,  that  he  might  depend  on  the  joining  of  Philip,  king  of 
Macedonia,  Nabas,  king  of  Lacedemonia,  and  other  of  the  Grecian  principalities 
and  states  with  him;  who  having  conceived  as  they  told  him,  great  enmity  against 
the  Romans,  waited  only  his  coming  to  declare  against  them.  Thoas,  who  Avas 
at  the  head  of  this  embassy,  pressed  all  this  upon  him  with  great  earnestness, 
telling  him,  that  the  Romans,  being  gone  home  with  their  army,  had  left  Greece 
empty;  that  now  was  the  time  for  him  to  take  possession  of  it;  that  if  he  laid 
hold  of  this  opportunity,  he  would  find  all  things,  as  it  were,  prepared  for  the 
putting  of  the  whole  country  into  his  hands;  and  that  he  had  nothing  more  to 
do  but  to  come  over  thither  to  make  himself  master  of  it.  Which  representa- 
tion prevailed  so  far  with  him,  that  he  immediately  passed  over  into  Greece, 
and  thereby  rashly  precipitated  himself  into  a  war  with  the  Romans,  without 
duly  concerting  the  measures  proper  for  such  an  undertaking,  or  carrying  a 
sufficient  number  of  men  with  him  to  support  it.  For  he  left  Lampsacus,  Troas, 
and  Smyrna,  three  powerful  cities  in  Asia,  behind  him,  vmreduced;  and  his 
forces  that  were  coming  to  him  from  Syria  and  the  eastern  countries  having  not 
yet  reached  him,  he  passed  over  with  no  more  than  ten  thousand  foot  and  five 
hundred  horse,  which  were  scarce  enough  to  take  possession  of  the  country, 
were  it  wholly  naked,  and  he  to  have  no  war  with  the  Romans  in  it.     With 

1  Livius,  lib.  35.     Appiantis  in  Syriacisi.  2  Livius,  lib.  35. 

3  Ibid.     Appiaiius  in  Syriacis.    Justin,  lib.  31.  e.  4. 

4  Julius  Frontinus  Stratagem,  lib.  1.  c.  8.     Livius,  lib.  34,  35.     Justin,  et  Appianus,  ib. 

5  Justin,  lib.  30.  c,  4.  et  lib.  32.  e.  1.    Appian.  in  Synacis.    Polybius,  lib.  3.  p.  159.    Livius,  lib.  36. 


94  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

these  forces  he  arrived  in  the  island  of  Euboea  about  the  end  of  the  summer, 
and  from  thence  passed  to  Demetrius,  a  town  in  Thessal}^  where  he  called  all 
his  officers  and  chief  commanders  of  his  army  together,'  to  consult  with  them 
about  the  future  operations  of  the  war:  and  Hannibal,  being  again  restored  to 
the  king's  favour  and  confidence,  had  his  place  among  them;  and  being  asked 
his  opinion  in  the  first  place,  he  insisted  on  what  he  had  often  declared,  that 
the  Romans  were  not  to  be  overcome  but  in  Italy,  and  that  therefore  it  had 
been  his  constant  advice  to  begin  the  war  there.  But  since  other  measures  had 
been  taken,  and  the  king  was  then  in  Greece,  there  to  begin  the  war,  his  advice 
in  the  present  state  of  affairs  was,  that  the  king  should  immediately  send  for 
all  his  other  forces  out  of  Asia,  without  depending  any  longer  either  on  the 
iEtolians  or  other  Grecian  confederates,  who  he  foresaw  would  deceive  him; 
and  that  as  soon  as  they  were  arrived,  he  should  march  with  them  toward  those 
coasts  of  Greece  that  were  over  against  Italy,  and  there  have  his  fleet  with  him 
on  the  same  coasts,  one  half  of  which,  he  advised,  should  be  employed  to  ravage 
and  alarm  the  coasts  of  Italy,  and  the  other  half  kept  in  some  port  near  him,  to 
make  a  show  of  his  passing  over,  and  accordingly  to  be  ready  to  pass  over  for 
the  taking  of  all  such  advantages  as  occasion  might  offer.  This,  he  said,  would 
keep  the  Romans  at  home  to  defend  their  own  coasts,  and  would  be  the  proper- 
est  method  which  could  then  be  taken  of  carrying  the  war  into  Italy,  where 
alone,  he  persisted,  the  Romans  could  be  conquered.  And  this  was  the  best 
advice  which  could  then  be  given  Antiochus.  But  he  followed  it  only  in  that 
particular  which  related  to  the  fetching  over  his  forces  out  of  Asia:  for  he  im- 
mediately sent  to  Polyxenidas,  his  admiral,  to  transport  them  into  Greece.  But 
as  to  all  other  particulars,  his  courtiers  and  flatterers  diverted  him  from  heark- 
ening to  him.  They  blew  him  up  into  a  conceit,  that  victory  was  certain  on 
his  side;  that  if  he  made  his  way  to  it  by  the  methods  which  Hannibal  had 
advised,  then  he,  as  the  adviser  and  director,  would  have  the  glory  of  it,  which 
the  king  ought  to  reserve  wholly  to  himself;  and  therefore  they  advised  him  to 
follow  his  own  counsels,  without  hearkening  any  more  to  the  Carthaginian. 
After  this  the  king  went  to  Lamia;^  and  there  being  invested  with  the  chief 
command  of  the  ^tohans,  and  having  received  thereon  the  applause  and  ac- 
clamations of  that  people,  he  returned  to  Euboea,  and  having  made  himself 
master  of  Chalcis  in  that  island,  there  took  up  his  winter-quarters  for  the  ensuing 
winter.  In  the  interim,  Eumenes,  king  of  Pergamus,  sent  Attalus  his  brother 
to  Rome,  to  acquaint  the  senate  of  Antiochus's  passage  into  Greece;  whereon 
they  immediately  prepared  for  the  war,  and  sent  Acihus  Glabrio,  their  consul, 
into  Greece,  with  an  army  for  the  managing  of  it. 

An.  191.  Ptol.  Epiphanes  14.] — Antiochus,  while  he  lay  in  his  winter-quar- 
ters,^ fell  in  love  with  the  daughter  of  his  host,  in  whose  house  he  lodged;  and 
although  now  past  fifty,  was  so  desperately  enamoured  of  this  young  girl,  who 
was  under  twenty,  that  nothing  could  satisfy  him,  but  he  must  marry  her:  and 
thereon  he  spent  the  remaining  part  of  the  winter  in  nuptial  feastings,  and  in 
love  dalliances  with  his  new  bride,  instead  of  making  those  preparations  which 
were  necessary  for  the  carrying  on  of  that  dangerous  war  he  was  then  engaged 
in;  which  created  a  great  loose  and  thorough  relaxation  of  discipline  in  all  else 
about  him,  till  at  length  he  was  roused  up  by  the  news,"*  that  Acilius  the  Ro- 
man consul  was  on  a  full  march  into  Thessaly  against  him.  All  that  he  could 
do  on  this  alarm,  was  to  seize  the  straits  of  Thermopylae,  and  sent  to  the  iEto- 
lians  for  more  forces;  for  Polyxenidas  having  not  been  able  to  transport  his 
Asian  forces,  by  reason  of  contrary  winds  and  ill  weather,  he  had  no  other 
forces  then  with  him,  but  those  whom  he  first  brought  over.     But,  before  any 

i  Livius,  lib.  3G.     Appian.  in  Syriacis.     Justin.  lib.  31.  c.  5,  6.  2  Liviiis,  lib.  35. 

3  Ibid.  lib.  36.     Appianus  in  Syriacis.    Atlienaeus,  lib.  10.  c.  12.    Excerpta  Valesii,  p.  2D7.  609.    Plutarchus 
in  PhilopcEmene. 

4  Plutarch,  in  M.  Catone.     Appianus  in  Syriacis.    Livius,  lib.  36.     Athenseus,  lib.  10.  c.  12.    Frontiri. 
Stratagem,  lib.  2.  c.  4.    Tullius  de  Senectute. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  95 

of  the  ^tolians  could  come  to  him,'  Cato,  one  of  the  Roman  generals  then  with 
the  consul,  having  with  a  strong  detachment  gotten  over  the  mountains,  by  the 
same  path  in  which  Xerxes,  and  after  him  Brennus,  had  formerly  forced  a  pas- 
sage over  them,  his  men,  seeing  themselves  hereby  ready  to  be  encompassed, 
threw  down  their  arms  and  fled;  whereon,  being  pursued  by  the  Romans,  they 
were  all  cut  in  pieces,  excepting  only  five  hundred,  with  whom  Antiochus  made 
his  escape  to  Chalcis.  On  his  arrival  thither,  he  made  all  the  haste  he  could 
from  thence  to  his  fleet,  and  having  gotten  on  board  it  with  this  poor  remainder 
of  his  forces,  passed  over  to  Ephesus,  carrying  with  him  his  new-married  wife; 
and  there  thinking  himself  safe  from  the  Romans,  neglected  every  thing  that 
might  make  him  so,  and  again  relapsed  into  his  former  dotage  on  that  woman, 
indulging  himself  in  it  to  a  total  neglect  of  all  his  affairs,  till  at  length  Hannibal 
roused  him  out  of  it,"  by  laying  before  him  his  danger,  and  representing  to  him 
what  was  necessary  for  him  forthwith  to  do,  for  the  securing  of  himself  from 
it.  Hereon  he  sent  to  hasten  the  march  of  those  forces  from  the  eastern  pro- 
vinces which  were  not  yet  arrived;  and  having  fitted  out  his  fleet,  sailed  with 
it  to  the  Thracian  Chersonesus;  and  having  there  reinforced  Lysimachia,  and 
farther  fortified  and  strengthened  Sestus  and  Abydus,  and  all  other  places  there- 
about, for  the  hindering  of  the  Romans  from  passing  the  Hellespont  into  Asia 
he  returned  again  to  Ephesus,  where,  in  a  grand  council,  it  oeing  resolved  to 
try  their  fortune  by  sea,^  Polyxenidas,  Antiochus's  admiral,  was  ordered  out  with 
a  fleet  to  fight  C.  Livius,  the  Roman  admiral,  then  newly  come  into  the  JCgean 
Sea.  Near  Mount  Corycus,  in  Ionia,  both  fleets  meeting,  a  sharp  fight  ensued 
between  them,  wherein  Polyxenidas  being  beaten,  with  the  loss  of  ten  ships 
sunk  and  thirteen  taken;  was  forced  to  retire  with  the  remainder  to  Ephesus; 
and  the  Romans  putting  in  at  Canse,  a  port  in  iEolis,  did  there  set  up  their  fleet 
for  the  ensuing  winter,  fortifying  the  place,  where  they  drew  it  to  land,  with  a 
ditch  and  rampart. 

In  the  interim  Antiochus  was  at  Magnesia,  busying  himself  in  drawing  toge- 
ther his  land  army.  On  his  hearing  of  this  defeat  of  his  fleet  at  Corycus,''  he 
hastened  to  the  sea-coasts,  and  applied  himself  with  his  utmost  care  to  repair 
the  loss,  and  set  a  new  fleet  that  might  keep  the  mastery  of  those  seas.  In  order 
whereto,  he  refitted  those  ships  that  had  escaped  from  the  late  defeat,  added 
others  to  them,  and  sent  Hannibal  into  Syria,  to  bring  from  thence  the  Syrian 
and  Phoenician  fleets  for  their  reinforcement:  and  then  having  ordered  Seleucus, 
his  son,  with  one  part  of  the  army,  into  ^oius,  to  watch  the  Roman  fleet,  and 
keep  all  there  in  subjection  to  him,  he  with  the  rest  took  up  his  quarters  in 
Phiygia  for  the  ensuing  winter. 

An.  190.  Ptol.  Epiphanes  15.] — The  next  year  the  Romans  sent  Lucias  Scipio,* 
their  consul,  and  Scipio  Africanus,  his  brother,  as  his  lieutenant,  to  carry  on  the 
war  against  Antiochus  by  land,  in  the  place  of  Aciiius  Glabrio,  and  L.  Emilius 
Rhegellus  to  command  their  fleet  at  sea,  in  the  place  of  C.  Livius. 

In  the  beginning  of  the  year,  Polyxenidas,®  Antiochus's  admiral,  having  by  a 
stratagem  overreached  Pausistratus,  who  commanded  the  Rhodian  fleet  that  was 
sent  to  the  assistance  of  the  Romans,  surprised  him  in  the  port  of  Samos,  and  there 
destroyed  twenty-nine  of  his  ships,  and  him  with  them.  But  the  Rhodians,  instead 
of  being  discouraged  by  this  loss,  were  enraged  for  the  revenging  of  it;  and  imme- 
diately set  out  another  fleet  more  powerful  than  the  former:  with  which,  in  con- 
junction with  Emilius,  the  Roman  admiral,  they  sailed  to  Elea,'^  and  there  relieved 
Eumenes,  king  of  Pergamus,  when  almost  swallowed  up  by  Antiochus,  and  after- 
ward, being  sent  to  meet  Hannibal,  on  his  coming  with  the  Syrian  and  Phcenician 
fleet  to  the  king,*  they  alone  encountered  him  on  the  coasts  of  Pamphylia,  and  by 

1  Plutarch,  in  M.  Catone.  Appianus  in  Syriacis.  Livius,  lib.  36.  AlhenJBUS,  lib.  10.  c.  12.  Frontin. 
Stratajiem,  lib.  2.  c.  4.    Tullius  de  Senectute. 

2  Appianus  in  Syriacis.     Livius,  lib,  36.  3  Livius  et  Appianus,  ibid. 

4  Livius,  lib.  36.  37.     Appianus  in  Syriacis.  5  Livius,  lib.  37.     Appianus  in  Syriacis. 

C  Livius  et  Appianus.  ibid.  7  Elea  was  the  sea-port  to  Pergamus,  and  but  a  ehorl  distance  from  it. 

8  Livius,  lib.  37.    Appian.  in  Syriacis.    Corn.  Nepos  in  Hannibale. 


96  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

the  goodness  of  their  ships,  and  the  skilfulness  of  their  mariners,  overthrew  that 
great  warrior,  and  having  driven  hira  into  port,  there  pent  him  up,  so  that  he 
could  stir  no  farther  for  the  assistance  of  the  king. 

Antiochus,  hearing  of  this  defeat,  and,  at  the  same  time,  having  received  an 
account,  that  the  Roman  consul  was  with  a  great  army  on  his  full  march  through 
Macedonia,  in  order  to  pass  the  Hellespont  into  Asia,'  he  could  think  of  no  better 
course  for  the  hindering  of  his  passage  and  the  keeping  of  the  war  out  of  Asia, 
than  to  recover  again  the  mastery  of  the  seas,  which  he  had  in  a  great  measure 
lost  by  the  two  late  defeats:  for  then  he  might  have  his  fleets  at  leisure,  and  in 
full  power,  to  cut  off  all  possibility  of  passing  an  army  into  Asia,  either  by  the 
Hellespont,  or  any  other  way.  And  therefore,  resolving  to  attempt  this  at  the 
hazard  of  another  battle,  he  came  to  Ephesus,  where  his  fleet  lay,  and  having 
there,  on  a  review,  put  it  into  the  best  posture  he  was  able,  and  furnished  his 
marines  with  all  things  necessary  for  another  encounter,  he  sent  them  forth,  un- 
der the  command  of  Polyxenidas,  his  admiral,  to  fight  the  enemy.  And  they 
having  met  Emilius,^  with  the  Roman  fleet,  near  Myonnesus,  a  maritime  town 
in  Ionia,  they  there  fell  upon  him,  but  with  no  better  success  than  in  the  former 
engagements;  for  Emilius  having  gained  an  entire  victory,  Polyxenidas  was 
forced  to  flee  back  again  to  Ephesus,  with  the  loss  of  twenty-nine  of  his  ships 
sunk,  and  thirteen  taken.  This  did  put  Antiochus  into  such  a  consternation, 
that,  being  frighted,  as  it  were,  out  of  his  wits,  he  very  absurdly  sent  to  recall 
all  his  forces  out  of  Lysimachia,  and  the  other  towns  on  the  HeUespont,  for  fear 
lest  they  should  fall  into  the  enemy's  hands,  who  were  approaching  those  parts 
to  pass  into  Asia;  whereas  the  only  way  left  him  to  have  hindered  that  passage 
was  to  have  continued  them  there.  But  he  did  not  only  thus  absurdly  withdraw 
them  from  thence,  when  he  most  needed  them  there,  but  did  it  with  such  pre- 
cipitation, that  he  left  all  the  provisions,  which  he  had  laid  up  there  for  the  war, 
behind  him;  so  that,  when  the  Romans  came  thither,  they  found  all  necessaries 
for  their  army  in  such  plenty  stored  up  in  those  places,  as  if  they  had  been  of 
purpose  provided  for  them,  and  the  passage  of  the  Hellespont  left  so  free  to 
them,  that  they  transported  their  army  over  it  without  any  opposition,  where 
only,  with  the  best  advantage,  opposition  could  have  been  made  against  them. 
When  Antiochus  heard  of  the  Romans  being  in  Asia,^  he  began  to  grow  diffident 
of  his  cause,  and  would  gladly  have  got  rid  of  the  war  with  them,  which  he  had 
so  rashly  run  himself  into;  and  therefore  sent  ambassadors  to  the  two  Scipios  to 
desire  peace;  and  to  make  his  way  the  easier  to  it,  he  restored  Scipio  Africanus 
his  son  (who  had  been  taken  prisoner  in  this  war)  without  ransom.  But,  not- 
withstanding this,  being  able  on  no  other  terms  to  obtain  peace,  than  on  the 
quitting  of  all  Asia  on  this  side  Mount  Taurus,  and  paying  the  Romans  all  the 
expenses  of  the  war,  he  thought  he  could  suffer  nothing  by  the  war  more  grie- 
vous than  such  a  peace,  and  therefore  prepared  to  decide  the  matter  by  battle;* 
and  the  Romans  did  the  same.  Antiochus's  army,  according  to  Livy,  consisted 
of  seventy  thousand  foot,  twelve  thousand  horse,  and  fifty-four  elephants;  whereas 
all  the  Roman  forces  amounted  to  no  more  than  thirty  thousand.  Both  annies 
met  near  Magnesia,  under  Mount  Sipylus;  and  there  it  came  to  a  decisive  stroke 
between  them,  in  which  Antiochus,  receiving  a  total  overthrow,  lost  fifty  thou- 
sand foot,  and  four  thousand  horse  slain  upon  the  field  of  battle,  one  thousand 
four  hundred  more  taken  prisoners,  and  he  himself  difficultly  escaped  to  Sardis, 
gathering  up  in  his  way  such  of  his  forces  as  survived  this  terrible  slaughter. 
From  Sardis  he  passed  to  Celcenje  in  Phrygia,  where  he  heard  his  son  Seleucus 
had  escaped  from  the  battle;  and,  having  there  joined  him,  made  all  the  haste 
he  could  over  Mount  Taurus  into  Syria.  Hannibal  and  Scipio  Africanus  were 
both  absent  from  this  battle;  the  former  being  with  the  Syrian  fleet  pent  up  in 
Pamphylia  by  the  Rhodians,  and  the  other  detained  by  sickness  at  Elea.     As 

I  Polyb.  Lpgat.  22.  p.  S12.     Livius,  lib.  37.  2  Livius,  ibirt.     Appianus  in  Syriacii. 

3  Polyb.  Le^at.  23.  p.  813.    Appianus  in  Syriasis.    Justin,  lib.  31.  c.  7.    Livius,  lib. 37. 

4  Livius  et  Appian.  ibid. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  97 

soon  as  Antiochus  was  arrived  at  Antioch,'  he  sent  from  thence  Antipater  his 
brother's  son,  and  Zeuxis,  who  had  been  governor  of  Lydia  and  Phrygia  under 
him,  to  desire  peace  of  the  Romans.  They  found  the  consul  at  Sardis;  and  there 
Scipio  Africanus,  who  was  now  recovered  from  his  sickness,  being  come,  they 
first  apphed  themselves  to  him,  and  he  introduced  them  to  the  consul,  his  bro- 
ther: whereon  a  council  being  held  on  the  subject  of  their  embassy,  after  full 
consultation  therein  had  about  it,  the  ambassadors  were  called  in,  and  Scipio 
Africanus,  delivering  the  sense  of  the  council,  told  them,  that  as  the  Romans 
used  not  to  sink  low  when  vanquished,  so  neither  would  they  carry  themselves 
too  high  when  conquerors;  and  that  therefore  they  would  require  no  other  terms 
of  peace  after  the  battle  than  those  which  were  demanded  before  it;  that  is,  that 
Antiochus  should  pay  the  whole  expenses  of  the  war,  and  quit  all  Asia  on  that 
side  Mount  Taurus:  which  being  then  accepted  of,  and  the  expenses  of  the  war 
estimated  at  fifteen  thousand  talents  of  Eubcea,^  it  was  agreed  that  it  should  be 
paid  in  manner  following;  that  is  to  say,  five  hundred  talents  present,  two  thou- 
sand five  hundred  when  the  senate  should  ratify  what  was  then  agreed,  and  the 
rest  in  twelve  years'  time,  at  the  rate  of  one  thousand  talents  in  each  of  those 
years.  And  L.  Cotta  was  sent  from  the  consul  with  the  ambassadors  to  Rome, 
to  acquaint  the  senate  of  the  agreement,  and  there  fully  conclude  and  ratify  the 
same.  And,  a  little  after,  the  five  hundred  talents  were  paid  the  consul  at  Ephe- 
sus,  and  hostages  were  given  for  the  payment  of  the  rest,  and  the  performance 
of  all  other  articles  that  were  agreed  on;  among  whom,  one  was  Antiochus,  one 
of  the  king's  sons,  who  afterward  reigned  in  Syria,  by  the  name  of  Antiochus 
Epiphanes.  Hannibal,  the  Carthaginian,  and  Thoas,  the  ^tolian,  who  were  the 
.chief  incentors  of  this  war,  were  also  demanded  by  the  Romans  to  be  delivered 
up  unto  them  on  the  making  of  the  peace.  But  as  soon  as  they  heard  that  a 
treaty  was  entered  on,  foreseeing  what  would  be  the  result  of  it,  they  both  took 
care  to  get  out  of  the  way  before  it  came  to  a  conclusion. 

An.  189.  Ptol.  Epiphanes  16.] — The  next  year^  Cn.  Manlius  Vulso,  who  suc- 
ceeded L.  Scipio  in  the  consulship,  coming  into  Asia  to  succeed  him  in  that 
province,  Scipio  delivered  to  him  the  army,  and  with  Scipio  Africanus  his  bro- 
ther returned  to  Rome,  where  the  peace  which  they  made  with  Antiochus 
being  ratified  and  confirmed,  and  all  Asia  on  this  side  Mount  Taurus  delivered 
into  the  hands  of  the  Romans,''  they  restored  the  Grecian  cities  to  their  liber- 
ties, gratified  the  Rhodians  with  the  provinces  of  Caria  and  Lycia,  and  gave  all 

•1  Polyb.  Legal.  24.  p.  616.  Livius,  lib.  37.  Appianus  in  Syriacis.  Justin,  lib.  31.  c.  8.  Diodor.  Sic.  Le- 
gal. 9.     Hieronynius  in  cap.  xi.  Danielis. 

2  Herodotus,  lib.  3,  speaking  of  a  Babylonic  talent,  saith.lhat  it  contained  seventy  Euboic  minae.  .^lian, 
speaking  of  the  same  Babylonic  talent  (Hist.  Var.  lib.  1.  c.  22,)  saith,  it  contained  seventy  two  Attic  minae; 
from  hence  it  follows,  that  seventy-two  Attic  minse  are  equal  to  seventy  Euboic  minae:  and  sixty  of  each 
making  a  talent,  this  shows  the  difference  that  is  between  an  Euboic  talent  and  an  Attic.  But  there  were 
two  other  sorts  of  Euboic  talents,  or  authors  give  us  disagreeing  accounts  concerning  it.  Festus  saith, 
"  Euboicuin  talentum  nummo  Graeco  septem  millium,  nostro  quatuor  millinm  denariorum  (in  voce  Euboi- 
cum,")  t.  c.  a  Euboic  talent  consists  in  Greek  money  of  seven  thousand  drachms,  and  in  our  Latin  money  of 
four  thousand  Roman  pennies.  But  here  is  a  manifest  error  in  the  copy,  as  all  agree,  instead  of  four  thou- 
sand it  ought  to  be  seven  thousand  Roman  pennies;  for,  according  to  Festus,  a  drachm  and  a  Roman  penny 
were  equal.  For,  in  the  word  ?a?entem,  he  saith,  that  an  Attic  talent  (which  consisted  ofsix  thousand  drachms,) 
contained  six  thousand  Roman  pennies.  According  to  Festus,  therefore,  a  Roman  penny  and  an  Attic 
drachm  were  equal;  and  seven  thousand  of  these  made  Festus's  Euboic  talent.  But  the  Euboic  talent,  by 
which  Antiochus  was  to  pay  this  sum  of  one  thousand  five  hundred  talents  to  the  Romans,  was  much  higher. 
For  Polybius  tells  us  (Legal.  24.  p.  817,)  and  so  also  doth  Livy  (lib.  27,  and  38,)  that  they  were  to  contain 
each  eighty  librff  or  Roman  pounds.  But  every  librse,  or  Roman  pound,  containing  ninety  six  Roman  pennies, 
eighty  of  those  librae  must  contain  seven  thousand  six  hundred  and  eighty  Roman  pennies,  i.  e.  two  hundred 
and  fiirty  pounds  of  our  money.  But  here  it  is  to  be  observed,  that,  in  the  treaty  of  this  peace  made  with 
Antiochus,  there  is  a  difTerence  between  Polybius  and  Livy  in  the  copies  which  they  give  us  of  it.  For,  al- 
though Livy,  as  well  as  Polybius,  doth  in  the  protocol  of  the  treaty  (lib.  37,)  say,  that  the  fifteen  thousand 
talents  to  be  paid  the  Romans  were  to  be  Euboic  talents;  yet  Livy,  in  the  treaty  itself,  saith,  they  were  to 
be  Attic  talents.  But  here  Livy,  writing  from  Polybius,  is  mistaken  in  the  version  he  made  of  this  treaty 
from  the  Greek  copy  of  it,  which  he  found  in  him.  For,  whereas  in  Polybius  the  words  are,  that  the  money 
to  be  paid  the  Romans  should  be  'Apyupiou  'AxTi/ou  ap.tncu,  Livy,  mistaking  the  meaning  of  the  Greek 
phra.=e.  rendered  it  of  Attic  talents:  whereas,  what  is  there  said,  is  meant  only  of  the  Attic  standard.  For, 
as  the  Euboic  'alent  was  of  the  greatest  weight,  so  the  Attic  money  was  of  the  finest  silver  of  any  in 
Greece;  and,  by  the  treaty,  the  money  was  to  be  paid  according  to  both;  that  is,  the  Romans  having  con- 
quered Antiochus  not  only  obliged  him  to  pay  this  vast  sum  for  this  peace,  but  also  made  him  pay  it  in  ta- 
lents of  the  highest  weight,  and  in  silver  of  the  best  and  finest  standard  in  all  Greece.  So  that  the  Romans 
might  in  this  case  say  the  same  to  him,  as  formerly  Brenus  did  to  them;  Vti  victis,  i.  6.  Woe  be  to  the  con- 
quered. 

3  Livius,  lib.  37.  Appian.  in  Syriac. 

4  Livius,  lib.  37,  38.     Pnlyb.  Legal,  p.818,  819,&.c.  el  p.  845.    Diodor.  Sic.  Legal.  10.    Appian- ibid. 

Vol.  II.— 13 


98  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

the  rest  of  it,  that  had  before  belonged  to  Antiochus,  to  Eumenes  king  of  Pei«- 
gamus.  For  Eumenes  and  the  Rhodians  having  been  their  confederates  through 
this  whole  war,  and  much  assisted  them  in  it,  they  had  these  countries  given 
them  for  the  reward  of  their  service. 

./?«.  188.  Ftol.  Epiphanes  17.] — Manlius,  after  the  time  of  his  consulship  was 
out,  being  continued  still  in  the  same  province,  as  pro-consul,'  he  there  waged 
war  against  the  Gauls  who  had  planted  themselves  in  Asia;  and  having  sub- 
dued them  in  several  battles,  and  reduced  them  to  live  orderiy  within  the 
limits  assigned  to  them,  he  thereby  delivered  all  that  country  from  the  terror 
of  those  barbarous  people,  who  lived  mostly  hitherto  by  harassing  and  plun- 
dering their  neighbours;  and  so  quieted  all  things  in  those  parts,  that  thence- 
forth the  empire  of  the  Romans  became  thoroughly  settled  in  all  that  country, 
as  far  as  the  River  Halys  on  the  one  side,  and  Mount  Taurus  on  the  other;  and 
the  Syrian  kings  became  thenceforth  utterly  excluded  from  having  any  thing 
more  to  do  in  all  Lesser  Asia.  Whereon  Antiochus  is  said  to  have  expressed 
himself.  That  he  was  much  beholden  to  the  Romans,*  in  that  they  had  here- 
by eased  him  of  the  great  care  and  trouble  which  the  governing  of  so  large  a 
country  must  have  cost  him. 

An.  187.  Ptol.  Epiphanes  18.] — Antiochus  being  at  great  difficulties  how  to 
raise  the  money  which  he  was  to  pay  the  Romans,  he  marched  into  the  eastern 
provinces,^  to  gather  the  tribute  of  those  countries  to  enable  him  to  it,  leaving 
his  son  Seleucus  (whom  he  had  declared  his  successor)  to  govern  in  Syria 
during  his  absence.  On  his  coming  into  the  province  of  Elymais,  hearing  that 
there  was  a  great  treasure  in  the  temple  of  Jupiter  Belus  in  that  country,  he 
seized  the  temple  by  night,  and  spoiled  it  of  the  riches  that  were  laid  up  in  it; 
whereon  the  people  of  the  country  rising  upon  him  for  the  revenging  of  this 
sacrilege,  slew  him  and  all  that  were  with  him.  So  Diodorus  Siculus,  Justin, 
Strabo,  and  Jerome,  relate  the  manner  of  his  death;  but  Aurelius  Victor  tells 
us,^  that  he  was  slain  by  some  of  his  own  followers,  whom  he  did  beat  in  a 
drunken  fit  while  at  one  of  his  carousals. 

He  was  a  prince  of  a  laudable  character  for  humanity,  clemency,  and  benefi- 
cence, and  of  great  justice  in  the  administration  of  his  government;  and,  till 
the  fiftieth  year  of  his  hfe,  managed  all  his  affairs  with  that  valour,  prudence, 
and  application,  as  made  him  to  prosper  in  all  his  undertakings;  which  deservedly 
gained  him  the  title  of  Great,  But  after  that  age,  declining  in  the  wisdom  of 
his  conduct,  as  well  as  in  the  vigour  of  his  application,  every  thing  that  he  dijd 
afterward  lessened  him  as  fast  as  all  his  actions  had  aggrandized  him  before, 
till  at  length,  being  vanquished  by  the  Romans,  he  was  driven  out  of  the  best 
part  of  his  dominions,  and  forced  to  submit  to  very  hard  and  disgraceful  terms 
of  peace;  and  at  last,  ending  his  life  in  a  very  ill  and  impious  attempt,  he  went 
out  in  a  stink,  like  the  snuff  of  a  candle. 

The  prophecies  of  Daniel  (chap,  xi,)  from  the  tenth  verse  to  the  nine- 
teenth inclusive,  refer  to  the  actions  of  this  king,  and  were  all  fulfilled  by 
him.  What  we  find  foretold  in  the  tenth  verse,  was  exactly  accomplished 
in  the  war  which  Antiochus  made  upon  Ptolemy  Philopator,  for  the  con- 
quering of  Ccele-Syria  and  Palestine,  as  it  is  above  related,  Arinis  221,  220, 
219,  and  218.  In  the  eleventh  and  twelfth  verses  are  foretold  the  expedition 
which  Philopator  made  into  Palestine  against  Antiochus,  Anno  217,  and  the 
victor^'-  which  he  then  got  over  him  at  Raphia.  For  there,  the  great  multitude, 
that  is,  the  great  army  which  Antiochus  brought  thither  against  him,  was  given 
into  his  hands;  and  Ptolomy  did  cast  down,  that  is,  slew  many  thousands  of 
them,  and  dissipated  and  put  to  flight  all  the  rest;  and  yet,  the  same  prophecy 
tells  us,  that  notwithstanding  all  this,  he  should  be  strengthened  by  it;  and  so  it 

1  Livius,  lib.  38.  2  Cicero  pro  Deiotaro  Rege.    Val.  Maximus,  lib.  4.  c.  ]. 

3  Diodor.  Sic.  in  Excerptia  Valesii,  p.  292,  298.    Hieronymus  in  cap.  xi.  Danielis^  Justin,  lib,  32.  c.  2.. 
Strabo,  lib.  16.  p.  744. 

4  De  Viris  lUustribus,  c.  54. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  99 

liappened.  For  Ptolemy  being  wholly  given  up  to  luxury,  sloth,  and  voluptu- 
ousness, made  haste  back  again  into  Egypt,  there  to  enjoy  his  fill  of  them  after 
this  victory,  without  taking  the  advantages  which  it  gave  him.  By  which  ill 
conduct  he  stirred  up  some  of  his  people  to  sedition  and  rebellion,  and  weak- 
ened himself  in  the  affection  and  esteem  of  all  the  rest,  as  is  above  related 
under  the  years  216  and  215.  What  follows,  to  the  end  of  the  seventeenth 
verse,  foretells  the  renewal  of  that  war  by  Antiochus  "  after  certain  years;" 
that  is.  Anno  203,  fourteen  years  after  the  ending  of  the  former  war;  when  on 
the  death  of  Philopator,  and  the  succeeding  of  his  infant  son  Ptolemy  Epipha- 
nes  in  his  stead,  Antiochus,  "  king  of  the  north,  returned  and  came  again" 
into  Ccele-Syria  and  Palestine,  for  tiie  recovering  of  those  provinces,  bringing 
with  him  "  a  greater  multitude  than  in  the  former  war,"  that  is,  that  "  great 
army"  which  he  brought  with  him  out  of  the  east  on  his  late  return  from 
thence.  What  is  said  in  the  fourteenth  verse,  that  "  in  those  times"  (that  is, 
in  the  first  years  of  the  reign  of  Epiphanes  the  king  of  the  south)  "  many 
should  stand  up  against  him,"  was  fully  verified  by  the  leaguing  of  the  kings 
of  Macedon  and  Syria  together  against  him,  to  seize  all  his  dominions,  and 
divide  them  between  them;  by  the  sedition  of  Agathocles,  Agathoclea,  and 
Tlepolemus,  to  invade  his  royal  power,  and  by  the  conspiracy  of  Scopas  utterly 
to  extinguish  it,  and  seize  the  kingdom  for  himself;  all  which  are  above  related 
to  have  happened  in  these  times.  And  the  same  prophecy  tells  us,  that  in 
those  times,  many  "  violators  of  the  law  among  the  people  of  the  prophet," 
that  is,  the  Jews  apostatizing  from  the  law,  should  "  exalt"  themselves,  that  is, 
under  the  favour  of  the  king  of  the  south;  for  the  pleasing  of  whom,  they 
should  forsake  their  God  and  their  holy  religion;  but  that  "  they  should  fall" 
and  be  cut  off,  i.  e.  by  Antiochus;  and  so  it  came  to  pass:  for  Antiochus,  having. 
Anno  198,  made  himself  master  of  Judea  and  Jerusalem,  did  cut  off  or  drive 
from  thence  all  those  of  Ptolemy's  "  party"  who  had  thus  far  given  themselves 
«p  to  him,  but  showed  particular  favour  to  those  Jews,  who,  persevering  in  the 
observance  of  their  law,  would  not  comply  with  any  proposals  of  the  king  of 
Egypt  to  apostatize  from  it.  In  the  fifteenth  verse,  the  holy  prophet  foreshows 
the  victory,  by  which  Antiochus,  "  the  king  of  the  north,"  should  make  him- 
self again  master  of  Ccele-Syria  and  Palestine,  that  is,  how  he  should  "  come" 
again  into  those  provinces,  "  and  cast  up  mounts  against  the  most  fenced  cities 
in  them,  and  take  them;"  and  this  he  did  in  the  year  198.  For  having  then 
vanquished  the  king  of  Egypt's  army  at  Paneas,  he  besieged  and  took,  first 
Sidon,  and  next  Gaza,  and  then  all  the  other  cities  of  those  provinces;  and 
made  himself  thorough  master  of  the  whole  country.  For  although  the  king 
of  Egypt  sent  an  army  against  him  of  "  his  chosen  people."  that  is,  of  his 
choicest  troops,  and  under  the  command  of  his  best  generals,  yet  they  could 
not  prevail,  or  "  have  any  strength  to  withstand  him,"  but  were  vanquished 
and  repulsed  by  him;  so  that,  as  the  prophet  proceeds  to  tell  us  in  the  sixteenth 
verse,  "  he  did  according  to  his  will"  in  all  Ccele-Syria  and  Palestine,  and 
"none  could  there  stand  before  him."  And,  on  the  subjecting  of  these  pro- 
vinces to  him,  the  same  prophetic  text  goes  on  to  tell  us,  "  that  he  should 
stand  in  the  glorious  land,"  and  that  it  should  be  consumed  by  his  hand;  and 
•so  accordingly  it  came  to  pass.  For,  on  his  subduing  Palestine,  he  entered 
into  Judea,  "  the  glorious  land;"  which  was  a  part  of  Palestine,  and  there 
€stablished  his  authority,  and  made  it  there  firmly  "to  stand,"  after  he  had 
■expelled  out  of  the  castle  of  Jerusalem  the  garrison  which  Scopas  had  left 
there.  But,  that  garrison  having  made  such  resistance,  that  Antiochus  was 
forced  to  go  thither  with  all  his  army  to  reduce  it;  and  the  siege  continuing 
some  time,  it  happened  hereby,  that  the  country  was  eaten  up  and  consumed 
by  the  foraging  of  the  soldiers:  and  Jerusalem  suffered  such  damage  during  the 
siege  of  the  castle,  both  from  the  besieged  and  the  besiegers,  that  it  was  nearly 
ruined  by  it;  which  fully  appears  from  the  degree  which  Antiochus  afterward 
granted  the  Jews  for  repairing  of  their  demolished  city,  and  the  restoring  of  it 


100  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

from  the  ruinous  condition  into  which  it  was  then  reduced.  This  decree  was 
directed  to  Ptolemy,  one  of  Antiochus's  lieutenants,  and  who  then  seems  to 
have  been  his  deputy-governor  in  that  province:  and  it  is  still  extant  in  Jose- 
phus.'  In  the  seventeenth  verse  is  foretold,  how  that  when  Antiochus  was 
ready  to  have  "  entered"  Egypt,  "  with  the  strength  of  his  whole  kingdom, 
he  made  an  agreement  with  Ptolemy  to  give  him  his  daughter  in  marriage, 
corrupting  her,"  that  is,  with  ill  principles,  to  betray  her  husband  to  him,  and 
thereby  made  him  master  of  Egypt.  For  Jerome  tells  us,^  this  match  was 
made  with  this  fraudulent  design.  But,  "  she  did  not  stand  on  his  side,  neither 
was  for  him,"  but  when  married  to  King  Ptolemy,  forsook  the  interest  of  her 
father,  and  wholly  embraced  that  of  her  husband:  and  therefore  we  find  her 
joining  with  him  in  an  embassy  to  the  Romans,^  for  the  congratulating  of  their 
victory  gained  by  Acilius  at  the  straits  of  Thermopylte  over  her  own  father. 
The  eighteenth  verse  tells  us  of  Antiochus's  "  turning  of  his  face  unto  the  isles, 
and  his  taking  of  many  of  them;"  and  so  accordingly  it  was  done.  For,  after 
having  finished  the  war  in  Ccele-Syria  and  Palestine,  Anno  197,  he  sent  two  of 
his  sons  with  his  army  by  land  to  Sardis,  and  he  himself,  with  a  great  fleet,  at 
the  same  time  sailed  into  the  JEgea.n  Sea,  and  there  took  in  many  of  the  islands 
in  it,  and  extended  his  power  and  dominion  much  in  those  parts,  till  at  length 
"  the  prince  of  the  people  to  whom  he  had  offered  reproach"  by  that  invasion, 
that  is,  Lucius  Scipio  the  Roman  consul,  "  made  the  reproach  turn  upon  him," 
by  overthrowing  him  in  the  battle  at  Mount  Sipylus,  and  driving  him  out  of  all 
Lesser  Asia.  This  forced  him,  according  to  what  is  foretold  in  the  nineteenth 
verse,  "  to  return  to  the  fort  of  his  own  land,"  that  is,  to  Antioch,  the  chief 
seat  and  fortress  of  his  kingdom.  From  whence,  going  into  the  eastern  pro- 
vinces to  gather  money  to  pay  the  Romans,  "  he  stumbled  and  fell,  and  Viras 
no  more  found,"  as  the  sacred  text  expresseth  it;  that  is,  on  his  attempting  to 
rob  the  temple  in  Elymais,  he  failed  in  his  design,  and  was  cut  off  and  slain  in 
it;  so  that  he  returned  not  into  Syria,  or  was  any  more  found  there. 

In  the  year  that  Antiochus  died,  Cleopatra  his  daughter,  queen  of  Egypt, 
bore  unto  Ptolemy  Epiphanes  her  husband  a  son,''  who  reigned  after  him  in 
Egypt  by  the  name  of  Ptolemy  Philometor.  Hereon  aU  the  great  men  and 
prime  nobiUty  of  Ccele-Syria  and  Palestine  hastened  to  Alexandria,*  to  con- 
gratulate the  king  and  queen,  and  make  those  presents  which  were  usual  on 
such  an  occasion.  But  Joseph  (who,  on  the  restoration  of  these  provinces  to 
the  king  of  Egypt,  was  again  restored  to  his  office  of  collecting  the  king's  reve- 
nues in  them)  being  too  old  to  take  on  him  such  a  journey  himself,"  sent  Hyr- 
canus  his  son  to  make  his  compliment  in  his  stead.  This  Hyrcanus  was  the 
youngest  of  his  sons,  but,  being  of  the  quickest  parts  and  best  understanding 
of  them  all,  was  best  qualified  for  this  employment.  The  history  of  his  birth 
is  veiy  remarkable;  it  is  told  at  large  by  Josephus  in  the  twelfth  book  of  his 
Antiquities,^  in  manner  as  followeth: — 

Joseph,  in  the  time  of  the  former  Ptolemy,  father  of  Epiphanes,  going  to 
Alexandria  on  his  occasions  (as  he  frequently  had  such  there,  while  collector 
of  the  king's  revenues  in  Ccele-Syrla  and  Palestine,)  Solymius  his  brother  ac- 
companied him  in  the  journey,  and  carried  with  him  a  daughter  of  his,  with 
intent,  on  his  coming  to  Alexandria,  to  marry  her  to  some  Jew  of  that  place 
whom  he  should  find  of  quality  suitable  for  her.  Joseph,  on  his  arrival  at 
Alexandria,  going  to  court,  and  there  supping  with  the  king,  feU  desperately  in 
love  with  a  young  beautiful  damsel  whom  he  aaw  dancing  before  the  king,  and 
not  being  able  to  master  his  inordinate  passion,  he  communicated  it  to  his  bro- 

1  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  3.  2  In  Comment,  ad  cap.  xi.  Danielis.  3  Livius,  lib.  37. 

4  He  was  six  years  old  when  his  father  died;  and  therefore  must  have  been  born  this  year. 

5  Joseph,  lib,  12.  c.  4. 

(i  For  siinposins  Joseph  to  have  been  thirty  years  old,  when  he  first  went  to  the  court  of  King  Ptolemy 
Euer^'etes  (and  older  he  could  not  then  be  according  to  Josephus;  for  he  saith  he  was  then  veo;  sm  tuk  j,xiitixw, 
t,  e.  as  yet  a  young  man,)  he  would  now  have  been  sixty-nine.  This  also  proves,  that  it  could  not  be  earlier 
that  Hyrcanus  was  sent  on  this  embassy:  for  then  Joseph  would  not  have  been  past  the  age  of  going  himself; 
and  all  things  else  prove  it  could  not  be  later.  7  Cap>  4. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  101 

ther,  and  desired  him,  if  possible,  to  procure  for  him  the  enjoyment  of  this 
young  woman,  and  in  as  secret  a  manner  as  he  could,  because  of  the  sin  and 
shame  that  would  attend  such  an  act;  which  Solymius  undertaking,  put  his  own 
daughter  to  bed  to  him.  Joseph  having  drunk  well  over-night,  perceived  not 
that  it  was  his  niece;  and  having  in  the  same  secret  manner  accompanied  with 
her  several  times  without  discovering  the  deceit,  and  being  every  time  more 
and  more  enamoured  with  her,  still  supposing  her  to  be  the  dancer,  he  at  length 
made  his  moan  to  his  brother,  lamenting  that  his  love  had  taken  such  deep  root 
in  his  heart,  that  he  feared  he  should  never  be  able  to  get  it  out,  and  that  his 
grief  was,  that  the  Jewish  law  would  not  permit  him  to  marry  her,'  she  being 
an  alien;  and  if  it  would,  the  king  would  never  grant  her  unto  him.'  Hereon, 
his  brother  discovered  to  him  the  whole  matter,  telling  him,  that  he  might  take 
to  wife  the  woman  with  whom  he  had  so  often  accompanied,  and  was  so  much 
enamoured  of,  and  lawfully  enjoy  her  as  much  as  he  pleased:  for  she  whom  he 
had  put  to  bed  to  him  was  his  own  daughter:  that  he  had  chosen  rather  to  do 
this  wrong  to  his  own  child,  than  suiTer  him  to  do  so  shameful  and  sinful  a  thing, 
as  to  join  himself  to  a  strange  woman,  which  their  holy  law  forbade.^  Joseph, 
being  much  surprised  at  this  discovery,  and  as  much  affected  with  his  brother's 
kindness  to  him,  expressed  himself  with  all  the  thankfulness  which  so  great  an 
obligation  deserved,  and  forthwith  took  the  young  woman  to  wife;  and  of  her 
the  next  year  after  was  born  Hyrcanus.  For,  according  to  the  Jewish  law,  an 
uncle  might  marry  his  niece,  though  an  aunt  could  not  her  nephew;^  for  which 
the  Jewish  writers  give  this  reason,  that  the  aunt  being,  in  respect  of  the 
nephew,  in  the  same  degree  Avith  the  father  or  mother  in  the  line  of  descent, 
hath  naturally  a  superiority  above  him;  and,  therefore,  for  him  to  make  her  his 
wife,  and  thereby  bring  her  down  to  be  in  a  degree  below  him  (as  all  wives 
are  in  respect  of  their  husbands,)  would  be  to  disturb  and  invert  the  order  of 
nature:  but,  that  there  is  no  such  thing  done  where  the  uncle  marries  the  niece; 
for  in  this  case,  both  keep  the  same  degree  and  order  which  they  were  in  before, 
without  any  mutation  in  it. 

Joseph  had  by  another  wife  seven  other  sons,  all  elder  than  Hyrcanus,  to 
•each  of  which  he  offered  this  commission  of  going  from  him  to  the  Egyptian 
court,  on  the  occasion  mentioned:  but  they  having  all  refused  it,  Hyrcanus  un- 
dertook it,  though  he  was  then  a  very  young  man,  not  being  above  twenty,  if 
so  much.  And,  having  persuaded  his  father  not  to  send  his  presents  from  Ju- 
dea,  but  to  enable  him,  on  his  arrival  at  Alexandria,  to  buy  there  such  curiosi- 
ties for  the  king  and  queen,  as  when  on  the  spot  he  should  find  would  be  most 
acceptable  to  them,  he  obtained  from  him  letters  of  credit  to  Arion  his  agent  at 
Alexandria,  by  whose  hands  he  returned  the  king's  taxes  into  his  treasury;  to 
furnish  him  with  money  for  this  purpose  without  limiting  the  sum,  reckoning 
that  about  ten  talents  would  be  the  most  he  would  need.  But  Hyrcanus,  on  his 
arrival  at  Alexandria,  taking  the  advantage  of  his  father's  unlimited  order,  in- 
stead of  ten  talents,  demanded  one  thousand;  and  having  forced  Arion  (who 
had  then  three  thousand  talents  of  Joseph's  money  in  his  hands,)  to  pay  him 
that  whole  sum,  which  amounted  to  above  two  hundred  thousand  pounds  of  our 
money,  he  bought  one  hundred  beautiful  boys  for  the  king,  and  one  hundred 
beautiful  young  maids  for  the  queen,  at  the  price  of  a  talent  a  head:  and  when 
he  presented  them,  they  carried  each  a  talent  in  their  hands,  the  boys  for  the 
king,  and  the  young  maids  for  the  queen;  so  that  this  article  alone  cost  him  four 
hundred  talents.  Some  part  of  the  rest  he  expended  in  valuable  gifts  to  the 
courtiers  and  great  officers  about  the  king,  keeping  the  remainder  to  his  own 
use.  By  which  means  having  procured  in  a  high  degree  the  favour  of  the  king 
and  queen,  and  their  whole  court,  he  returned  with  a  commission  to  be  collector 
of  the  king's  revenues  in  aU  the  country  beyond  Jordan.     For  having  thus 

1  Exod.  xxxiv.  16.    Deut.  vji.3.     lKingsxi.2.    Ezra  ix.  10.    Nehem.  x.  30.  xiii.  25. 

2  Perchance  this  dancer  was  that  Agathoclea  which  that  king,  i.  e.  Ptolemy  Philopater,so  much  dotedupon. 

3  Levit.  xviii,  12, 13.  xx.  I'J. 


10^  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

overreached  his  father,  he  made  all  the  interest  which  Joseph  formerly  had  In 
the  Egyptian  court,  to  devolve  from  him  upon  himself,  and  got  into  his  hands 
also  the  best  of  his  estate;  which  exceedingly  angering  his  brothers,  who  were 
before  ill-affected  toward  him,  they  conspired  to  way-lay  him,  and  cut  him  off 
as  he  returned,  having  their  father's  connivance,  if  not  his  consent,  for  the 
same;  so  much  was  he  angered  against  him  by  what  he  had  done  in  Egypt. 
But  Hyrcanus  coming  well  attended  with  soldiers,  to  assist  him  in  the  execu- 
tion of  his  office,  got  the  better  of  them  in  the  assault  which  they  made  upon 
him;  and  two  of  his  brothers  were  left  dead  upon  the  spot;  but,  on  his  coming 
to  Jerusalem,  finding  his  father  exceedingly  exasperated  against  him,  both  for 
his  conduct  in  Egypt,  and  the  death  of  his  brothers  on  his  return,  and  that  for 
this  reason  no  one  there  would  own  him,  he  passed  over  Jordan,  and  there  en- 
tered on  his  office  of  collecting  the  king's  revenues  in  those  parts.  A  little 
after  this  Joseph  died,  and  thereon  a  war  commenced  between  Hyrcanus  and 
the  surviving  brothers  about  their  father's  estate:  which  for  some  time  disturbed 
the  peace  of  the  Jews  at  Jerusalem.  But  the  high-priest  and  the  generality  of 
the  people  taking  part  with  the  brothers,  he  was  forced  again  to  retreat  over 
Jordan,  where  he  built  a  very  strong  castle,  which  he  called  Tyre;  from  whence 
he  made  war  upon  the  neighbouring  Arabs,  infesting  them  with  incursions  and 
depredations  for  seven  years  together.  This  was  while  Seleucus  Philopator,  the 
son  of  Antiochus  the  Great,  reigned  in  Syria.  But  when  Antiochus  Epiphanes 
succeeded  Seleucus,  and  had  instated  himself  in  Coele-Syria  and  Palestine,  as 
well  as  in  the  other  provinces  of  the  Syrian  empire,  Hyrcanus  being  threatened 
by  him  with  his  wrath  for  his  conduct  in  this  and  other  matters,  for  fear  of  him, 
fell  on  his  own  sword  and  slew  himself.  Some  time  before  his  death,  he  seems 
to  have  recovered  the  favour  of  Onias  the  high-priest,  and  to  have  had  him 
wholly  in  his  interest:  for  he  took  his  treasure  into  his  charge,'  and  laid  it  up 
in  the  treasury  of  the  temple,  there  to  secure  it  for  him;  and  in  his  answer  to 
Heliodorus,  he  saith  of  him,  that  he  was  a  man  of  great  dignity.^  And  Onias's 
favouring  him  thus  far,  might  perchance  be  the  true  cause  of  that  breach,^  which 
happened  between  him  and  Simon  the  governor  of  the  temple;  who,  upon  good 
reason,  is  supposed  to  have  been  the  eldest  of  his  brothers  of  Hyrcanus,  and 
the  head  of  the  family  of  the  Tobiadae  (or  sons  of  Tobias."*)  And,  it  is  most 
likely,  this  provoked  him  to  lay  that  design  of  betraying  the  treasury  of  the 
temple  into  the  hands  of  the  king  of  Syria,  which  we  shall  by  and  by  speak  of, 
that  so  Hyrcanus  might  lose  what  he  had  deposited  in  it. 

An.  186.  Ptol.  Epiphanes  19.] — After  the  death  of  Antiochus  the  Great,  Se- 
leucus Philopater,  his  eldest  son,  whom  he  left  at  Antioch  on  his  departure 
thence  into  the  east,  succeeded  him  in  the  kingdom,^  but  made  a  very  poor 
figure  in  it,  by  reason  of  the  low  state  which  the  Romans  had  reduced  the  Sy- 
rian empire  to,  and  the  heavy  tribute  of  one  thousand  talents  a  year,  which, 
through  the  whole  time  of  his  reign,  he  was  obliged  to  pay  them,  by  the  treaty 
of  peace  lately  granted  by  them  to  his  father. 

Ptolemy  had  hitherto  managed  his  government  with  approbation  and  ap- 
plause,* being  till  now  directed  in  all  things  by  the  council  and  advice  of  Aris- 
tomenes,  his  chief  minister,  who  was  as  a  father  unto  him.  But  at  length  the 
flatteries  of  his  courtiers  prevailing  over  the  wise  counsels  of  this  able  minister, 
he  began  to  deviate  into  all  the  vicious  and  evil  courses  of  his  father:  and,  not 
being  able  to  bear  the  freedom  with  which  Aristomenes  frequently  advised  him 
to  a  better  conduct,  he  made  him  away  by  a  cup  of  poison,  and  then  gave  him- 
self up  with  a  full  swing  into  all  manner  of  vicious  pleasures;  and  this  led  him 
into  as  great  miscarriages  in  the  government:  for  thenceforth,  instead  of  that 
clemency  and  justice  with  which  he  had  hitherto  governed  the  kingdom,  he 

1  2  Maccab.  iii.  11.  2  Ibid.  3  Ibid,  ui.4,  5,  &;c. 

4  This  Tobias  was  the  father  of  Joseph,  and  grandfather  of  Hyrcanus. 

5  Appian.  in  Syriacis.    Qui  de  eo  dicit,  quod  erat  otiosus,  nee  admodum  potens  propter cladem,  quam  pater 
acceperat. 

€  Diodor.  Sic,  in  Excerptis  Valesii,  p.  294. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  103 

turned  all  into  tyranny  and  cruelty,  conducting  himself  in  all  things  that  he 
did,  by  nothing  else  but  by  corrupt  will  and  arbitrary  pleasure. 

^n.  185.  Ptol.  Epiphanes  20.] — The  Egyptians,'  not  being  able  to  bear  the 
grievances  which  they  suffered  under  this  great  maleadministration  of  their  king, 
began  to  combine  and  make  associations  against  him;  and,  being  headed  by 
many  of  the  greatest  power  in  the  land,  formed  designs  for  the  deposing  of  him 
from  his  throne,  and  had  very  nearly  succeeded  in  it. 

All.  184.  Ptol.  Epiphanes  21.] — For  the  extricating  himself  out  of  these  trou- 
bles, he  made  Polycrates  his  chief  minister,''  who  was  a  wise  and  valiant  man, 
and  long  experienced  in  all  the  affairs  both  of  war  and  peace;  for  he  had  been 
one  of  his  father's  generals  in  the  battle  of  Raphia;  and  much  of  that  victory 
which  was  there  gained  was  owing  unto  him.  After  that  he  had  been  governor 
of  Cyprus,  and  coming  from  thence  to  Alexandria,  just  upon  the  breaking  out 
of  the  conspiracy  of  Scopas,  he  had  a  great  hand  in  the  suppressing  of  it. 

An.  183.  Ptol.  Epiphanes  22.] — By  this  means  Ptolemy,^  having  subdued  the 
revolters,  brought  many  of  their  leaders  (who  were  of  the  chief  nobility  of  his 
kingdom)  upon  terms  of  accommodation  to  submit  to  him;  but,  when  he  had 
gotten  them  into  his  power,  he  broke  his  faith  with  them:  for,  after  having 
treated  them  with  great  cruelty,  he  caused  them  all  to  be  put  to  death;  which 
base  action  involved  him  in  new  difficulties,  but  the  wisdom  of  Polycrates 
extricated  him  out  of  all. 

Agisipolis,  who,  on  the  death  of  Cleomenes,  had  been  in  his  infancy  declared 
king  of  Lacedemon,  being  slain  by  pirates  in  a  voyage  which  he  was  making 
to  Rome,  Archbishop  Usher  thinks  that  Areus,^  a  noble  Lacedemonian,  much 
spoken  of  in  those  times,  had  the  title  of  king  of  Lacedemon  after  him,  and  that 
from  him  was  sent  that  letter  to  Onias  the  high-priest  of  the  Jews,*  in  which  the 
Lacedemonians  claimed  kindred  with  the  Jews,  and  desired  friendship  with 
them  on  this  account.  Josephus,  indeed,  saith,'*  that  this  letter  was  written  to 
Onias  the  son  of  Simon,  who  was  the  third  of  that  name  that  was  high-priest 
at  Jerusalem;  but  it  is  hard  in  his  time  to  find  an  Areus  king  of  Lacedemon. 
For  Archbishop  Usher's  conjecture  wiU  not  do;  that  Areus,  on  whom  he  would 
fix  the  title  of  king  of  Lacedemon,  for  the  fathering  of  this  letter  to  Onias,  is 
no  where  said  to  be  so,  neither  is  it  any  way  likely  that  he  ever  had  that  title; 
for  before  his  time  both  the  royal  families  of  the  kings  of  Lacedemon  had  failed 
and  become  extinct;  and  the  government  there,  which  had  for  some  time 
before  been  invaded  by  tyrants,  was  then  turned  into  another  form.  And  be- 
sides Jonathan  in  his  letter  to  the  Lacedemonians  (1  Maccab.  xii.  10,)  wherein 
he  makes  mention  of  this  letter  of  Areus,  saith,  that  "there  was  a  long  time 
passed  since  it  had  been  sent  unto  them,"  which  could  not  have  been  said  by 
Jonathan  in  respect  of  the  time  in  which  Onias  the  third  was  high-priest;  since, 
from  the  death  of  that  Onias,  to  the  time  that  Jonathan  was  made  prince  of  the 
Jews,  there  had  passed  no  more  than  twelve  years.  It  is  most  likely  Josephus 
mistook  the  Onias  to  whom  this  letter  was  directed,  and  ascribed  that  to  Onias 
the  Third,  which  was  done  only  in  the  time  of  Onias  the  First.  For,  while 
Onias,"  the  first  of  that  name,  the  son  of  Jaddua,  was  high-priest  of  the  Jews, 
there  was  an  Areus  king  of  Lacedemon,  and  from  him  most  likely  it  was  that 
this  letter  was  written.  But  the  greatest  difficulty  as  to  this  letter  is  to  know 
on  what  foundation  the  Lacedemonians  claimed  kindred  with  the  Jews.  Areus 
saith  in  his  letter,  that  "  it  was  found  in  a  certain  writing,  that  the  Lacedemo- 
nians and  the  Jews  were  brethren,  and  that  they  were  both  of  the  stock  of 
Abraham."  But  what  this  writing  was,  or  how  this  pedigree  mentioned  in  it 
was  to  be  made  out,  is  not  said.  No  doubt  it  was  from  some  old  fabulous  story 
now  lost;  learned  men  have  been  offering  several  conjectures  for  the  making 
out  of  this  matter,  but  all  so  lame  as  not  to  be  worth  relating. 

1  Diodor.  Sic.  in  Excerptis  Valesii,  p.  294.  2  Polybius  in  Excerptis  Valesii,  p.  113. 

3  Annates  Veteris  Testamenti,  sub  anno  J.  P.  4531.  4  1  Maccab.  xii.     Joseph,  lib.  12.  c.  5. 

5  Lib.  12.  c.  4. 

6  Vide  Scaligeri  Animadversiones  in  Eusebii  Chronicon,  p.  139.  et  Canonum  Isagog.  lib.  3.  p.  340. 


104  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

An.  180.  Piol.  Philometm-  1.] — Ptolemy  having  suppressed  his  rebellious  sub- 
jects at  home,  projected  a  war  abroad  against  Seleucus  king  of  Syria.  But,  as 
he  was  laying  his  designs  for  it,*  one  of  his  chief  commanders  asked  him, 
Where  he  would  have  money  to  carry  it  on?  To  this  he  answered,  That  his 
friends  were  his  money;  from  whence  many  of  the  chief  men  about  him  infer- 
ring, that  he  intended  to  take  their  money  from  them  for  carrying  on  of  this  war: 
for  the  preventing  of  it,  procured  poison  to  be  given  him,  which  did  put  an  end 
to  this  project  and  his  life  together,  after  he  had  reigned  twenty-four  yeai's,  and 
lived  twenty-nine.  Ptolemy  Philometor  his  son,  an  infant  of  six  years  old,  suc- 
ceeded him  in  the  kingdom,  under  the  guardianship   of  Cleopatra  his  mother. 

An.  177.  Ptol.  Philometor  4.] — Perseus,  having  succeeded  his  father  Philip 
in  the  kingdom  of  Macedon,^  married  Laodice  the  daughter  of  Seleucus  king  of 
Syria;  and  the  Rhodians,  with  their  whole  fleet,  conducted  her  from  Syria  into 
Macedon.  In  their  way  thither  they  stopped  at  Delus,  an  island  in  the  ^Egean 
Sea  sacred  to  Apollo,  where  he  had  a  temple  erected  to  him,  which,  next  that 
at  Delphos,  was  reckoned  to  be  of  the  greatest  note  in  all  Greece.  While  the 
fleet  lay  there,  Laodice  having  made  many  offerings  to  the  temple,  and  given 
many  gifts  to  the  people  of  the  place,  they,  in  acknowledgement  hereof,  there 
erected  a  statue  to  her,  on  the  pedestal  whereof  was  engraven  this  inscription, 

/Ss.oii  T>,,-  TT'.^i  TO  .ipai-  itxi  -uvo.:;,-  5r(j=;  Tou  Ai)/«oi/  Tlov  A^,^ilul'.•^■,  e.  "  The  people  of  Delus  erected 
this  for  Queen  Laodice,  the  daughter  of  King  Seleucus,  and  the  wife  of  King 
Perseus,  because  of  her  virtue,  and  of  her  piety  to  the  temple,  and  her  benefi- 
cence to  the  people  of  Delus."  The  marble  whereon  this  inscription  was  en- 
graven is  still  extant  among  the  Arundel  marbles  at  Oxford,  from  whence  it 
was  published  by  me  among  the  Marmora  Oxoniensia,  No.  142,  p.  276. 

An.  176.  Ptol.  Philometor  5.] — Simon,  a  Benjamite,  being  made  governor  or 
protector  of  the  temple  at  Jerusalem^  (which  office  he  seems  to  have  had  from 
the  death  of  Joseph,  and  was  most  probably  one  of  his  sons,)^  differences  arose 
between  him  and  Onias  the  high-priest;  and  when  he  found  that  he  could  not 
prevail  against  Onias,  he,  with  the  rest  of  the  sons  of  Tobias,  fled  from  Jerusa- 
lem, and  went  to  ApoUonius,  who  was  governor  of  Coele-Syria  and  Palestine 
for  Seleucus  king  of  Syria,  and  told  him  of  great  treasures  which,  he  said,  were 
laid  up  in  the  temple  at  Jerusalem;  whereon  ApoUonius  informing  the  king, 
Heliodorus  his  treasurer  was  sent  to  make  seizure  of  it,  and  bring  it  to  Antioch. 
How  the  hand  of  God  appeared  in  a  very  miraculous  manner  against  Heliodo- 
rus in  this  sacrilegious  attempt,  is  at  large  related  in  the  third  chapter  of  the 
second  book  of  Maccabees.  However,  Simon^  still  carrying  on  his  malice 
against  Onias,  and  murders  having  been  thereon  committed  by  those  of  his  fac- 
tion, and  ApoUonius  encouraging  him  herein,  Onias  went  to  Antioch  to  make 
complaint  to  the  king  of  these  violences;  but  he  had  not  been  there  long  ere 
the  king  died. 

It  hath  been  above  related,  that  when  Antiochus  the  Great,  the  father  of  Se- 
leucus, made  peace  with  the  Romans  after  the  battle  of  Mount  Sipylus,  among 
other  hostages  which  were  then  given  for  the  observance  of  that  peace,  one 
was  Antiochus  the  king's  son,  and  younger  brother  to  Seleucus.  He  having^ 
been  now  thirteen  years  at  Rome,^  Seleucus  had  a  desire  to  have  him  home; 
and  therefore,  for  the  redeeming  of  him,  he  sent  Demetrius,  his  only  son,  then 
about  twelve  years  old,  to  be  there  in  his  stead  by  way  of  exchange  for  him. 
Whether  he  did  this,  as  some  moderns  think, ^  that  his  son  might  have  the  bene- 
fit of  a  Roman  education,  or  that  he  might  make  use  of  Antiochus  for  the  exe- 
cuting of  some  designs  he  might  then  have  upon  E^ypt,  during  the  minority  of 
Philometor,  as  is  conjectured  by  others,®  or  for  some  other  reason  different  from 

1  Hifironymusin  cap.  xi.  Danielis.  2  Polyb.  Legal.  60.  p.  882.    Livius,  lib.  42. 

3  2  Maccab.  iii.  4.  4  Vide  Grotium  in  Annotationibus  ad  tertium,  cap.  2.    Libri  Maccab.  ver.  4. 

5  2  Maccab.  iv.  6  Appian.  in  Syriacis.  7  Salianus  sub  Anno  Mundi3878. 

8  Vaillant  in  Hist.  Regum  Syrise. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  105 

both,  is  not  said  in  any  authentic  history  of  those  times.  While  both  the  next 
heirs  of  the  crown  were  thus  absent  (Demetrius  being  gone  for  Rome,  and  An- 
tiochus  not  yet  returned  from  thence,)  Heliodorus  the  king's  treasurer,  the  same 
tliat  had  been  sent  to  rob  the  temple  at  Jerusalem,  thinking  this  a  fit  opportu- 
nity for  him  to  usurp  the  crown,  were  Seleucus  out  of  the  way,'  caused  poison 
to  be  treacherously  given  him,  of  which  he  died. 

It  appears  from  the  third  and  fourth  chapters  of  the  second  book  of  Macca- 
bees, and  also  from  Josephus,'  that  Seleucus  had  been  in  possession  of  Ccele- 
Syria,  Phoenicia,  and  Judea,  some  time  before  his  death.  For  ApoUonius  was 
governor  of  those  provinces  for  him,  and  Heliodorus  was  sent  to  Jerusalem  by 
his  commission,  when  he  would  have  there  seized  the  treasure  of  the  temple  for 
his  use;  and  Onias,  when  oppressed  by  Simon  the  Benjamite  and  his  faction, 
applied  himself  to  Seleucus  king  of  Syria,  and  not  to  Ptolemy  king  of  Egypt, 
for  redress  of  his  grievances:  all  which  plainly  proves,  that  Seleucus  was  then 
in  possession  of  the  sovereignty  of  those  provinces;  but  how  he  came  by  it  is 
no  Avhere  said  in  history.  After  the  battle  of  Paneas  it  is  certain  Antiochus  the 
Great  made  himself  master  of  aU  Ccele-Syria  and  Palestine,  and  utterly  ex- 
cluded Ptolemy  from  the  sovereignty,  Avhich  till  then  the  Egyptian  kings  had 
in  those  provinces.  But,  w^hen  the  same  Antiochus  married  his  daughter  Cleo- 
patra to  Ptolemy  Epiphanes,  he  agreed  to  restore  them  to  him  by  w^ay  of  dower 
with  her,  reserving  to  himself  one-half  of  the  revenues  of  those  provinces. 
And,  if  they  were  then  i*estored  to  Ptolemy,  the  question  ariseth  herefrom. 
How  then  came  Seleucus  to  be  possessed  of  them?  By  what  we  find  in  Poly- 
bius,^  it  may  be  inferred,  that  this  agreement  w^as  never  faithfully  executed 
.either  by  Antiochus  or  by  Seleucus  his  son:  but  that  both  of  them  held  these 
provinces,  notwithstanding  that  article  of  the  marriage,  whereby  it  was  agreed 
to  surrender  them  to  the  Egyptian  king.  For  that  author  tells  us,'  That,  from 
the  time  of  the  battle  of  Paneas,  where  Antiochus  vanquished  Scopas  and  the 
Egyptian  army,  all  parts  of  the  above  mentioned  provinces  were  subject  to  the 
king  of  Syria.  And  he  also  tells  us.  That  Antiochus  Epiphanes  (who  succeeded 
Seleucus,)  in  an  answer  which  he  gave  to  the  ambassadors  that  came  to  him 
from  Greece  to  compose  the  differences  that  were  between  him  and  King  Pto- 
lemy Philometor,''  denied  that  Antiochus  his  father  ever  agreed  to  surrender 
Ccele-Syria  to  Ptolemy  Epiphanes  on  his  marrying  of  his  daughter  to  him: 
which  may  seem  to  infer,  that  Ccele-Syria  and  Palestine,  notwithstanding  the 
said  agreement,  were  still  retained  in  the  possession  of  the  Syrian  kings.  But 
what  Josephus*  saith  of  Hyrcanus's  journey,  to  congratulate  King  Ptolemy  Epi- 
phanes, and  Cleopatra  his  queen,  on  the  birth  of  Philometor  their  son,  and  the 
flocking  of  the  nobles  of  Ccele-Syria  thither  on  the  same  account,  is  a  clear 
proof  of  the  contrary;  that  is,  that  Ccele-Syria  and  Palestine  were  then  in  the 
possession  of  the  Egyptian  king,  by  what  means  soever  it  afterw^ard  became 
that  he  was  put  out  of  it.  It  is  most  likely,  that  Seleucus,  having  just  cause  of 
war  given  him  by  the  preparations  that  Ptolemy  Epiphanes  w^as  making  against 
him  at  the  time  of  his  death,  took  the  advantage  of  the  minority  of  Philometor 
his  son,^  to  prosecute  this  war  against  him  which  his  father  had  begun,  and 
therein  seized  these  provinces;  for  it  is  certain,  both  from  the  Maccabees  and 
from  Josephus,  that  Seleucus  was  in  possession  of  them  at  the  time  of  his  death. 
The  whole  of  this  king's  reign  is  expressed  in  Daniel  xi.  20.  For  in  that 
text  it  is  foretold,  that  after  Antiochus  the  Great,  who  is  spoken  of  in  the  fore- 
going verses,  "  there  should  stand  up  in  his  estate  a  raiser  of  taxes."  And  Se- 
leucus was  no  more  than  such  all  his  time,  for  the  whole  business  of  his  reign 
was  to  raise  the  thousand  talents  every  year;  which,  by  the  treaty  of  peace 
that  his  father  made  with  the  Romans,  he  was  obliged,  for  twelve  years  toge- 
ther, annually  to  pay  that  people;  and  the  last  of  those  years  was  the  last  of 
his  life.     For,  as  the  text  saith.  That  "within  a  few  years  after  he  should  be 

I  Appian.  in  Syriacis.  2  In  Libro  de  Maccab.  c.  4.  3  Legal.  72.  p.  8.<)3.  4  Polyb.  Legal.  82.  p.90a. 
5  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  4.  6  He  was  bul  six  rears  old  at  Ihe  time  of  his  falher'i  deatlu 

Vol.  II.— 14 


106  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

destroyed,'  and  that  neither  in  anger,  nor  in  battle;"  so  accordingly  it  happened. 
For  he  reigned  only  eleven  years,  and  his  death  was  neither  in  battle  nor  in 
anger;  that  is,  neither  in  war  abroad,  nor  in  sedition  or  rebellion  at  home,  but 
by  the  secret  treachery  of  one  of  his  own  friends.  His  successor  was  Antio- 
chus  Epiphanes  his  brother,  of  whom  we  shall  treat  in  the  next  book. 


BOOK  III. 

An.  175.  PtoL  Philometor  6.] — On  the  death  of  Seleucus  Philopator,  Helio- 
dorus,*  who  had  been  the  treacherous  author  of  his  death,  endeavoured  to  seize 
the  crown  of  Syria.  Antiochus,  the  brother  of  Seleucus,  was  then  on  his  re- 
turn from  Rome.  While  at  Athens  in  his  journey,''  he  there  heard  of  the  death 
of  his  brother,  and  the  attempt  of  Heliodorus  to  usurp  the  throne;  and  finding 
that  the  usurper  had  a  great  party  with  him  to  support  him  in  his  pretensions, 
and  that  there  was  another  party  also  forming  for  Ptolemy,"  (who  made  some 
claim  to  the  succession  in  right  of  his  mother,  she  being  sister  to  the  deceased 
king,)  and  that  both  of  them  were  agreed*  "  not  to  give  unto  him  (though  the 
next  heir  in  the  absence  of  Demetrius)  the  honour  of  the  kingdom,"  as  the 
holy  prophet  Daniel  foretold,*  he  applied  himself  to  Eumenes,"  king  of  Perga- 
mus,  and  Attalus  his  brother,  and  "by  flattering  speeches,"^  and  great  pro- 
mises of  friendship,  prevailed  with  them  to  help  him  against  Heliodorus.  And 
by  their  means  that  usui-per  being  suppressed,*  he  was  quietly  placed  on  the 
throne,  and  all  submitted  to  him,  and  permitted  him,  without  any  further  oppo- 
sition, peaceably  to  obtain  the  kingdom,  as  had  been  predicted  of  him  in  the 
same  prophecy.  Eumenes  and  Attalus,  at  this  time  having  some  suspicions  of 
the  Romans,  were  desirous  of  having  the  king  of  Syria  on  their  side,  in  case  a 
war  should  break  out  between  them,  and  Antiochus's  promises  to  stick  by  them, 
whenever  such  a  war  should  happen,  were  the  inducements  that  prevailed  with 
them  to  do  him  this  kindness. 

On  his  being  thus  settled  on  the  throne,  he  took  the  name  of  Epiphanes,'' 
that  is.  The  Illustrious;  but  nothing  could  be  more  alien  to  his  true  character 
than  this  title.  The  prophet  Daniel  foretold  of  him  that  he  should  be  "  a  vile 
person,"'"  so  our  English  version  hath  it;  but  the  word  nibzeh  in  the  original 
rather  signifieth  despicable  than  vile.  He  was  truly  both  in  all  that  both  these 
words  can  express,  which  will  fully  appear  from  the  character  given  of  him  by 
Polybius,"  Philarchus,'-  Livy,'^  and  Diodorus  Siculus,'"  who  were  all  heathen 
writers,  and  the  two  first  of  them  his  contemporaries.  For  they  tell  us,  that  he 
would  get  often  out  of  the  palace  and  ramble  about  the  streets  of  Antioch,  with 
two  or  three  servants  only  accompanying  him;  that  he  would  be  often  conver- 
sing with  those  that  graved  in  silver,  and  cast  vessels  of  gold,  and  be  frequently 
found  with  them  in  their  shops,  talking  and  nicely  arguing  with  them  about  the 
mysteries  of  their  trades;  that  he  would  very  commonly  debase  himself  to  the 
meanest  company,  and  on  his  going  abroad  would  join  in  with  such  as  he  hap- 
pened to  find  them  met  together,  although  of  the  lowest  of  the  people,  and 
enter  into  discourse  with  any  one  of  them  whom  he  should  first  light  on;  that 
he  would,  in  his  rambles,  frequently  drink  with  strangers  and  foreigners,  and 
even  with  the  meanest  and  vilest  of  them;  that,  when  he  heard  of  any  young 
company  met  together  to  feast,  drink,  or  any  otherwise  to  make  merry  together, 
he  would,  without  giving  any  notice  of  his  own  coming,  intrude  himself  among 

1  The  Hebrew  word  yamim,  which  in  the  English  Bible  is  rendered  days,  signifieth  also  years,  and  is  put 
as  often  for  the  one  as  the  other. 

2  Appian.  in  Syriacis.  3  Ibid.  4  Hieronymus  in  Dan.  xi.  21.  5  Dan.  si.  21. 
6  Appian.  in  Syriacis.                  7  Dan.  xi.  fil.        8  Appian.  ibid. 

9  Appian.  in  Syriacis.     Eusebius  in  Chronicon.    Athenasus,  lib.  5.  p.  193.  10  Dan.  xi.  21. 

11  Apud  Athenffium,  lib.  .5.  p.  193.  12  Ibid.  lib.  10.  p.  438.  13  Lib.  41. 

14  la  Excerptis  Valssii,  p.  304. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  l07 

ihem,  and  revel  away  the  time  with  them  in  their  cups  and  songs,  and  other 
frolics,  without  any  regard  had  to  common  decency,  or  his  own  royal  character; 
so  that  several,  being  surprised  with  the  strangeness  of  the  thing,  would,  on  his 
coming,  get  up  and  run  away  out  of  the  company.  And  he  would  sometimes, 
as  the  freak  took  him,  lay  aside  his  royal  habit,  and  putting  on  a  Roman  gown, 
go  round  the  city,  as  he  had  seen  done  in  the  election  of  magistrates  at  Rome, 
and  ask  the  votes  of  the  citizens,  in  the  same  manner  as  used  to  be  there  prac- 
tised, now  taking  one  man  by  the  hand,  and  then  embracing  another,  and  would 
thus  set  himself  up,  sometimes  for  the  office  of  sedile,  and  sometimes  for  that 
of  tribune;  and,  having  been  thus  voted  into  the  office  he  sued  for,  he  would 
take  the  curule  chair,  and  sitting  down  in  it,  hear  petty  causes  of  contracts, 
bargains,  and  sales,  made  in  the  market,  and  give  judgment  in  them  with  that 
serious  attention  and  earnestness,  as  if  they  had  been  matters  of  the  highest 
concern  and  importance.  It  is  said  also  of  him,  that  he  was  much  given  to 
drunkenness;'  and  that  he  spent  a  great  part  of  his  revenues  in  revelling  and 
drunken  carousals;  and  would  often  go  out  into  the  streets  while  in  these  frolics, 
and  there  scatter  his  money  by  handfuls  among  the  rabble,  crying  out.  Let  him 
take  to  whom  fortune  gives  it.  Sometimes  he  would  go  abroad  with  a  crown 
of  roses  upon  his  head,  and  wearing  a  Roman  gown,  would  walk  the  streets 
alone,  and  carrying  stones  under  his  arms,  would  throw  them  at  those  who  fol- 
lowed after  him.  And  he  would  often  wash  himself  in  the  public  baths  among 
the  common  people,  and  there  expose  himself  by  many  absurd  and  ridiculous 
actions.  Which  odd  and  extravagant  sort  of  conduct  made  many  doubt  how 
the  matter  stood  with  him;  some  thinking  him  a  fool,  and  some  a  madman;'* 
the  latter  of  these,  most  thought  to  be  his  truest  character;  and  therefore,  instead 
of  Epiphanes,  or  the  Illustrious,  they  called  him  Epimanes,^  that  is,  the  Mad- 
man. Jerome*  tells  us  also  of  him.  that  he  was  exceedingly  given  to  lascivi- 
ousness,  and  often  by  the  vilest  acts  of  it  debased  the  honour  of  his  royal  dio"- 
nity;  that  he  was  frequently  found  in  the  company  of  mimics,  pathics,  and 
common  prostitutes,  and  that  with  the  latter  he  would  commit  acts  of  lascivi- 
ousness,  and  gratify  his  lust  on  them  publicly  in  the  sight  of  the  people.  And 
it  is  further  related  of  him,  that  having  for  his  catamites  two  vile  persons,  called 
Timarchus  and  Heraclides,*  who  were  brothers,  he  made  the  first  of  them  go- 
vernor of  Babylonia,  and  the  other  his  treasurer  in  that  province,  and  gave  him- 
self up  to  be  governed  and  conducted  by  them  in  most  that  he  did.  And  hav- 
ing, on  a  very  whimsical  occasion,"  exhibited  games  and  shows  at  Daphne,  near 
Antioch,  with  vast  expense,  and  called  thither  a  great  multitude  of  people  from 
foreign  parts,  as  well  as  from  his  own  dominions,  to  be  present  at  the  solemnity; 
he  there  behaved  himself  to  that  degree  of  folly  and  absurdity,  as  to  become 
the  ridicule  and  scorn  of  all  that  were  present:  which  actions  of  his  are  suffi- 
ciently abundant  to  demonstrate  him  both  despicable  and  vile,  though  he  had 
not  added  to  them  that  most  unreasonable  and  wicked  persecution  of  God's 
people  in  Judea  and  Jerusalem;  which  will  be  hereafter  related. 

As  soon  as  Antiochus  was  settled  in  the  kingdom,  Jason,  the  brother  of  Onias, 
being  ambitious  of  the  high-priesthood,  by  underhand  means  applied  to  him 
for  it;'  and,  by  an  offer  of  three  hundred  and  sixty  talents,  besides  eighty  more 
which  he  promised  on  another  account,  obtained  of  him,  that  Onias  was  dis- 
placed from  the  office,  and  he  advanced  to  it  in  his  stead.  And  at  the  same 
time  procured,  that  Onias  was  called  to  Antioch,  and  confined  to  dwell  there.- 
For  Onias,  by  reason  of  his  signal  piety  and  righteousness,*  being  of  great  esteem 
among  the  people  throughout  all  Judea  and  Jerusalem,  the  intruder  justly  feared, 
that  he  should  have  but  little  authority  in  his  newly-acquired  office,  as  long  as 

1  AthencBus,  lib.  10.  p.  4158.  2  Diodor.  Sic.  in  E.vcerptjs  Valesii,  p.  306.     Athenaeiis,  lib.  5.  p.  193. 

3  Athenaeiis,  lib.  5.  p.  19.3.  4  In  Comment,  ad  Dan.  xl.  37. 

5  They  are  taken  to  be  the  same,  who,  in  Athensus,  p.  438,  are  called  Aristus  and  Themison;  though  thai 
Sauthor  there  seems  to  speak  of  Antiochus  Magnus,  and  not  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes. 

6  Polyb.  apud  Athenseum,  lib.  5.  p.  194.  et  lib.  10.  p.  439.    Diod.  Sicalas  in  Excerptis  Valesii,  p.  320. 
?  2  Maccab.  iv.  7.    Joseph,  de  Maocab.  c.  4.  8  2  Maccab.  iii.  1,  iv.  37, 


108  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

this  good  man,  from  whom  he  usurped  it,  should  continue  at  Jerusalem:  and 
therefore  he  procured  from  the  king  an  order  for  his  removal  from  thence  to 
Antioch,  and  his  confinement  to  that  place;  where  he  accordingly  continued 
till  he  was  there  put  to  death, •  as  will  be  hereafter  shown  in  its  proper  place. 
Antiochus  coming  poor  to  the  crown,  and  finding  the  public  treasury  empty,  by 
reason  of  the  heavy  tribute  paid  the  Romans  for  the  twelve  years  last  foregoing, 
was  greedy  of  the  money  which  Jason  offered;  and  therefore,  for  the  obtaining 
of  it,  readily  granted  what  he  desired  of  him,  and  Avould  have  been  glad  to 
have  granted  more  on  the  same  terms;  which  Jason  perceiving,  proposed  to 
advance  a  hundred  and  fifty  talents  over  and  above  what  he  had  already  offered,* 
if  he  might  have  license  to  erect  at  Jerusalem  a  gymnasium,  or  a  place  of  ex- 
ercise, and  an  ephebeum,  or  a  place  for  the  training  up  of  youth,  according  to 
the  usage  and  fashion  of  the  Greeks;  and  moreover  have  authority  of  making 
as  many  of  the  inhabitants  of  Jerusalem  freemen  of  Antioch  as  he  should  think 
fit:  which  proposal  being  as  readily  accepted  of  as  the  former,  all  this  was  also 
granted  him;  and,  by  these  means,  he  doubted  not  he  should  be  able  to  make 
a  party  among  the  Jews,  to  overbear  all  that  might  stand  for  Onias;  and  accord- 
ingly, on  his  return  to  Jerusalem  with  these  grants  and  commissions,  he  had  all 
the  success  herein  which  he  proposed.  For  at  this  time,  there  were  many 
among  the  Jews  fondly  inchned  to  the  ways  of  the  Greeks,  whom  he  gratified, 
by  erecting  his  gymnasium  for  them  to  exercise  in;  and  the  freedom  of  the  city 
of  Antioch  being  a  privilege  of  great  value,  while  the  Syrlo-Macedonian  king 
flourished  there,  by  his  power  of  granting  that  freedom  he  drew  over  many 
more  to  his  bent;  so  that  putting  down  the  governments  that  were  according  to 
law,^  he  brought  up  new  customs  against  the  law,  drawing  the  chief  young 
men  of  the  Jewish  nation  into  his  ephebeum,  and  there  training  them  up  after 
the  manner  of  the  Greeks;  and  in  all  things  else,  he  made  as  many  of  them  as 
he  could  apostatize  from  the  religion  and  usages  of  their  forefathers,  and  con- 
form themselves  to  the  manners,  customs,  and  rites,  of  the  heathens;  whereon 
the  service  of  the  altar  became  neglected,  and  the  priests,  despising  the  temple, 
omitted  there  the  public  worship  of  God,  and  hastened  to  partake  of  the  games 
and  divertisements  of  the  gymnasium,  and  all  other  the  unlawful  allowances  of 
that  place:  whereby  it  came  to  pass,  that  all  those  privileges  which,  at  the  soli- 
citation of  John,  the  father  of  Eupolemus,  were  by  special  favour  obtained  of 
King  Seleucus  Philopater,  for  the  securing  of  the  observance  of  the  Jewish  law 
in  Judah  and  Jerusalem,  were  all  overborne  and  taken  away.  And  from  hence 
was  propagated  that  iniquity  among  the  Jews,  which  drew  after  it,  for  its  pun- 
isliment,  one  of  the  greatest  calamities,  next  the  two  terrible  destructions  ex- 
ecuted upon  their  temple  and  country  by  Nebuchadnezzar  and  Titus,  that  ever 
befel  that  nation.  Of  all  which  mischief,  the  ambition  of  this  wicked  man  was 
the  original  cause;  for,  sacrificing  to  his  religion  and  his  country,  he  betrayed 
both  to  procure  his  own  advancement.  And,  to  render  himself  the  more  ac- 
ceptable to  those  from  whom  he  obtained  it,  he  changed  not  only  his  religion, 
but  also  his  name.  For  his  name  was  at  first  Jesus;*  but,  when  he  went  over 
the  ways  of  the  Greeks,  he  took  also  a  Greek  name,  and  called  himself  Jason; 
and  having  thus  given  himself  up  to  the  heathen  superstition,  he  laid  hold  of 
all  opportunities  to  distinguish  himself  in  expressing  his  zeal  for  it. 

An.  174.  Ptol.  Pkilometor  7.] — And  therefore,^  the  next  year  being  the  time 
of  the  quinquennial  games, "^  that  Avere  celebrated  at  Tyre,  in  honour  of  Her- 
cules, the  patron  god  of  that  country,  and  Antiochus  being  present  at  them,  he 
sent  several  Jews  of  his  party,  whom  he  had  enfranchised,  and  made  freemen 
of  Antioch,  to  be  spectators  of  those  games, ^  and  to  offer  from  him  a  donative 

1  2  Maccah.  iv.  33, 34.  2  2  Maccab.  i v.  8, 9. 

3  Ibid.  iv.  10—12,  &;c.  4  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  6.  5  2  Maccab.  iv.  18, 19. 

6  These  qtiinqucniiial  g.imes  »t  Tyre  were  in  imitation  of  the  ((uinqiiennlal  games  in  Greece,  called  the 
Olympics.  They  are  called  quinquerinial,  because  they  were  celebrated  in  the  beginning  of  the  fifth  year, 
though  from  one  Olvnipic  to  another  no  more  than  four  yeara  intervened. 

7  The  original  calls  them  m;  .pous;  which  word  among  the  Greeks  signified  such  as  were  sent  from  one  city 
to  aiiolhKr  in  the  name  of  thecominunity,  to  be  present  at  their  sacred  solemnities,  and  bear  a  part  in  thert. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  109 

of  three  thousand  three  hundred  drachms,'  to  be  expended  in  sacrifices  to  that 
heathen  deity.  But  the  bearers,  being  afraid  of  involving  themselves  in  the 
guilt  of  this  idolatry,  gave  the  money  to  the  Tyrians  to  be  employed  in  the  re- 
pairing of  their  fleet;  and  so  the  apostate  was  defeated  of  what  he  intended  by 
this  impious  gift. 

An.  173.  PtoL  Philometor  8.] — In  Egypt,  from  the  death  of  Ptolemy  Epi- 
phanes,^  Cleopatra  his  queen,  sister  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  had  taken  on  her 
the  government  of  the  kingdom,  and  the  tuition  of  her  infant  son,  who  had 
succeeded  him  in  it,  and  managed  it  with  great  care  and  prudence;  but  she 
dying  this  year,  the  management  of  aflairs  there  fell  into  the  hands  of  Lennceus, 
a  nobleman  of  that  court,  and  Eulseus,  a  eunuch,  who  had  the  breeding  up  of 
the  young  king.  As  soon  as  they  had  entered  on  the  administration,  they  made 
demand  of  Coele-Syria  and  Palestine  from  Antiochus  Epiphanes,^  which  gave 
origin  to  the  war  that  afterward  ensued  between  Antiochus  and  Philometor. 
As  long  as  Cleopatra  lived,  she,  being  mother  to  the  one,  and  sister  to  the  other, 
kept  this  matter  from  making  a  breach  between  them.  But,  after  her  death, 
those  into  M'hose  hands  the  government  next  fell,  made  no  longer  scruple  to 
demand  of  Antiochus,  in  behalf  of  their  master,  what  they  thought  his  due. 
And,  it  must  be  owned,  that  those  provinces  were  always  in  the  possession  of 
the  kings  of  Egypt,  from  the  time  of  the  first  Ptolemy,  till  Antiochus  the  Great 
wrested  them  out  of  the  hands  of  Ptolemy  Epiphanes;  and  by  this  title  only 
Seleucus  his  son  came  to  be  in  full  possession  of  them,  and,  on  his  death,  was 
succeeded  in  the  same  by  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  his  brother.  The  Egyptians, 
in  defence  of  their  claim,  argued  that,''  in  the  last  partition  of  the  empire  of 
Alexander,  made  after  the  battle  of  Ipsus,  among  those  four  of  his  successors 
who  then  survived,  these  provinces  were  assigned  to  Ptolemy  Soter;  that  he 
and  the  succeeding  kings  of  his  race  had  held  them  ever  after,  till  Antiochus 
the  Great  wrested  them  out  of  the  hands  of  Ptolemy  Epiphanes  after  the  battle 
-of  Paneas:  and  that  the  same  Antiochus  had  agreed  on  the  marrying  of  his 
daughter  to  the  same  King  Ptolemy,  and  made  it  the  main  article  of  that  mar- 
riage, again  to  restore  to  him  these  provinces,  by  way  of  dower  with  her.  But 
Antiochus  denied  both  these  allegations,*  pleading,  in  answer  to  them,  that  by 
virtue  of  the  last  partition  of  the  empire  of  Alexander  above  mentioned,  aU 
Syria,  including  Ccele- Syria  and  Palestine,  was  assigned  to  Seleucus  Nicator, 
and  therefore  it  belonged  to  him  as  his  rightful  heir  in  the  Syrian  empire.  And 
as  to  the  article  of  marriage,  whereby  a  restoration  of  those  provinces  to  King 
Ptolemy  was  claimed,  he  utterly  denied  that  there  was  any  such  thing.  And 
having  thus  declared  on  both  sides  their  pretensions,  they  joined  issue  hereon, 
and  referred  it  to  the  swoi-d  to  decide  the  matter. 

Ptolemy  Philometor,  being  now  fourteen  years  old,  he  was  declared  to  be  out 
of  his  minority;  and  thereon^  great  preparations  were  made  at  Alexandria  for 

1  In  the  English  version  it  is  three  hundred  drachms;  and  so  it  is  also  in  the  common  printed  books  of  the 
Greek  original;  but  in  the  Arundel  manuscript,  it  is  Tpiirx'>."ai  Tpixxo5>»,-,  %.  e.  "three  thousand  three  hun- 
dred," which  is  the  truer  reading.  For  three  hundred  drachms,  at  the  highest  valuation,  making  no  more 
than  seventy-five  Jewish  shekels,  that  is,  of  our  money,  eleven  pounds  five  shillings,  it  was  too  little  to  be 
sent  on  such  an  occasion  (vide  Annates  Usscrii  sub  Anno  Mundi  ,3830.)  But  it  is  to  be  here  observed,  that 
the  Tyritin  god,  to  whom  tliis  oblation  was  sent,  is.  in  the  place  of  the  second  book  of  Maccabees  here  cited 
called  Hercul(!s,  according  to  the  style  of  the  Greeks.  Among  the  Tyrians  themselves  this  name  was  not 
known.  There  his  name  was  Melrarthus;  which,  being  compounded  of  the  two  Phoenician  words  Melee  and 
Kartha,  did,  in  that  language,  signify  the  King  or  Lord  of  the  city.  The  Greeks,  from  some  .-similitude  which 
they  found  in  the  worship  of  lliis  god  at  Tyre,  with  that  wlierewith  they  worshipped  Hercules  in  Greece, 
rtiought  them  to  be  both  the  same;  aiul  therefore  called  thisTyrian  god  Herculus;  and  hence  came  the  name 
of  Hercules  Tyrius  among  them.  This  god  seems  to  be  the  same  with  the  Baal  of  the  holy  scriptures,  whose 
worship  Jezebel  hrousht  from  Tyre  into  the  land  of  Israel:  for  Baal,  with  the  addition  of  Kartim,  signifieth 
the  same  as  Melpc  with  the  same  addition.  For  as  the  latter  in  the  Phoenician  language  is  king  of  the  city, 
the  other,  in  the  same  language,  is  lord  of  the  city.  And  as  Baal  is  put  alone  to  signify  this  Tyrian  god  in 
fccripture,  so  do  Ave  find  Melee  also  put  alone  to  signify  the  same  god:  for  Hesychius  tells  us,  M>i\ix.x  tSi> 
'llpax^.'x  'AuxSouSici.t.  c.  "  Malic  is  the  name  of  Hercules  among  the  Amathusians.  And  these  Amathusi- 
ans  were  a  colony  of  the  Tyrians  in  Cyprus.  Vide  Sanchoniathonem  apud  Eusebium  de  Pra-p.  Evang.  lib.  1. 
Bocharti  Phaleg.  part  2.  lib.  1.  c.  34.  et  lib.  2.  c.  2.  Seldenum  de  Diis  Syris,  Syntag.  1.  c.  6.  et  Fulleri  Miscel- 
San.  lib.  3.  c.  17. 

•2  Hieronymus  in  Dan.  xi.  21.  3  Polybius  Legat.  82.  p.  908.  4  Ibid.  72.  p  893. 

■5  PolybiusetLegat.  82.  p.  908.  6  PolvbiuaI.egat.  78.  p.  902.    2Maccab.  iv.21. 


110  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

the  enthronization,'  as  was  usual  there  on  this  occasion.  Hereon  Antiochus,' 
sent  ApoUonius,  one  of  the  prime  nobles  of  his  court,  in  an  embassy  thither, 
to  be  present  at  the  solemnity,  and  to  congratulate  the  young  king  thereon. 
This  he  did  in  outward  pretence,  to  express  his  respects  to  his  nephew,  and 
show  him  honour  on  that  occasion;  but  in  reality  it  was  only  to  spy  out  how 
that  court  stood  affected  to  him,  and  what  measures  they  were  proposing  to  take 
in  reference  to  him,  and  the  contested  provinces  of  Ccele-Syria  and  Palestine; 
and,  on  the  return  of  this  ambassador  to  him,  finding  by  his  report  that  war  was 
intended  against  him,  he  came  by  sea  to  Joppa,^  to  take  a  view  of  the  frontiers 
toward  Egypt,  and  to  put  them  into  a  thorough  posture  of  defence  against  any 
attempts  which  the  Egyptians  might  make  upon  them:  and  in  this  progress  he 
came  to  Jerusalem,  Avhere  he  was  received  with  great  pomp  and  solemnity  by 
Jason  and  all  the  city,  and  treated  with  great  magnificence.  But  this  operated 
nothing  for  the  averting  of  that  great  mischief  and  calamity  which  he  afterward 
brought  upon  that  place,  and  the  whole  nation  of  the  Jews.  From  Jerusalem 
he  marched  into  Phoenicia;  and,  having  there  settled  all  matters,  he  returned 
again  to  Antioch. 

An.  172.  Ptol.  Pkilometor  9.] — The  next  year  Jason''  sent  Menelaus,  his  bro- 
ther, to  Antioch,  there  to  pay  the  king  his  tribute-m.oney,  and  also  to  treat  with 
him  about  other  matters  which  he  thought  necessary  to  be  done.  But  on  his 
admission  to  audience,  instead  of  pursuing  his  commission  in  behalf  of  his  bro- 
ther, he  treacherously  supplanted  him,  and  got  into  his  place.  For  having  first 
recommended  himself  to  the  favour  of  this  vain  prince  by  a  flattering  speech, 
wherein  he  greatly  magnified  the  glorious  appearance  of  his  power,  he  took 
the  opportunity  of  petitioning  him  for  the  high-priesthood  for  himself,  offering 
more  than  Jason  gave  for  it  by  three  hundred  talents.  Which  offer  being  readily 
accepted,  Jason  was  deposed,  after  he  had  been  as  high-priest  in  the  govern- 
ment of  that  nation  three  years,''  and  Menelaus  was  advanced  in  his  stead. 
This  Menelaus,  the  author  of  the  second  book  of  Maccabees  saith,*^  was  brother 
to  Simon  the  Benjamite,  who  was  of  the  house  of  Tobias,  but  this  could  not  be; 
for  none  but  such  as  were  of  the  house  of  Aaron  were  capable  of  this  office: 
and  therefore,  in  this  particular,  Josephus  is  rather  to  be  credited,^  who  posi- 
tively tells  us,  that  he  was  the  brother  of  Onias  and  Jason,  and  the  son  of  Si- 
mon, the  second  of  that  name,  high-priest  of  the  Jews,  and  that  he  was  the 
third  of  his  sons  that  had  been  in  that  office.  His  name  at  first  was  Onias,  the 
same  with  that  of  his  eldest  brother:  but,  running  as  fast  as  Jason  into  the  ways 
of  the  Greeks,  in  imitation  of  him,  he  took  a  Greek  name  also,  and  called  him- 
self Menelaus.  His  father  and  his  eldest  brother  Were  both  of  them  holy  and 
good  men:  but  he  chose  rather  to  imitate  the  example  of  wicked  Jason  than 
theirs;  for  he  followed  him  in  all  his  ways  of  fraud,*  wickedness,  and  apostacy, 
and  outdid  him  in  each  of  them.  Jason's  being  supplanted  by  him  in  the  same 
manner  as  he  supplanted  Onias,  was  a  just  retaliation  of  Providence;  but  Mene- 
laus was  a  much  more  wicked  instrument  therein  than  the  other,  since  he  prac- 
tised this  fraud  against  Jason  while  he  was  under  his  confidence,  and  had  on 
him  the  character  of  his  ambassador,  and  by  virtue  of  that  character  got  that 
access  to  the  king  whereby  he  effected  it.  As  soon  as  his  mandate  for  the  office 
was  despatched  at  the  Syrian  court,  Menelaus  went  with  it  to  Jerusalem;  and 
although,  on  his  coming,''  the  sons  of  Tobias,  who  then  made  a  very  potent  fac- 
tion in  the  Jewish  state,  joined  with  him,  yet  such  a  party  stood  for  Jason,  that 
Menelaus  was  forced,  with  his  friends  of  the  house  of  Tobias,  to  quit  the  place, 
and  return  again  to  Antioch;  where  they  having  declared  that  they  would  no 
longer  observe  their  country's  laws  and  institutions,  but  would  go  over  to  the 
religion  of  the  king,  and  the  worship  of  the  Greeks;  this  so  far  gained  them  the 

1  This  the  Alexandrian  Greeks  called  :^v•/K^>,T),pl:<,  or  "  the  solemnity  of  salvation;"  because  they  then "firet 
sainted  him  as  a  kine.  This  the  author  of  the  second  book  of  iMaccabees  calls  rrf,eT0-<\v,<7ix,  iv.  21:  for  so  it 
ought  to  be  read,  nccordinj,'  rn  the  Alexandrian  manuscript,  and  not  n-pj,To:«Xi<j-ix,  as  in  the  printed  books. 

2  2  Maccub.  iv.  21.        3  Ibid.         4  2  Maccab.  iv.  23—25.         5  Ibid.  6  Ibid.  7  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  6. 
8  2  Maccab.  iv.  5.    Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  6.                           9  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  6. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  Ill 

favour  of  Antiochus,  that  he  sent  them  back,  assisted  with  such  a  power  as  Ja- 
son could  not  resist;  and  therefore,  being  forced  to  leave  Jerusalem,'  he  fled 
into  the  land  of  the  Ammonites,  and  Menelaus  took  possession  of  his  office 
without  any  farther  opposition;  and  thereon  he  proceeded  to  make  good  all  that 
he  and  his  party  had  declared  at  Antioch,^  by  apostatizing  from  the  law  of  Mo- 
ses to  the  religion  of  the  Greeks,  and  all  other  their  rites  and  usages,  and  draw- 
ing as  many  others  after  him  into  the  same  impiety  as  he  was  able.  For  he  did 
not  desire  the  office  of  high-priest  at  Jerusalem  for  the  sake  of  the  Jewish  reli- 
gion, or  that  he  intended  to  practise  any  part  of  the  Jewish  worship  in  it.  That 
which  made  this  office  so  desirable  to  him  and  Jason,  and  induced  them  both 
to  give  so  much  money  for  it,  was  the  temporal  authority  that  went  with  the 
ecclesiastical.  For  at  that  time,  and  for  some  ages  past,  the  high-priest  of  the 
Jews  had,  first  under  the  Persian,  and  afterward  under  the  Macedonian  kings, 
the  sole  temporal  government  of  that  nation.  This  last  most  certainly  was  de- 
rived from  the  king,  and  this  gave  him  the  handle  to  dispose  of  both,  though  the 
priesthood  itself  was  derived  only  from  that  divine  authority  under  which  it 
acted.  And  the  case  is  the  same  in  respect  of  the  Christian  priesthood.  For 
to  instance  in  episcopacy,  the  first  order  of  it,  besides  the  ecclesiastical  office, 
which  is  derived  from  Christ  alone,  it  hath  in  Christian  states  annexed  to  it  (as 
with  us,)  the  temporal  benefice  (that  is,  the  revenues  of  the  bishopric,)  and 
some  branches  of  temporal  authority,  as  the  probate  of  wills,  causes  of  tithes, 
causes  of  defamation,  &c.;  all  which  latter  most  certainly  is  held  under 
the  temporal  state,  but  not  the  former.  Were  this  distinction  duly  considered, 
it  would  put  an  end  to  those  Erastian  notions  which  now  so  much  prevail 
among  us.  For  the  want  of  this  is  the  true  cause  that  many,  observing  some 
branches  of  the  episcopal  authority  to  be  from  the  state,  wrongfully  from  hence 
infer,  that  all  the  rest  is  so  too;  whereas,  would  they  duly  examine  the  matter, 
they  would  find,  that  besides  the  temporal  power  and  temporal  revenues  with 
which  bishops  are  invested,  there  is  also  an  ecclesiastical  or  spiritual  power, 
which  is  derived  from  none  other  than  Christ  alone.  And  the  same  distinction 
may  also  serve  to  quash  another  controversy,  which  was  much  agitated  among 
us  in  the  reign  of  his  late  majesty  King  William  III.  about  the  act  which  de- 
prived the  bishops  who  would  not  take  the  oaths  to  that  king.  For  the  contest 
then  was,  that  an  act  of  parliament  could  not  deprive  a  bishop.  This  we  ac- 
knowledged to  be  true  in  respect  of  the  spiritual  office,  but  not  in  respect  of  the 
benefice,  and  other  temporal  advantages  and  powers  annexed  thereto.  For 
these  every  bishop  receiveth  from  the  state,  and  the  state  can  again  deprive  any 
bishop  of  them  upon  a  just  cause:  and  this  was  all  that  was  done  by  the  said 
act.  For  the  bishops  that  were  then  deprived  by  it  had  still  their  episcopal 
office  left  entire  to  them,  they  being  as  much  bishops  of  the  church  universal 
after  their  deprivation  as  they  were  before. 

An.  171.  Vtol.  Philomeior  10.] — Menelaus,  after  he  had  got  into  the  high- 
priesthood,  by  outbidding  his  brother,^  took  no  care  to  pay  the  money;  where- 
on the  king  calling  upon  Sostratus,  the  captain  of  the  castle  at  Jerusalem  (who 
was  also  receiver  of  the  king's  revenues  in  Judea,)  and  he  upon  Menelaus  for 
the  money,  they  were  both  summoned  to  appear  before  the  king  at  Antioch,  to 
give  an  account  hereof;  but  on  their  arrival  there,  they  found  the  king  was 
gone  from  thence,  to  quell  an  insurrection  which  had  been  made  against  him 
at  Mallus  and  Tarsus,  two  cities  of  Cilicia.  For  the  revenues  of  these  cities  hav- 
ing been  assigned  to  Antiochis,  one  of  the  king's  concubines,  for  her  mainten- 
ance, the  inhabitants,  either  out  of  indignation  for  this  thing,  or  because  the 
concubine  exacted  upon  them,  rose  up  in  an  uproar,  and  Antiochus  was  then 
hastened  thither  to  appease  it,  leaving  Andronicus,  one  of  the  prime  nobles  of 
his  court,  to  govern  Antioch  during  his  absence.  Menelaus,  taking  the  advan- 
tage of  the  time  thus  gained  by  the  absence  of  the  king,  made  the  best  use  of 
it  he  could  to  raise  the  money  he  owed  him  before  his  return;  in  order  whereto, 

1  2  Maccab.  iv.  26.  2  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  6.  3  2  Maccab.  iv.  27,  28. 


112  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

having,  by  the  means  of  Lysimachus,'  whom  he  left  his  deputy  at  Jerusalem,  got- 
ten many  of  the  gold  vessels  out  of  the  temple,  he  sold  them  at  Tyre,  and  the  cities 
round  about;  and  thereby  raised  money  enough,  not  only  to  pay  the  king,  but 
also  to  bribe  Andronicus  and  other  courtiers  to  procure  favour  for  him.  Onias,* 
who  then  lived  at  Antioch,  as  being  confined  to  that  place  by  the  order  of  the 
king,  having  notice  of  this  sacrilege,  reproved  Menelaus  very  severely  for  it; 
which  the  apostate  not  being  able  to  bear,  for  the  revenging  of  himself  upon  him 
for  it,  applied  to  Andronicus,  and  engaged  him  for  a  sum  of  money  to  cut 
Onias  off;  of  which  Onias  having  gained  intelligence,  fled  to  the  asylum  at 
Daphne,  and  there  took  sanctuary  for  the  safety  of  his  life.  But  Andronicus 
having,^  by  fair  words  and  false  oaths,  persuaded  him  to  come  forth  out  of  that 
place,  immediately  put  hira  to  death,  that  thereby  he  might  earn  the  money 
which  Menelaus  had  promised  him.  But  Onias  having,  by  his  laudable  car- 
riage while  he  lived  at  Antioch,  gained  much  upon  the  affection  and  esteem  of 
the  inhabitants  of  the  place,  as  well  Greeks  as  Jews,  they  took  this  murder  so 
ill,''  that  they  both  joined  in  a  petition  to  the  king,  on  his  return,  against  An- 
dronicus for  it;  whereon  cognizance  being  taken  of  the  crime,  and  the  wicked 
murderer  convicted  of  it,  Antiochus*  caused  him  with  infamy  to  be  carried  ta 
the  place  where  the  murder  was  committed,  and  there  put  to  death  for  it  iii 
such  manner  as  he  deserved.  For  Antiochus,  as  wicked  a  tyrant  as  he  was, 
had  sorrow  and  regret  upon  him  for  the  death  of  so  good  a  man;  and  therefore, 
in  his  thus  revenging  of  it,  he  executed  his  own  resentments,  as  well  as  those 
of  the  persons  who  had  petitioned  for  it. 

This  Onias  was  high-priest  of  the  Jews  twenty-four  years,  Eusebius  men- 
tioneth  not  at  all  the  time  of  his  being  in  the  office,  though  he  doth  it  of  all  the 
rest,  from  the  time  of  the  Babylonish  captivity.  But  the  Chronicon  Alexandri- 
num  doth  assign  him  twenty-four  years,"  which  are  to  be  reckoned  to  the  time 
of  his  death.  This  Chronicon,  in  the  assigning  of  the  years  of  each  pontificate 
from  the  time  mentioned  to  the  death  of  this  Onias,  much  better  agreeing  both 
with  the  scriptures  and  the  history  of  Josephus,  than  either  African  us  or  Euse- 
bius, I  have  rather  chosen  to  follow  that  author  in  this  matter  than  either  of  the 
other  two,  excepting  only  in  the  pontificate  of  Simon  the  Just.  For,  whereas 
the  Chronicon  Alexandrlnum  assigns  to  it  fourteen  years,  and  Eusebius  only 
nine,  I  choose  rather  to  follow  Eusebius  in  this  particular,  that  I  might  not 
carry  down  the  last  year  of  the  high-priesthood  of  Manasseh  too  far  from  the 
death  of  his  father.  For  allowing  Simon  the  Just  fourteen  years  to  his  pontifi- 
cate, it  will  carry  down  the  time  of  the  death  of  Manasseh  to  seventy-six  years 
after  the  death  of  Jaddua  his  father,  and  make  him  to  be  near  a  hundred,  if  not 
more,  at  the  time  of  his  disease;  and  every  year  deducted  from  so  great  an  age 
makes  the  account  the  more  probable;  and  nothing  can  be  deducted  elsewhere 
to  lessen  it  by  the  authority  of  either  of  those  two  authors  (and  there  is  no  other 
authority  but  theirs  to  be  recurred  to  in  this  matter.)  For  all  the  years  of  the 
other  pontificates,  from  the  death  of  Jaddua  to  that  of  Manasseh,  do,  in  both 
these  authors,  either  equal  or  exceed  the  years  of  the  said  Chronicon;  and, 
therefore,  there  is  no  where  else  where  they  can  be  lessened  by  the  authority 
of  either  of  them.  And,  unless  they  be  thus  lessened,  another  inconvenience 
would  happen  worse  than  the  other.  For,  otherwise,  the  last  year  of  Onias 
would  be  carried  down  beyond  what  is  consistent  either  with  the  history  of  Jo- 
sephus, or  that  of  the  two  books  of  the  Maccabees.  From  the  death  of  Onias, 
the  pontificates  following  will  be  taken  from  the  said  books  of  the  Maccabees  as 
far  as  they  go:  and  from  the  history  of  Josephus,  who  hath  them  all  to  the  end. 

In  the  interim,  there  happened  a  great  mutiny  at  Jerusalem,  by  reason  of  the 

1  2  Maccab.  iv.  32.  3!).  2  Ibid.  iv.  33.  34.  3  Ibid.  4  IbM.  25,  26.  5  Ibid.  27,  28. 

6  This  Chronicon  h:id  first  tha  name  of  Fasti  Siculi,  because  first  found  in  an  old  library  in  Sicily,  and 
from  thence  ronvovi'd  to  Rome,  wliere  Sigonhis  and  Oniifrius  made  use  of  it,  and  quote  it  under  the  name 
of  Fasti  Siculi.  liiit  Svlbiirgiirs  liaving  gotten  another  copy  of  it,  presented  it  to  Hoeschelius,  who  gave  it  to. 
the  library  at  Augsburg,  in  Gennanv,  from  whence  Eader  the  .lesuit  published  it  with  a  Latin  version,  A.  D. 
1624,  under  the  title  of  Chronicon  Ale.Tandrinum.  He  gave  it  this  title,  because  in  the  manuscript  from* 
whence  he  printed  it,  there  was  a  short  preface  premised  under  the  name  of  Peter,  patriarch  of  Alexandna.. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  113 

vessels  of  gold  that  were  carried  out  of  the  temple  by  the  order  of  Menelaus. 
When  he  went  to  Antioch,  he  left  Lysimachus,'  another  of  his  brothers,  as  bad 
as  himself,  to  execute  his  otfice  during  his  absence,  and  by  his  means  those  ves- 
sels of  gold  were  carried  out  of  the  temple,"  which  Menelaus  sold  at  Tyre, 
and  other  places,  to  raise  the  money  above  mentioned.  When  this  came  to  be 
known,  and  the  bruit  hereof  was  spread  abroad  among  the  people,^  the  multi- 
tude, taking  great  indignation  hereat,  gathered  themselves  together  against  Ly- 
simachus; whereon  he  got  together  about  three  thousand  men  of  his  party, 
under  the  command  of  one  Tyrannus,  an  old  soldier,  to  resist  their  rage,  and 
defend  himself  against  them;  but  the  multitude  fell  on  them  with  that  fury, 
that,  wounding  some,  and  killing  others,  they  forced  the  rest  to  flee;  and  then, 
falling  on  Lysimachus  the  sacrilegious  robber,  they  slew  him  beside  the  trea- 
sury, within  the  temple,  and  thereby,  for  that  time,  put  an  end  to  this  sacrilege. 

Antiochus,*  having,  ever  since  the  return  of  Apollonius  from  the  Egyptian 
court,  been  preparing  for  the  war  which  he  found  he  must  necessarily  have  with 
Ptolemy  about  the  provinces  of  Ccele-Syria  and  Palestine,  and  being  now  ready 
for  it,  resolved  to  defer  it  no  longer;  but  instead  of  expecting  the  war  in  his 
own  territories,  determined  to  carry  it  into  those  of  his  enemy.  The  youth  of 
Ptolemy  (he  being  then  but  sixteen  years  old,)  and  the  weak  conduct  of  the 
ministers  into  whose  hands  he  was  fallen,  made  him  despise  both;  and  the  Ro- 
mans (under  whose  protection  Egypt  then  was)  were  not  at  leisure  to  afford 
them  any  help,  by  reason  of  the  war  which  they  were  at  that  time  engaged  in 
with  Perseus  king  of  Macedon;  and  therefore,  thinking  he  could  not  have  a 
more  favourable  juncture  for  the  bringing  of  this  controversy  to  a  successful 
decision,  he  resolved  forthwith  to  begm  the  contest.  However,  to  keep  as  fair 
with  the  Romans  as  the  case  would  admit,  he  sent  ambassadors*  to  lay  before 
the  senate  the  right  he  had  to  the  provinces  of  Coele-Syria  and  Palestine,  then 
in  his  possession,  and  to  justify  the  war  which  he  was  forced  to  enter  on  in  de- 
fence of  them;  and  then  forthwith  marched  his  army  toward  the  frontiers  of 
Egypt,  where,  being  met  by  the  forces  of  Ptolemy, *  between  Mount  Casius  and 
Pelusium,  it  there  came  to  a  battle  between  them;  in  which  Antiochus  having 
gotten  the  victory,  he  took  care  on  the  advantage  of  it  well  to  fortify  that  border 
of  his  dominions,  and  to  make  the  barrier  in  that  quarter  as  strong  as  he  could 
against  any  future  attempt  that  Ptolemy  might  make  upon  these  provinces;  and 
then,  without  attempting  any  thing  farther  this  year,  returned  to  Tyre;  and 
there,  and  in  the  neighbouring  cities,  put  his  army  into  winter-quarters. 

An,  17L  Ptol.  Philometor  IL] — While  he  lay  at  Tyre,  there  came  thither  to 
him  three  delegates  from  the  Sanhedrin,''  or  senate  of  the  Jews,  to  complain  of 
the  sacrileges  of  Menelaus,  and  the  violences  and  disorders  which,  by  Lysi- 
machus his  deputy,  he  had  lately  caused  at  Jerusalem;  and  having,  on  the  hear- 
ing of  the  cause,  plainly  convicted  him  before  the  king  of  all  that  they  had  laid 
to  his  charge,  Menelaus,  to  avoid  the  sentence  which  he  deserved,  and  which 
he  saw  was  read}-  to  be  pronounced  against  him,  bribed  Ptolemy  ]Macron,  the 
son  of  Doryraenes,  with  a  great  sum  of  money,  to  befriend  him  with  the  king; 
whereon  Ptolemy,  taking  the  king  aside,  prevailed  with  him,  contrary  to  what 
he  intended,  not  only  to  absolve  Menelaus,  but  also  to  put  to  death  the  three 
delegates  of  the  Jews,  as  if  they  had  unjustly  accused  him,  which  was  so  mani- 
fest a  piece  of  oppression  and  injustice  in  the  eyes  of  all  in  that  place,  that  the 
Tyrians  pit3ang  their  case,  caused  them  to  be  honourably  buried. 

Thi's  Ptolemy  Macron,*^  having  been  formerly  governor  of  Cyprus  for  King 
Ptolemy  Philometor,  had,  during  his  minority,  reserved  all  the  king's  revenues 
of  that  island  in  his  hands,  refusing  to  pay  it  to  the  ministers,  notwithstanding 
their  earnest  call  for  it.     But  as  soon  as  the  king  was  enthroned,  he  brought  it 

1  2  Maccab.  iv.  2D.  2  Ibid.  3  Ibid.  40—42. 

4  Livius,  lib.  42.  c.  2a.     Polyb.  Legal.  71.  p.  892.     Justin,  lib.  34.  c.  2.    Diodor.  Sic.  Legal.  18.    Joseph. 
Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  6.    Hieronymus  in  Dan.  xi.  2. 

5  Polyb.  Legal.  72.  p.  893.    Diodorus  Siculus,  Legal.  18.  6  Hieronymus,  in  Dan.  xi.  22. 
7  2  Maccab.  iv.  44—50.                                  8  Valesii  Eicerpta  ei  Polyb.  p.  126. 

Vol.  IL— 15 


114  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

all  to  Alexandria,  and  there  paid  the  whole  into  the  royal  treasury;  which  be- 
ing a  supply  which  at  that  time  came  very  conveniently  to  answer  the  exigen- 
cies of  the  government,  he  then  obtained  great  applause  for  his  good  conduct 
in  this  matter;  but  afterward  being  disgusted,  either  by  some  iU  treatment  from 
the  ministry,  or  for  that  his  service  was  not  rewarded  according  to  his  expecta- 
tion,' he  revolted  from  King  Ptolemy,  and  went  over  to  Antiochus,  and  delivered 
the  island  of  Cyprus  into  his  hands.  Whereon  Antiochus  received  him  with 
great  favour,  admitted  him  into  the  number  of  his  principal  friends,^  and  made 
him  governor  of  Ccele-Syria*  and  Palestine,  and  sent  Crates,'*  who  had  been  be- 
fore deputy-governor  of  the  castle  at  Jerusalem  under  Sostratus,  to  be  chief 
commander  of  Cyprus  in  his  stead.  Thus  much  is  proper  to  be  said  of  him  in 
this  place,  because  there  will  be  other  occasions  to  make  mention  of  him  in  the 
future  series  of  this  history. 

About  this  time,^  for  forty  days  together,  there  were  seen  at  Jerusalem,  in  the 
air,  very  strange  sights  of  horsemen  and  footmen  armed  with  shields,  spears, 
and  swords,  and  in  great  companies,  fighting  against  and  charging  each  other, 
as  in  battle  array;  which  foreboded  those  calamities  of  war  and  desolation  which 
soon  after  happened  to  that  city  and  nation.  And  the  like  were  seen  at  the 
same  place  before  the  destruction  of  that  city  by  the  Romans.  So  Josephus  tells 
us,^  who  lived  in  that  time,  and  attests  it  to  have  been  vouched  to  him  by  such 
as  had  been  eye-witnesses  of  the  same. 

Antiochus,  having  been  making  preparations  during  all  the  winter  for  a  se- 
cond expedition  into  Egypt,  as  soon  as  the  season  of  the  year  would  permit/ 
again  invaded  that  country  both  by  sea  and  land;  and  having  on  the  frontiers 
gained  another  victory  over  the  forces  of  Ptolemy,*  that  were  sent  thither  to  op- 
pose him,  took  Pelusium,  and  from  thence  made  his  way  into  the  heart  of  the 
kingdom.  In  this  last  overthrow  of  the  Egyptian  army,"  it  was  in  his  power  to 
have  cut  them  all  off  to  a  man;  but  instead  of  pursuing-  this  advantage,  he  took 
care  to  put  a  stop  to  the  executing  of  it,  riding  about  the  field  in  person  after 
the  victory,  to  forbid  the  putting  of  any  more  to  death;  which  clemency  of  his 
so  far  reconciled  and  endeared  him  to  the  Egyptians,  that,  on  his  farther  march 
into  the  country,  they  all  readily  yielded  to  him,'°  and  he  made  himself,  with 
very  little  trouble,  master  of  Memphis  and  all  the  other  parts  of  Egypt,  except- 
ing Alexandria,  which  alone  held  out  against  him. 

While  Antiochus  carried  on  his  last  invasion,  Philometor  came  into  his  hands: 
whether  he  were  taken  prisoner  by  him,  or  else  voluntarily  came  in  unto  him, 
is  not  said;  the  latter  seems  most  likely.  For  Antiochus  took  not  from  him  his 
liberty,  but  they  did  eat  at  the  same  table,''  and  conversed  together  as  friends; 
and  for  some  time  Antiochus  pretended  to  take  care  of  the  interest  of  this  young 
king  his  nephew,  and  to  manage  the  affairs  of  the  kingdom  as  tutor  and  guardian 
to  him.  But  when  he  had,  under  this  pretence,  made  himself  master  of  the  coun- 
try, he  seized  all  to  himself;  and,  having  miserably  pillaged  all  parts  where  he 
came,  vastly  enriched  himself  and  his  army  with  the  spoils  of  them.'^  During 
all  this  time  Philometor"  conducted  himself  with  a  very  mean  spirit,  keeping 
himself,  while  in  arms,  at  as  great  a  distance  from  all  danger  as  he  was  able, 
and  never  showing  himself  in  the  army  that  was  to  fight  for  him;  and  afterward 
in  a  slothful  cowardice  submitting  to  Antiochus,  and  suffering  himself  to  be  de- 
prived by  him  of  so  large  a  kingdom,  without  attempting  any  thing  for  the  pre- 
serving of  it:  which  was  not  so  much  owing  to  his  want  of  natural  courage  or 
capacity  (for  he  afterward  gave  many  instances  of  both,)  as  to  the  effeminate 
education  in  which  he  was  bred  up  by  his  tutor  Eulseus.  For  that  wicked 
eunuch  being  also  his  prime  minister  of  state,  by  corrupting  him  with  all  raan- 

I  2  Maccab.  X.  13.  2  1  Maccab.  iii.  38.  3  2  Maccab.  viii.  8.  4  Ibid.  iv.  29.  5  Ibid.  v.  2,  3. 
6  Be  Bello  Jiidaico,  lib.  7.  c.  12.                               7  2  Maccab.  v.  1. 

8  1  Maccab.  i.  17,  18.     Hieronymus  in  Comment,  ad  Danielis  cap.  xi.  24. 

9  Diodor.  Sic.  in  Excerptis  Valesii,  p.  311.  10  Hieronymus  in  Dan.  zi.  25. 

II  Hieronymus  ad  Dan.  xi.  25.  12  1  Maccab.  i.  19. 
13  Justin,  lib.  34.  c.  2.    Diodor.  Sic.  in  Excerptis  Valesii,  p.  310. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  115 

ner  of  luxury  and  effeminacy,  to  make  him  as  unfit  for  government  as  he  was 
able,  that  when  he  was  grown  up,  he  might  still  be  as  necessary  to  him,  and 
have  the  same  power  in  the  kingdom,  as  he  before  had  in  the  time  of  his  mi- 
nority; which  is  a  policy  that  hath  often  been  practised  by  wicked  ministers 
toward  their  princes  in  their  minority,  to  the  vast  damage  always  of  the  country 
where  it  hath  happened.  ^ 

While  Antiochus  was  in  Egypt,'  a  false  rumour  having  been  spread  through 
all  Palestine  that  he  was  dead,  Jason,  thinking  this  a  fit  opportunity  for  him 
again  to  recover  his  station  at  Jerusalem,  Avhich  he  formerly  had  there  as  high- 
priest,  marched  thither  with  about  one  thousand  men;  and  having,  by  the  as- 
sistance of  the  party  he  had  there,  taken  the  city,  and  driven  Menelaus  to  flee 
for  shelter  into  the  castle,  he  acted  aU  manner  of  cruelties  upon  his  feUow-citi- 
zens,  putting  to  death,  without  mercy,  as  many  of  those  whom  he  thought  his 
adversaries,  as  he  could  light  upon. 

Antiochus,  on  his  being  informed  of  all  this  in  Egypt,  supposed  that  the 
whole  Jewish  nation  had  revolted  from  him,  and  therefore  marched  with  all 
haste  out  of  Egypt  into  Judea  to  quell  this  rebellion;"  and  being  told,  that  the 
people  of  Jerusalem  made  great  rejoicings  on  the  news  which  came  to  them  of 
his  death,  he  was  very  much  provoked  thereat;  and  therefore,  in  a  great  rage, 
laying  siege  to  Jerusalem,  and  taking  the  city  by  force, ^  he  slew  of  the  inhabi- 
tants in  three  days'  time  forty  thousand  persons;  and  having  taken  as  many 
more  captives,  sold  them  for  slaves  to  the  neighbouring  nations.  And,  not  con- 
tent with  this,  he  impiously  forced  himself  into  the  temple,  and  entered  into 
the  inner  and  most  sacred  recesses  of  it,  polluting  by  his  presence  both  the  holy 
place,  and  also  the  holy  of  holies,  the  wicked  traitor  Menelaus  being  his  con- 
ductor, and  showing  him  the  way  into  both.  And  to  offer  the  greater  indignity 
to  this  sacred  place,  and  to  affront  in  the  highest  manner  he  was  able  the  reli- 
gion whereby  God  was  worshipped  in  it,  he  sacrificed  a  great  sow  upon  the 
altar  of  burnt-offerings;  and  broth  being  by  his  command  made,  with  some  part 
of  the  flesh  thereof  boiled  in  it,  he  caused  it  to  be  sprinkled  all  over  the  temple 
for  the  utmost  defiling  of  it;  and  after  this,  having  sacrilegiously  plundered  it, 
taking  thence  the  altar  of  incense,  the  shew-bread  table,  the  candlestick  of 
seven  branches  that  stood  in  the  holy  place,  which  were  all  of  gold,  and  seve- 
ral other  golden  vessels,  utensils,  and  donatives  of  former  kings,  to  the  value 
of  one  thousand  eight  hundred  talents  of  gold,  and  made  the  like  plunder  in 
the  city,  he  returned  to  Antioch,  carrying  thither  with  him  the  spoils  of  Judea 
as  well  as  of  Egypt;  which,  both  together,  amounted  to  an  immense  treasure 
of  riches.  On  his  departure  from  Jerusalem,  for  the  farther  vexation  of  the 
Jews,  he  appointed  Philip,  a  Phrygian,''  who  was  a  man  of  a  very  cruel  and 
barbarous  temper,  to  be  governor  of  Judea,  and  Andronicus,  another  of  the  like 
disposition,  to  be  governor  of  Samaria,  and  left  Menelaus  to  be  still  over  them 
in  the  office  of  high-priest,  who  was  worse  to  them  than  all  the  rest. 

As  to  Jason, ^  on  the  return  of  Antiochus  out  of  Egypt,  he  durst  not  tarry  his 
coming  to  Jerusalem,  but,  on  his  approach  to  that  place,  fled  thence  for  fear  of 
him  back  again  into  the  land  of  the  Ammonites;  but  being  there  accused  before 
Aretas,  king  of  the  Arabians,  whose  kingdom  reached  into  that  country,  he  fled 

1  1  Maccab.  i.  20—25.    2  Maccab.  v.  5,  6.    Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  8. 

2  1  Maccab.  i.  20—28.  2  Maocab.  v.  11—20.  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  7.  lib.  13.  c.  16.  De  Bello  Judaico, 
lib.  1.  c.  1.  Contra  Apionem,  lib.  2.  et  in  Libro  de  Maccab.  c.  4.  Diodor.  Sic.  lib.  34.  Ecloga  prima,  p,  901. 
Hiernnyrnus  in  Dan.  xi.  27. 

3  That  Antiochus  at  tills  time  took  Jerusalem  by  force,  is  said  by  the  author  of  the  second  book  of  the 
Maccabees  (v.  11,)  and  so  also  by  Diodorus  Sicnlus  in  the  place  above  cited:  but  Josephus,  in  the  twelfth  book 
of  his  Antiquities,  chap.  7,  contrary  hereto,  tells  us,  that  Antiochus  entered  the  city  x/j-xxxn,  i.  e.  "  without 
force,"  those  of  his  party  within  opening  the  {jates  to  him;  but  herein  he  is  also  contrary  to  himself:  for,  in 
his  History  of  the  Jewish  War,  book  1,  chap.  1,  he  saitli,  Antiochus  took  it  xxrx  xpxroc,  i.  e.  "  by  force,"  and 
there  represents  him  as  enraged  by  what  he  had  suffered  in  the  siege;  and,  in  the  sixth  book  of  the  same  His- 
tory, chap.  11,  he  speaks  of  those  who  were  slain  in  this  siege,  fighting  against  Antiochus  in  defence  of  the 
place.  And  this  is  not  the  only  place  where  Josephus  is  inconsistent  with  himself,  many  other  instances  may 
be  shown  of  his  giving  dilierenl  accounts  of  the  same  matter  in  different  places.  He  having  written  his  His- 
tory of  the  Jewish  war  and  his  Antiquities  at  diSerent  times,  between  those  two  are  most  of  these  differ- 
ences to  be  found. 

4  2  Maccab.  v.  33, 23.  5  Ibid.  7—10. 


116  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

from  thence  also;  smd  after  that  being  forced  to  shift  from  place  to  place,  pur- 
sued of  all  men,  and  hated  every  where,  for  his  wickedness  toward  God,  his 
country,  and  his  religion,  and  finding  safety  no  where  in  those  parts,  he  was 
cast  out  from  thence,  first  into  Egypt,  and  from  thence  again  into  Lacedemonia, 
where  he  perished  in  exile  and  misery,  without  having  any  one  to  give  him 
a  burial. 

An.  169.  Ptol.  PJdlometor  12.] — The  Alexandrians,'  finding  Philometor  to  be 
fallen  under  the  power  of  Antiochus,  and  by  him  in  a  manner  wholly  deprived 
of  the  crown,  looked  on  him  as  altogether  lost  to  them;  and  therefore,  having  the 
younger  brother  with  them,  they  put  him  on  the  throne,  and  made  him  their 
king  instead  of  the  other:  from  which  time  he  took  the  name  of  Ptolemy  of 
Euergetes  the  Second,  but  afterward  they  gave  him  the  name  of  Physcon,  i.  e. 
the  fat  guts,  or  great  bellied,  by  reason  of  the  great  and  prominent  belly  which, 
by  his  luxury  and  gluttony,  he  afterward  acquired;  and  by  this  name  he  is  most 
commonly  mentioned  by  those  who  have  written  of  him.  On  his  thus  ascend- 
ing the  throne,^  Cineas  and  Cumanus  were  made  his  prime  miuisters,  and  to 
them  was  committed  the  care  of  again  restoring  the  broken  affairs  of  that 
kingdom. 

Antiochus,  on  his  hearing  of  this  laid  hold  of  the  occasion  for  his  making  of 
a  third  expedition  into  Egypt,''  under  pretence  of  restoring  the  deposed  king, 
but  in  reality  to  subject  the  whole  kingdom  to  himself;  and  therefore,  having 
vanquished  the  Alexandrians  in  a  sea-fight  near  Pelusium,''  he  again  entered 
the  country  with  a  great  army,  and  marched  directly  toward  Alexandria  to  lay 
siege  to  the  place.  Whereon  the  young  king,^  consulting  with  his  two  minis- 
ters, agreed  to  call  a  council  of  the  chief  commanders  of  the  army,  and,  upon 
advice  had  with  them,  pursue  such  methods  for  the  stemming  of  the  present 
difficulties  as  they  should  direct  him  unto;  who,  having  accordingly  been  called 
and  met  together,  and  having  thoroughly  considered  the  state  of  the  then  pre- 
sent affairs,  advised  to  endeavour  an  accommodation  with  Antiochus;  and  that 
the  ambassadors  who  were  then  at  Alexandria,  on  embassies  from  several  of 
the  Grecian  states  to  the  Egyptian  court,  should  be  desired  to  interpose  their 
mediation  for  the  effecting  it:  who,  having  readily  undertaken  the  matter,^  forth- 
with sailed  up  the  river  to  meet  Antiochus,  with  the  proposals  of  peace  which 
they  were  intrusted  with,  taking  with  them  two  ambassadors  from  Ptolemy  him- 
self for  the  same  purpose.  On  their  coming  to  his  camp,  he  received  them 
very  kindly;  and,  having  the  first  day  entertained  them  at  a  splendid  treat,  ap- 
pointed the  next  day  to  hear  what  they  had  to  propose.  The  Achseans  having 
then  first  opened  the  cause  on  which  they  were  sent,  all  the  rest  spoke  to  it  in 
their  turns,  and  they  all  agreed  in  laying  the  blame  of  making  the  war  on  Eu- 
laeus's  ill  conduct,  and  the  nonage  of  King  Ptolemy  Philometor;  and  on  these 
two  heads  they  apologized  as  much  as  they  could  for  the  present  king,  in  order 
to  mollify  Antiochus,  and  bring  him  to  terms  of  peace  with  him;  and  much 
urged  the  relation  which  was  between  them  for  a  motive  to  induce  him  to  it. 
Antiochus,  in  answer  to  them,  acknowledged  all  to  be  true  that  they  had  said 
concerning  the  cause  of  the  war;  and  then  took  the  opportunity  of  setting  forth 
his  title  to  the  provinces  of  Ccele-Syria  and  Palestine,  alleging  all  the  argu- 
ments for  it  which  have  been  above  mentioned,^  and  producing  instruments  for 
the  proof  of  all  that  he  alleged;  which  he  did  in  such  a  manner  as  fuUy  con- 
vinced all  that  were  present  of  his  right  to  those  provinces.  And  then,  as  to  the 
proposals  of  peace,  he  referred  them  to  a  future  treaty,  which  he  said  he  should 
be  ready  to  enter  into  with  them  about  this  matter,  when  two  persons  then  ab- 
sent, whom  he  named,  should  come  to  him,  without  whom,  he  told  them,  he 
could  do  nothing  herein;  and  then  went  to  Naucratis,  and  from  thence  to  Alex- 
andria, and  there  laid  siege  to  the  place.     Ptolemy  Euergetes  and  Cleopatra  his 

1  Porp'nvrius  in  GrEeci3  Eiiseb.  Scalig.  p.  60.  C8.  2  Polyb.  Legal.  81.  p-  907. 

3  Ibid.  80—82.  p.  U03,  SO".     Livius,  lib.  44.  c.  19.  4  Livius,  ibid.  5  Polyb.  Legal.  81.  p,  907. 

6  Ibid,  82.  p.  '.'03.  7  Supra,  sub  anno  173. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  117 

sister,  who  were  then  shut  up  in  the  town,  being  hereby  much  distressed,  sent 
ambassadors  to  the  Romans  to  represent  their  case,'  and  pray  relief.  And,  a 
little  after,  there  came  ambassadors  from  the  Rhodians,  to  endeavour  to  make 
peace  between  the  two  kings,  who  having  landed  at  Alexandria,"  and  received 
what  instructions  the  ministers  of  that  court  would  intrust  them  with,  went 
thence  to  the  camp  in  which  Antiochus  lay  before  the  town,  and  used  the  best 
of  their  endeavours  with  him  to  bring  him  to  an  accommodation  with  the  Egyp- 
tian king,  insisting  on  the  long  friendship  and  alliance  which  they  had  hitherto 
enjoyed  with  both  crowns,  and  the  obligations  which  they  thought  themselves 
under  on  this  account,  to  do  the  best  offices  they  were  able  for  the  making  of 
peace  between  them.  But  while  they  were  proceeding  in  long  harangues  on 
these  topics,  Antiochus  interrupted  them,  and  in  few  words  told  them,  that 
there  was  no  need  of  long  orations  as  to  this  matter;  that  the  kingdom  belonged 
to  Philometor  the  elder  brother,  with  whom  he  had  some  time  since  made  peace, 
and  was  now  in  perfect  friendship  with  him;  that,  if  they  would  recall  him 
from  banishment,  and  again  restore  him  to  his  crown,  the  war  would  be  at 
an  end.  This  he  said,  not  that  he  intended  any  such  thing,  but  only  out  of 
craft  farther  to  embroil  the  kingdom,  for  the  better  obtaining  of  his  own  ends 
upon  it;  for,  finding  he  could  make  no  work  of  it  at  Alexandria,^  but  that  he 
must  be  forced  to  raise  the  siege,  the  scheme  which  he  had  now  laid  for  the 
compassing  of  his  designs,  was  to  put  the  two  brothers  together  by  the  ears,  and 
engage  them  in  a  war  against  each  other,  that,  when  tliey  had  by  intestine  broils 
wasted  and  spent  their  strength,  he  might  come  upon  them,  while  thus  weak- 
ened and  spent,  and  swallow  both.  And,  with  this  view  having  withdrawn 
from  Alexandria,^  he  marched  to  Memphis,  and  there  seemingly  again  restored 
the  whole  kingdom  to  Philometor,  excepting  only  Pelusium,  which  he  retained 
in  his  hands,  that,  having  this  key  of  Egypt  still  in  his  keeping,  he  might  thereby 
again  enter  Egypt,  when  matters  should  there,  according  to  the  scheme  which 
he  had  laid,  be  ripe  for  it,  and  so  seize  the  whole  kingdom:  and,  having  thus 
disposed  matters,  he  returned  again  to  Antioch. 

Ptolemy  Philometor,  now  roused  from  his  luxurious  sloth  by  the  misfortunes 
which  he  had  suffered  in  these  revolutions,  had  penetration  enough  to  see  into 
what  Antiochus  intended.  His  keeping  of  Pelusium, "*  was  a  sufficient  indica- 
tion unto  him,  that  he  held  this  gate  of  Egypt  still  in  his  power,  only  to  enter 
through  it  again  when  he  and  his  brother  should  have  wasted  themselves  so  far 
by  their  domestic  feuds,  as  not  to  be  able  to  resist  him,  and  so  make  a  prey  of 
both.  And  therefore,  for  the  preventing  of  this,  as  soon  as  Antiochus  was  gone, 
he  sent  to  his  brother  to  invite  him  to  an  accommodation;  and  by  the  means 
of  Cleopatra,  who  was  sister  to  both,  an  agreement  was  made  upon  terms  that 
the  two  bi'others  should  jointly  reign  together.  Whereon,  Philometor  returning 
to  Alexandria,  peace  was  restored  to  Egypt,  much  to  the  satisfaction  of  the 
people,  especially  of  the  Alexandrians,  who  greatly  suffered  by  the  war;  but, 
the  two  brothers,  being  aware  that  Antiochus  would  return  again  upon  them,* 
sent  ambassadors  into  Greece  to  get  auxiliary  forces  from  thence  for  their  de- 
fence against  him:  and  they  had  reason  enough  so  to  do;  for  Antiochus  hear- 
ing of  this  agreement  of  the  two  brothers,  and  finding  his  fine-spun  scheme  of 
policy,  whereby  he  thought  to  have  made  himself  master  of  Egypt,  wholly 
baffled  by  it,**  he  fell  into  a  great  rage,  and  resolved  to  carry  on  the  war  against 
both  the  brothers  with  greater  force  and  fury  than  he  had  against  either  of 
them  before. 

Jin.  168.  I^lol.  'Philometor  13.] — And  therefore,  very  early  the  next  spring,^ 
he  sent  a  fleet  to  Cyprus  to  secure  that  island  to  him;  and,  at  the  same  time, 
in  person  marched  by  land  with  a  numerous  army  to  make  another  invasion 
upon  Egypt;  in  which  he  purposed,  without  owning  the  interest  of  either  of 

1  Polyb.  Legal.  90.  p.  915.     Ijvius,  lib.  44.  c.  19.  Justin,  lib.  34.  c.  2.  2  Polyb.  Legal.  84-  p.  909. 

3  Livius,  lib.  45.  c.  11. 

4  Ibid.  Justin,  lib.  34.  c.  2.     Porphyrjus  in  Grsecis  Euseb.  Scalig.  p.  60.  et  in  Eusebii  Chronico,  p.  68. 

5  P<}lybius,  Legal.  89.  p.  912.  6  Livius,  lib.  45,  c.  11.  7  [bid. 


118  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

his  nephews,  to  suppress  them  both,  and  make  an  absolute  conquest  of  the 
whole  kingdom.  On  his  coming  to  Rhinocorura,  he  was  there  met  by  ambas- 
sadors from  Philometor,  by  whom  that  prince,  having  acknowledged  his  restora- 
tion to  his  kingdom  to  be  owing  to  him,  desired  him  that  he  would  not  destroy 
his  own  work,  but  permit  him  peaceably  to  enjoy  the  crown  which  he  wore  by 
his  favour.  But  Antiochus  not  at  all  regarding  the  compliment,  but  waiving  all 
those  pretences  of  favour  and  aflection  for  either  of  his  nephews  which  he  had 
hitherto  made  show  of,  now  plainly  declared  himself  an  enemy  to  both,  telling 
the  ambassadors,  that  he  demanded  the  island  of  Cyprus,  and  the  city  of  Pe- 
lusium,  with  all  the  lands  that  lay  on  the  branch  of  the  Nile  on  which  Pelusium 
stood,  to  be  yielded  to  him  in  perpetuity;  and  that  he  would  on  no  other  terms 
give  peace  to  either  of  the  brothers;  and,  having  set  them  a  day  for  their  giving 
him  an  answer  to  this  demand,  as  soon  as  that  day  was  over,  and  no  answer 
returned  to  his  satisfaction,  he  again  invaded  Egypt  with  a  numerous  army; 
and,  having  subdued  all  the  country  as  far  as  Memphis,  and  there  received  the 
submission  of  most  of  the  rest,  he  marched  toward  Alexandria  for  the  besieging 
of  that  city,  the  reduction  of  which  would  have  made  him  absolute  master  of 
the  whole  kingdom;  and  this  most  certainly  he  would  have  accomplished,  but 
that  he  met  a  Roman  embassy  in  his  way,  which  put  a  stop  to  his  farther  pro- 
gress, and  totally  dashed  all  the  designs  which  he  had  been  so  long  carrying  on 
for  the  making  of  himself  master  of  that  country. 

I  have  mentioned  before,  how  Ptolemy  Euergetes,  the  younger  of  the  two 
brothers,  and  Cleopatra  his  sister,  being  distressed  by  the  former  siege  which 
Antiochus  had  laid  to  Alexandria,  sent  ambassadors  to  the  Romans  to  pray  their 
relief.  These  being  introduced  into  the  senate,*  did  there,  in  a  lamentable 
habit,  and  with  a  more  lamentable  oration,  set  forth  their  case,  and  in  the 
humblest  manner  prostrating  themselves  before  that  assembly,  prayed  their 
help;  with  which  the  senate  being  moved,  and  having  considered  also,^  how 
much  it  was  their  own  interest  not  to  permit  Antiochus  to  grow  so  great,  as  the 
annexing  of  Egypt  to  Syria  would  make  him,  decreed  to  send  an  embassy  into 
Egypt  to  put  an  end  to  this  war.  The  persons  they  appointed  for  it  were  Caius 
Popillius  Lsenas  (who  had  been  consul  four  years  before,)  Caius  Decimius,  and 
Caius  Hostilius.  Their  commission  was  first  to  go  to  Antiochus,  and  after  that 
to  Ptolemy,  and  to  signify  to  them,  that  it  was  the  desire  of  the  senate  that  they 
should  desist  from  making  any  farther  war  upon  each  other;  and  that,  if  either 
of  them  should  refuse  so  to  do,  him  the  Roman  people  would  no  longer  hold  to 
be  either  their  friend  or  their  ally.  And  that  these  ambassadors  might  come 
soon  enough  to  execute  their  instructions  before  Antiochus  should  make  him- 
self master  of  Egypt,  they  were  despatched  away  in  that  haste,  that  within 
three  days  after  they  left  Rome;  and  taking  with  them  the  Egyptian  ambassa- 
dors, hastened  to  Brundusium,  and  there  passing  over  to  the  Grecian  shore, 
from  thence  by  the  way  of  Chalcis,  Delos,  and  Rhodes,  they  came  to  Alexan- 
dria, just  as  Antiochus  was  making  that  second  march  to  besiege  this  city,  which 
I  have  mentioned.  On  his  arrival  at  Leusine,  a  place  within  four  miles  of 
Alexandria,  the  ambassadors  there  met  him.  On  the  sight  of  Popillius  (with 
whom  he  had  contracted  an  intimate  friendship  and  familiarity  while  he  was  a 
hostage  at  Rome)  he  put  forth  his  hand  to  embrace  him  as  his  old  friend  and 
acquaintance;  but  Popillius,  refusing  the  compliment,  told  him,  that  the  public 
interest  of  his  country  must  take  place  of  private  friendship;  that  he  must  first 
know  whether  he  were  a  friend  or  an  enemy  to  the  Roman  state,  before  he 
could  own  him  as  a  friend  to  himself;  and  then  delivered  into  his  hands  the 
tables,  in  which  were  written  the  decree  of  the  senate  which  they  came  to 
communicate  to  him,  and  required  him  to  read  it,  and  forthwith  give  his  answer 
thereto.  Antiochus  having  read  the  decree,  told  Popillius  he  would  consult 
with  his  friends  about  it,  and  speedily  give  him  the  answer  they  should  advise; 

1  Livius.  lib.  44.  c.  19.  2  Polyb.  Legal.  90.  p.  915.    Livius,  ibid. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  119 

but  Popillius,'  insisting  on  an  immediate  answer,  forthwith  drew  a  circle  round 
him  in  the  sand  with  the  staff  which  he  had  in  his  hand,  and  required  him  to 
give  his  answer  before  he  stirred  out  of  that  circle:  at  which  strange  and  pe- 
remptory way  of  proceeding  Antiochus  being  startled,  after  a  little  hesitation, 
yielded  to  it,  and  told  the  ambassador,  that  he  would  obey  the  command  of  the 
senate;  Avhereon  PopiUius,  accepting  his  embraces,  acted  thenceforth  according 
to  his  former  friendship  with  him.  That  which  made  him  so  bold  as  to  act 
with  him  after  this  peremptory  manner,  and  the  other  so  tame  as  to  yield  thus 
patiently  to  it,  was  the  news  which  they  had  a  little  before  received  of  the 
great  victory  of  the  Romans,  which  they  had  gotten  over  Perseus,  king  of  Ma- 
cedonia. For  Paulus  ^mihus  having  now  vanquished  that  king,  and  thereby 
added  Macedonia  to  the  Roman  empire,  the  name  of  the  Romans  after  this 
carried  that  weight  with  it,  as  created  a  terror  in  all  the  neighbouring  nations; 
so  that  none  of  them  after  this  cared  to  dispute  their  commands,  but  were  glad 
on  any  terms  to  maintain  peace,  and  cultivate  a  friendship  with  them.  After 
PopiUius  had  thus  sent  Antiochus  back  again  into  Syria,'^  he  returned  with  his 
colleagues  to  Alexandria;  and  having  there  ratified  and  fully  fixed  the  terms 
of  agreement  which  had  been  before,  but  not  so  perfectly,  made  between  the 
two  brothers,  he  sailed  to  Cyprus;  and  having  sent  from  thence  Antiochus's 
fleet,  as  he  had  him  and  his  army  before  from  Eg)q3t,  and  caused  a  thorough 
restoration  of  that  island  to  be  made  to  the  Egyptian  kings,  to  whom  it  of  right 
belonged,  he  returned  home  to  relate  to  the  senate  the  full  success  of  his  em- 
bassy; and  ambassadors  followed  him  from  the  two  Ptolemies  to  thank  the  se- 
nate for  the  great  benefit  they  had  received  from  it:  for  to  this  embassy  they 
owed  their  kingdom,  and  that  peaceable  enjoyment  whereby  they  were  now 
settled  in  it. 

Antiochus  returning  out  of  Egypt  in  great  wrath  and  indignation,^  because 
of  the  baffle  which  he  had  there  met  with  from  the  Romans  of  all  his  designs 
upon  that  country,  he  vented  it  all  upon  the  Jews,  who  had  no  way  offended 
him.  For,  on  his  marching  back  through  Palestine  he  detached  off  from  his  army 
twenty-two  thousand  men,*  under  the  command  of  Apollonius,  who  was  over 
the  tribute,  and  sent  them  to  Jerusalem  to  destroy  the  place. 

It  was  just  two  years  after  Antiochus  had  taken  Jerusalem,^  that  Apollonius 
came  thither  with  his  army.  On  his  first  arrival  he  carried  himself  peaceably, 
concealing  his  purpose,  and  forbearing  aU  hostilities  till  the  next  sabbath;  but 
then,  when  the  people  were  all  assembled  together  in  their  synagogues®  for  the 
celebrating  of  the  reUgious  duties  of  the  day,  thinking  this  the  properest  time 
for  the  executing  of  his  bloody  commission,  he  let  loose  aU  his  forces  upon 
them,  with  command  to  slay  all  the  men,  and  take  captive  the  women  and  chil- 
dren to  sell  them  for  slaves;  which  they  executed  with  the  utmost  rigour  and 
cruelty,  slaying  all  the  men  they  could  light  on,  without  showing  mercy  to  any, 
and  filling  the  streets  with  their  blood.  After  this,  having  spoiled  the  city  of 
all  its  riches,  they  set  it  on  fire  in  several  places,  demolished  the  houses,  and 
pulled  down  the  walls  round  about  it;  and  then,  with  the  ruins  of  the  demol- 
ished city,  built  a  strong  fortress  on  the  top  of  an  eminence  in  the  city  of  David, 
which  was  over  against  the  temple;  and  overlooked  and  commanded  the  same, 
and  there  placed  a  strong  garrison;  and  making  it  a  place  of  arms  against  the 
whole  nation  of  the  Jews,  stored  it  with  all  manner  of  provisions  of  war,  and 
there  also  they  laid  up  the  spoils  which  they  had  taken  in  the  sacking  of  the 
city.  And  this  fortress,  by  the  advantage  of  its  situation,  being  thus  higher 
than  the  mountain  of  the  temple,  and  commanding  the  same,  from  thence  the 
garrison  soldiers  fell  on  all  those  that  went  up  thither  to  worship,  and  shed  their 
blood  on  every  side  of  the  sanctuary,  and  defiled  it  with  all  manner  of  poUu- 

1  Polyb.  Legat.  92.  p  916.  Livius,  lib.  45.  c.  11,  12.  Justin,  lib.  34.  c.  3.  Appian.  in  Syriacis.  Valerius 
Maximus,  lib.G.c.  4.  Velleiiis  Paterculus,  lib.  I.e.  10.  Plutarch,  in  Apophth.  c.  32.  HieronyniusinDan.xi.27. 

2  Polyb.  Legat.  92.  p.  916.  et  Livius,  lib.  45.  c.  11,  12. 

3  Polyb.  Legat.  92.  p.  916.  4  1  Maccab.  i.  29—40.    2  Maccab.  v.  24—26.    Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.7. 
5  1  Maccab.  i.29.                        6  Ibid.  30—40.    2  Maccab.  v.  24—26.    Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  7. 


120  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

tions-  so  that  from  this  time  the  temple  became  deserted,  and  the  daily  sacri- 
fices omitted;  and  none  of  the  true  servants  of  God  durst  any  more  go  up  thither 
to  the  worship/  till  Judas,  after  three  years  and  a  half,  having  recovered  it  out 
of  the  hands  of  the  heathens,  purged  the  place  of  its  pollutions,  and,  by  a  new 
dedication,  restored  it  again  to  its  pristine  use.  For  all  that  escaped  this  car- 
nage* being  fled  from  Jerusalem,  left  that  place  wholly  in  the  hands  of  stran- 
gers; so  that  the  sanctuary  Avas  laid  waste,  and  the  whole  city  desolated  of  its 
natural  inhabitants.  At  this  time  Judas  MaccabjEus,^  with  some  others  that  ac- 
companied him,  fled  into  the  wilderness,^  and  there  lived  in  great  hardship,  sub- 
sisting themselves  upon  herbs,  and  what  else  the  mountains  and  the  woods 
could  afford  them,  till  they  gained  an  opportunity  of  taking  up  arms  for  them- 
selves and  their  country,  in  manner  as  will  be  hereafter  related.  Josephus* 
makes  Antiochus  himself  to  be  present  at  this  execution,  and  confounds  Avhat 
was  now  done  by  ApoUonius  with  what  he  himself  did  in  his  own  person  two 
years  before:  but  the  books  of  the  Maccabees  rightly  distinguished  these  two 
actions  as  done  at  two  different  times,  the  one  by  Antiochus  himself  after  his, 
second  expedition  into  Egypt,  and  the  other  by  ApoUonius  his  lieutenant,  sent 
by  him  for  this  purpose  on  his  return  from  his  fourth  and  last  expedition  into, 
that  country  two  years  after,  and  hereby  both  are  put  in  their  true  light. 

This  was  done  about  the  time  of  the  year  in  which  our  Whitsuntide  now 
falls.  Livy  tells  us,''  that  Antiochus  made  this  his  last  expedition  into  Egypt 
primo  vere,  i.  e.  in  the  first  beginning  of  the  spring;  and  that  the  Roman  ambas- 
sadors met  him  before  he  could  in  that  march  reach  Alexandria,  which  could 
not  be  above  a  month  or  six  weeks  after  his  first  entering  into  that  country  in 
this  expedition;  and,  immediately  on  his  meeting  those  ambassadors,  he  was 
forced  to  march  back  again,  and  in  that  march  might  reach  Palestine  about  the 
end  of  May;  and  then  ApoUonius,  being  sent  with  his  commission  for  the  deso- 
lating of  the  city  and  temple  of  Jerusalem,  there  executed  it,  as  above  related,, 
in  the  beginning  of  June  following.  For  that  desolation  of  the  temple  hap- 
pened just  three  years  and  six  months  before  it  w^as  again  restored  by  Judas 
MaccabtEus,''  as  hath  been  already  said;  and  therefore,  that  restoration  having^ 
been  made  on  the  twenty-fifth  day  of  the  ninth  month  of  the  Jews,'  called 
Cisleu,  in  the  146th  year  of  the  era  of  the  Seleucidse,  it  must  follow,  that  the 
time  of  this  desolation  must  have  been  on  or  about  the  twenty-fifth  day  of  their 
third  month,  called  Sivan,  in  the  era  of  the  Seleucidse  145,  which  answers  to 
the  era  before  Christ  168,  under  which  I  have  placed  it.  And  the  Jewish 
month  Sivan  answering  in  part  to  the  month  of  May,  and  in  part  to  the  month 
of  June,  in  the  Julian  calendar,  the  twenty-fifth  day  of  that  month  must  hap- 
pen near  or  about  the  time  of  our  Whitsuntide,  as  I  have  said;  and  then  it  was, 
that  by  the  command  of  Antiochus,  and  the  wicked  agency  of  ApoUonius,  the 
daily  sacrifices,  whereby  God  was  honoured  every  morning  and  evening  at  Je- 
rusalem, were  made  to  cease,  and  the  temple  turned  into  desolation. 

And  this  was  not  all  the  mischief  that  was  done  that  people  this  year.  For 
as  soon  as  Antiochus  was  returned  to  Antioch,^  he  issued  out  a  decree,  that  all 
nations  within  his  dominions,  leaving  their  former  rites  and  usages,  should  con- 
form to  the  religion  of  the  king,  and  worship  the  same  gods,  and  in  the  same  man- 
ner as  he  did;  which,  although  couched  in  general  terms,  was  levelled  mainly 
against  the  Jews,  that  thereby  a  handle  might  be  afforded  for  the  farther  oppres- 
sing of  that  people;  and  it  seems  for  no  other  end  to  have  been  extended  to  all 
the  nations  of  the  Syrian  empire,  but  that  thereby  it  might  reach  all  of  the  Jew- 
ish worship,  wherever  they  were  dispersed  among  them,  it  being  resolved  by 
Antiochus,  through  the  advice  of  Ptolemy  Macron,**  to  carry  on  this  persecu- 

1  Josephus  in  Prsfatione  ad  Hist,  de  Bello  Judaico,  et  ejusdem  Hist.  lib.  1.  c.  1.  et  lib.  6.  c.  11.     1  Maccab- 
iv.    2  Maccab.  x. 

2  1  Maccab  i.  38,  39.  3  2  Maccab.  v.  27.  4  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  7.  5  Lib.  45.  c.  11. 

6  Josephus  in  Prsefatione  ad  Hiftoriam  de  Bello  Judaico,  et  in  ejusdem  Historiae,  lib.  1.  c.  1.  et  lib.  6.  c.  ll- 

7  1  Maccab.  i.  59.  iv.  52.  54.    2  Maccab.  x.  5. 

8  1  Maccab.  i.  41—64.    2  Maccab.  vi.     Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  7.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  1.  et  lib.  de 
Maccab.  c.  4.    Hieronymus  in  Dan.  cap.  viii.  xi.  9  2  Maccab.  vi.  8. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  121 

tion,  not  only  against  the  Jews  of  Palestine,  but  against  all  others  of  that  reli- 
gion who  were  settled  any  where  else  within  his  dominions.  And  this  indeed 
was  most  conformable  to  his  intention,  his  design  being  to  cut  off  all  of  them, 
wherever  they  were,  within  his  reach,  that  would  not  conform  to  his  decree,  by 
apostatizing  from  their  God,  and  his  law,  that  so  he  might,  as  far  as  in  him  lay, 
extinguish  both  the  Jewish  religion  and  the  Jewish  name  and  nation  at  the  same 
time.  And  for  the  more  effectual  executing  of  this  decree,'  he  sent  overseers 
into  all  the  provinces  of  his  empire,  to  see  to  the  observance  of  it,  and  to  instruct 
the  people  in  all  the  rites  which  they  were  to  conform  to.  And  all  the  heathen 
nations  readily  obeyed  his  commands  herein,-  one  sort  of  idolatry  being  to  them 
as  acceptable  as  another;  and  none  did  more  readily  run  into  this  change  than 
the  Samaritans.  As  long  as  the  Jews  were  in  prosperity,^  it  was  their  usage  to 
challenge  kindred  with  them,  and  profess  themselves  to  be  of  the  stock  of  Israel, 
and  of  the  sons  of  Joseph.  But  when  the  Jews  -were  under  any  calamity  or 
persecution,  then  they  would  say,  that  they  had  nothing  to  do  with  them,  that 
they  were  of  the  race  of  the  Medes  and  Persians  (as  in  truth  they  were,)  and 
not  of  the  Israelites,  and  would  thus  utterly  disown  all  manner  of  relation  to 
them;  of  which  they  gave  a  very  signal  instance  at  this  time.  For  finding  the 
Jews  under  so  severe  a  persecution,  and  fearing  lest  they  also  might  be  involved 
in  it,  they  addressed  themselves  to  the  king  by  a  petition;  wherein  having  set 
forth,  that  though  their  fore-fathers  had  formerly,  for  the  avoiding  of  frequent 
plagues  that  happened  in  their  country,  been  induced  to  observe  the  sabbaths 
and  other  religious  rites  of  the  Jews,  and  had  on  Mount  Gerizim  a  temple  like 
theirs  at  Jerusalem,  and  therein  sacrificed  to  a  God  without  a  name,^  as  they  did, 
and  through  the  superstition  of  an  ancient  custom,  they  had  ever  since  gone  on 
in  the  same  way,  yet  they  were  not  of  that  nation,  or  were  any  way  related  to 
them,  but  were  descended  from  the  Sidonians,  and  were  ready  to  conform  to  all 
the  rites  and  usages  of  the  Greeks,  according  as  the  king  had  commanded;  they 
therefore  prayed,  that  seeing  the  king  had  ordered  the  punishing  of  that  wicked 
people,  they  might  not  be  involved  with  them  therein  as  guilty  Avith  them  of 
the  same  crimes.  And  they  farther  petitioned,  that  their  temple,  which  had 
hitherto  been  dedicated  to  no  especial  deity,  might  henceforth  be  made  the 
temple  of  the  Grecian  Jupiter,  and  be  so  called  for  the  future.  To  which  peti- 
tion Antiochus  having  given  a  favourable  answer,  sent  his  order  to  Nicanor,* 
the  deputy-governor  of  the  province  of  Samaria,  to  dedicate  their  temple  to  the 
\Grecian  Jupiter,  according  to  their  desire,  and  no  more  to  give  them  any 
molestation. 

And  the  Samaritans  were  not  the  only  apostates  that  forsook  their  God  and 
his  law  on  this  trial.  Many  of  the  Jews,*  either  to  avoid  the  persecution,  or  to 
curry  favour  with  the  king  and  his  officers  by  their  compliance,  or  else  out  of 
their  own  wicked  inclinations,  did  the  same  thing.  And  there  were  hereon  great 
fallings  away  in  Israel,  and  many  of  those  who  were  guilty  herein,  joining  with 
the  king's  forces  then  in  the  land,  became  much  bitterer  enemies'^  to  their  bre- 
thren than  any  of  the  heathen  themselves  who  were  sent  on  purpose  to  perse- 
cute them. 

The  overseer,  who  was  sent  to  see  this  decree  of  the  king's  executed  in  Judea 
and  Samaria,  was  one  Athensus,*  an  old  man,  who  being  well  versed  in  all  the 
rites  of  the  Grecian  idolatry,  was  thought  a  very  proper  person  to  initiate  those 
people  into  the  observance  of  them.  On  his  coming  to  Jerusalem,  and  there 
executing  his  commission,"  all  sacrifices  to  the  God  of  Israel  were  made  to  cease, 
all  the  observances  of  the  Jewish  religion  were  suppressed,  the  temple  itself  was 

1  1  Maccab.  i.  51.  2  Ihid.  i.  4'J.  3  Joseph.  Anliq.  lib.  12.  c.  7. 

4  For  Jeliovab,  wliich  was  the  proper  name  of  the  God  of  Israel,  was  among  them  kvjxCjjiijtoi',  that  ia, 
never  to  be  spoken,  unless  onre  in  a  year  by  the  hifrh-priest,  on  his  entering  into  the  holy  of  holies  on  the 
great  day  of  expiation;  .'ind  hence  he  is  said  to  boa  (Jod  without  a  name. 

5  One  Apollonius  was  then  governor  of  Samaria,  and  Nicanor  was  his  deputy.  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c. 
10.     1  Maccab.  iii.  10.  6  1  Maccab.  i.  43—52.  vi.  21—27. 

7  Ibid.  vi.  21— 24.     Josepli.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  7.  8  2i\Iaccab.  vi.  1. 

9  1  Maccab.  i.  44.-64.  'JSIaccab.  \i.  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c. 7.  deDello  Judaico,  lib.  I.e.  l.de  Maccab. c.  1, 

Vol.  II.— 16 


122  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

polluted,  and  made  unfit  for  God's  worship,  their  sabbaths  and  festivals  were  pro- 
faned, their  children  forbidden  to  be  circumcised,  and  their  law,  wherever  it 
could  be  found,  was  taken  away  or  destroyed,  and  the  ordinances  which  God 
commanded  them  were  wholly  suppressed  throughout  the  land,  and  every  one 
was  put  to  death  that  was  discovered  in  any  of  these  particulars  to  have  acted 
against  what  the  king  had  decreed.  The  Syrian  soldiers  under  this  overseer 
were  the  chief  missionaries,  and  by  them  this  conversion  of  the  Jews  to  the 
king's  religion  was  effected  in  the  same  manner  as  a  late  neighbouring  prince 
converted  his  Protestant  subjects  to  the  idolatrous  superstition  of  Rome,  which 
falls  very  little  short  of  being  altogether  as  bad.  Having  thus  expelled  the 
Jewish  worship  out  of  the  temple,  they  introduced  thither  the  heathen  in  its 
stead,  and  consecrating  it  to  the  chief  of  their  false  gods,  called  it  the  temple  of 
Jupiter  Olympius;'  and  having  erected  his  image  upon  one  part  of  the  altar  of 
holocaust,  that  stood  in  the  inner  court  of  the  temple,  upon  another  part  of  it, 
just  before  that  image,  they  built  another  lesser  altar,  whereon  they  sacrificed  to 
him.  This  was  done  on  the  fifteenth  day  of  the  Jewish  month  Cisleu,^  which 
answers  in  part  to  November  and  in  part  to  December  in  our  calendar;  and  on 
the  twenty-fifth  day  of  the  same  month  they  there  began  their  sacrifices  to  him.^ 
And  they  did  the  same  to  the  Samaritan  temple  on  Mount  Gerizim,'*  consecrating 
it  to  the  same  Grecian  god  Jupiter,  by  the  name  of  Jupiter  the  Protector  of 
strangei's.  That  it  was  the  request  of  the  Samaritans  themselves  to  have  their 
temple  consecrated  to  the  Grecian  Jupiter  hath  been  already  shown;  and  it  was 
also  at  their  desire  that  it  was  consecrated  to  him  under  this  additional  title  of 
Protector  of  strangers,^  that  thereby  it  might  be  expressed,  that  they  were  stran- 
gers in  that  land,  and  not  of  the  race  of  Israel,  who  were  the  old  inhabitants  of 
it.  And  whereas  two  women  were  found  at  Jerusalem  to  have  circumcised 
their  male  children,'^  of  which  they  had  been  lately  delivered,  they  hanged  those 
children  about  their  necks,  and  having  led  them  in  this  manner  through  the 
city,  and  cast  them  headlong  over  the  steepest  part  of  the  walls,  and  also  slew 
all  those  who  had  been  accessary  with  them  in  the  performance  of  this  forbidden 
rite.  And  with  the  same  severity  they  treated  all  others  who  were  found  in  the 
practice  of  any  one  of  their  former  religious  usages,  contrary  to  what  the  king 
had  commanded.  And,  the  more  to  propagate  among  that  people  that  heathen 
worship,  which  was  enjoined,  and  to  bring  all  to  conform  thereto,'  they  did  set 
up  altars,  groves,  and  chapels,  of  idols  in  every  city:  and  officers  were  sent  to 
them,^  who,  on  the  day  of  the  king's  birth,  in  every  month,  forced  all  to  offer 
sacrifices  to  the  Grecian  gods,  and  eat  of  the  flesh  of  swine, ^  and  other  unclean 
beasts  then  sacrificed  to  them.  And  when  the  feast  of  Bacchus,  the  god  of 
drunkenness,  came,  and  processions  were  made  as  usual  among  the  heathen 
Greeks,  to  the  honour  of  that  abominable  deity,  the  Jews'"  were  forced  to  join 
therein,  and  carry  ivy,"  as  the  rest  of  the  heathens  did,  according  to  the  idola- 
trous usage  of  the  day. 

When  these  officers  were  thus  sent  to  make  all  Judea  conform  to  the  king's 
religion,  and  sacrifice  to  his  gods, '^  one  of  them,  called  Apelles,  came  to  Modin, 
where  dwelt  Mattathias,  a  priest  of  the  course  of  Joarib,'^  a  very  honourable 
person,  and  one  truly  zealous  for  the  law  of  his  God.  He  was  the  son  of  John,''* 
the  son  of  Simon,  the  son  of  Asmonseus,  from  whom  the  family  had  the  name 
of  Asmonseans,  and  he  had  with  him  five  sons,  all  very  valiant  men,  and  equally 
with  himself  zealous  observers  of  the  law  of  their  God;  Johanan  called  Kaddis, 
Simon  called  Thassi,  Judas  called  Maccabaeus,  Eleazar  called  Avaran,  and  Jona- 
than, whose  surname  was  Apphus.  Apellus,'*  on  his  coming  to  this  city,  having 

1  2  Maccab.  vi.  2.  2  1  Maccab.  i.  51.  3  Ibid,  59.  iv.  54.    2  Maccab.  x.  5. 

4  2  Maccab.  vi.  2.    Joseph.  Aiitiq.  lib.  12.  c.  7.  5  2  Maccab.  vi.  2. 

C  1  Maccab.  i.60— 63.     2  Maccab.  vi.  10.     Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  7.  7  1  Maccab.  i.  47. 

8  Ibid.  51.  58.  ii.  15.  9  Ibid.  47.    Diodor.  Sic.  lib.  34.  edog.  1.  10  2  Maccab.  vi.  7. 

11  Ivy  was  sacred  to  Bacchus,  and  therefore  the  Bacchanals  always  carried  it  in  their  processiona. 

12  1  Maccab.  ii.     Joepph.  Aiitiq.  lib.  12.  c.  8. 

13  The  course  of  Joarib  was  the  first  of  the  twenty-four  courses  of  the  priests  that  served  in  the  temple,  1 
Chrou.  xxiv.  7.  14  Joseph.  Aiitiq.  lib.  12.  c.  8.  15  1  Maccab.  ii.  15—28. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  123 

called  the  people  together,  and  declared  unto  them  for  what  intent  he  was  come, 
addressed  himself  in  the  first  place  to  Mattathias,  to  persuade  him  to  comply 
with  the  king's  commands,  that  by  the  example  of  so  honourable  and  great  a 
man,  all  the  rest  of  the  people  of  the  place  might  be  induced  to  do  the  same; 
promising  him,  that  thereon  he  should  be  taken  into  the  number  of  the  king's 
friends,  and  he  and  his  sons  should  be  promoted  to  honour  and  riches.  To  this 
Mattathias  answered,  with  a  loud  voice,  in  the  hearing  of  all  the  people  of  the 
place,  that  no  consideration  whatsoever  should  induce  him,  or  any  of  his  family, 
ever  to  forsake  the  law  of  their  God;  but  that  they  would  still  walk  in  the  cove- 
nant which  he  had  made  with  their  forefathers,  and  observe  all  the  ordinances 
of  it,  and  that  no  commands  of  the  king  should  make  any  of  them  to  depart  here- 
from. And  when  he  had  said  thus  much,  seeing  one  of  the  Jews  of  the  place 
presenting  himself  at  the  heathen  altar  which  was  there  erected,  to  sacrifice  on 
it,  according  to  the  king's  commands,  he  was  moved  hereat  with  a  religious  zeal, 
like  that  of  Phineas,  and  ran  upon  the  apostate  and  slew  him;  and  then,  in  the 
heat  of  his  wrath,  fell  also  on  the  king's  commissioner,  and  by  the  assistance  of 
his  sons,  and  others  that  joined  with  them,  slew  him  and  all  that  attended  him. 
And  after  this,  getting  together  all  of  his  family,  and  calling  all  others  to  foUow 
who  were  zealous  for  the  law,  he  retired  with  them  to  the  mountains;  and  many 
others  followed  the  same  example,'  whereby  the  deserts  of  Judea  became  filled 
with  those  who  fled  from  this  persecution.  One  company  of  them,  to  the  num- 
ber of  one  thousand  persons,  being  gotten  into  a  cave  in  the  desert  that  lay 
nearest  to  Jerusalem,  Philip  the  Phrygian,  whom  Antiochus  had  left  governor 
of  Judea  and  Jerusalem,"  on  his  last  being  there,  went  out  against  them  with 
his  forces.'  At  first,  he  endeavoured  to  persuade  them  to  a  submission  to  the 
king's  commands,  promising  them,  on  this  condition,  a  thorough  impunity  for 
what  was  past;  but  they  all  resolutely  answering,  that  they  would  rather  die 
than  forsake  the  law  of  their  God,  he  thereon  laid  siege  to  the  cave  which  they 
had  possessed  themselves  of,  omitting  all  other  hostilities  till  the  next  sabbath, 
expecting  then  to  master  them  without  resistance;  and  so  it  accordingly  hap- 
pened: for  they  then  refusing,  out  of  an  over-scrupulous  zeal  for  the  observance 
of  that  day,  to  do  any  thing  tor  their  own  defence,  when  fallen  on  by  the  enemy, 
were  all  cut  off,  men,  women,  and  children,  without  one  being  spared  of  the 
whole  company.  Mattathias  and  his  followers  being  much  grieved  at  the  hear- 
ing of  this,  and  considering  that,  if  they  should  follow  the  same  example,  they 
must  all  of  them  in  the  same  manner  be  destroyed,  on  full  debate  had  among 
them  of  the  matter,  they  all  came  into  this  resolution,'*  that  the  law  of  the  sab- 
bath in  such  a  case  of  necessity  did  not  bind;  and  therefore  they  unanimously 
decreed,  that  whenever  they  should  be  assaulted  on  the  sabbath-day,  they  would 
fight  for  their  lives;  and  that  it  was  lawful  for  them  so  to  do:  and  having  ratified 
this  decree,  by  the  consent  of  all  the  priests  and  elders  among  them,  they  sent 
it  to  all  others  who  stood  out  in  the  observance  of  the  law,  wherever  dispersed 
through  the  land;  by  whom  it  being  received  with  the  like  consent  and  appro- 
bation, it  was  made  their  rule  in  all  the  wars  which  they  afterward  waged  against 
any  of  their  enemies. 

An.  167.  PioL  Philometor  14.] — Antiochus,*  hearing  that  his  commands  did 
not  meet  with  such  a  thorough  conformity  to  them  in  Judea  as  in  other  places, 
came  thither  in  person  farther  to  enforce  the  observance  of  them;  and  for  the  ac- 
complishing hereof,  executed  very  great  cruelties  on  all  non-apostatizing  Jews 
that  fell  into  his  hands,  hoping  thereby  to  terrify  all  the  rest  into  a  compliance; 
and  on  this  occasion  happened  the  martyrdom  of  Eleazar,  and  of  the  mother  and 
her  seven  sons,  which  we  have  described  to  us  by  the  author  of  the  second  book 
of  the  Maccabees,"  and  by  Josephus;^  by  both  of  which  a  full  account  having 
been  given  of  this  matter,  especially  by  the  latter,  who  hath  written  a  book  par- 

1  Ibid.  29,  30.    Joseph.  Anfiq.  lib.  12.  c.  8.  2  2  IWaccab.  v.  22. 

3  1  Maccab.  ii.  31— 3rl.  2  Maccab.  vi.  11.  Joseph,  ibid.        4  1  Maccab.  ii.  40,  41.  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  8. 

5  Josephus  de  Maccab.  c.  4,  5.  6  Chap.  vi.  vii.  7  In  libro  de  Maccab.  sive  de  Imperio  Rationis. 


1<M  (CONNEXION  OF  The  history  or 

ticularly  hereof,  I  refer  the  reader  to  them.  Ruffinus,  in  his  Latin  paraphrase  of 
this  book  of  Josephus  concerning  the  Maccabees,  gives  us  the  names  of  the  seven 
brothers  and  their  motherj'  and  tells  us,  that  as  well  they  as  Eleazar  were  car- 
ried from  Judea  to  Antioch,  and  that  it  was  there  that  they  were  judged  by  An- 
tiochus,  but  without  any  authority  that  we  know  of  for  either,  except  his  own  in- 
vention. The  reason  of  the  thing,  as  well  as  the  tenor  of  the  history,  which  is 
given  us  of  it  by  both  the  authors  I  have  mentioned,  make  it  much  more  likely 
that  Jerusalem,  and  not  Antioch,  was  made  the  scene  of  this  cruelty;  and  that 
especially,  since  it  being  designed  for  an  example  of  terror  unto  the  Jews  of 
Judea,  it  would  have  lost  its  force  if  executed  any  where  else  than  in  that  country. 

In  the  interim,  Mattathias  and  his  company  lay  close  in  the  fastnesses  of  the 
mountains,^  Avhere  no  easy  access  could  be  made  to  them;  and  as  soon  as  Anti- 
ochus  was  again  returned  to  Antioch,  great  numbers  of  such  as  were  adherents 
to  the  law,  there  resorted  to  him  to  fight  for  the  law  of  their  God,'  and  the  li- 
berties of  their  country.  Among  these,  there  were  a  company  of  Asidsans/ 
men  mighty  in  valour,  and  of  great  zeal  for  the  law,  as  having  voluntarily  de- 
voted themselves  to  a  more  rigid  observation  of  it  than  other  men,  from  whence 
they  had  the  name  of  Chasidim,  or  Asidfeans.  For,  after  the  settling  of  the 
Jewish  church  again  in  Judea,  on  their  return  from  the  Babylonish  captivity, 
there  were  two  sorts  of  men  among  the  members  of  it:*  the  one  w  ho  contented 
themselves  with  that  only  w'hich  was  written  in  the  law  of  Moses,  and  these 
were  called  zcu/ikim,  i.  e.  ike  righteous;  and  the  other,  who,  over  and  above  the 
law,  superadded  the  constitutions  and  traditions  of  the  elders,®  and  other  rigor- 
ous observances,  which,  by  way  of  supererogation,  they  voluntarily  devoted 
themselves  to;  and  these,  being  reckoned  in  a  degree  of  holiness  above  the 
other,  were  called  c/uisidim,  i.  e.  the  pious.  From  the  former  of  them  were  de- 
rived the  sects  of  the  Samaritans,  Sadducees,  and  Karatis,  and  from  the  latter 
the  Pharisees  and  the  Essenes;  of  all  which  a  fuller  account  will  be  given  in  the 
place  proper  for  it.  Of  these  chasidim  were  those  Asidseans  (or  Chasidseans, 
for  so  it  ought  to  be  written^)  who  joined  Mattathias  on  this  occasion,  and  he 
was  much  strengthened  by  them:  for  to  fight  zealously  for  their  religion,  and  the 
defence  of  the  temple  and  its  worship,  was  one  of  those  main  pomts  of  piety 
which  they  had  devoted  themselves  to. 

Mattathias  having  thus  gotten  such  a  company  together,  as  made  the  appear- 
ance of  a  small  army,  came  out  of  his  fastnesses,*  and  took  the  field  with  them; 
and,  going  round  the  cities  of  Judah,  he  pulled  down  the  heathen  altars,  caused 
all  male  children  whom  he  found  any  where  without  circumcision  to  be  circum- 
cised, cut  oflf  all  apostates  that  fell  into  his  hands,  and  destroyed  all  the  perse- 
cutors wherever  he  came.  And  thus  going  on,  he  prospered  in  the  work  of 
purging  the  land  of  the  idolatry  which  the  persecutors  had  imposed  upon  it,  and 
again  re-established  the  true  worship  of  God"  in  its  former  state  in  all  the  places 
where  he  prevailed.  For,  having  recovered  several  copies  of  the  law  out  of 
the  hands  of  the  heathen,'"  he  restored  the  service  of  the  synagogue,  and  caused 
it  again  to  be  read  therein,  as  before  used  to  be  done.  When  Antiochus  issued 
out  his  decree  for  the  suppressing  of  the  Jewish  religion,  one  main  instruction 
given  his  agents  for  this  purpose,  was,  every  where  to  take  away  and  suppress 
the  law  of  Moses:"  for  that  being  the  rule  of  their  religion,  were  that  taken 
away,  he  thought  the  religion  itself  must  necessarily  cease  with  it.  And  there- 
fore orders  were  issued  out,  commanding  all  that  had  any  copies  of  the  law  to 

1  "Their  names,  accnrdin:;  tn  Ruffinus,  were  Marrahmiis,  Aher,  Macliir,  Jiidas,  Aclias.  Areth,  and  Jacob,  and 
Iheir  mother's  name  Sidoniona,  hiil  the  latter  Jewish  historians  call  her  Ilanna. 
•2  I  Maccab.  ii.  28,  2!).        3  Ibid.  4:1,  44.        4  Ibid.  42.        5  VideOrotiutn  In  Comment,  ad  1  Maccab.  ii.  42. 

6  Vide  Joseph!  Scalisreri  ElenchnniTrihisresii  Nicolai  Perarii,c.  2-J. 

7  F'or  the  word  in  the  Hebrew  is  written  with  the  letter  Cheth,  which  answers  toonrch;  and,  by  the  trans- 
liatofs  of  the  Hebrew  text,  is  sometimes  expressed  in  Greek  by  an  aspirate,  and  in  Latin  by  the  letter  H,  and 
sometimes  is  left  wholly  out,  as  in  the  word  Asidseans. 

8  1  Maccab.  il.  44,  4>*>.  &c.  Joseph.  Antiii.  lib.  12.  c.  8. 

9  That  is,  the  synajjogue  worship;  for  the  temple  worship  was  still  obstructed,  by  reason  that  the  temple 
was  still  in  the  hands  of  the  heathen. 

10  I  Maccab.  ii.  48.  1 1  IWd.  .'ili,  57.     Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  7. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  125 

deliver  them  up;  and  the  punishment  of  death  was  severely  inflicted  upon  all 
who  were  afterward  found  retaining  any  of  them.  And  by  this  means  the  per- 
secutors got  into  their  hands  all  the  copies  of  the  law  which  were  in  the  land, 
excepting  only  such  as  those  who  lied  into  the  deserts  carried  with  them  hither. 
For  all  others  were  forced  to  deliver  them  up  unto  them;  and,  when  they  had 
gotten  them,  some  they  destroyed,  and  the  others,  which  they  thought  fit  to 
preserve,  they  polluted'  by  painting  on  them  the  pictures  of  their  gods,  that  so  / 
they  might  no  more  be  of  use  to  any  true  Israelite:  for  their  pictures  were  for- 
bidden by  the  law  of  God,*  as  much  as  their  images,  and  to  have  either  of  them 
was  equally  esteemed  an  abomination  among  that  people.  But  this  order  of  per- 
secution extending  only  to  the  five  books  of  Moses,  and  not  to  the  writings  of  the 
prophets,  those  who  persisted  still  in  the  Jewish  worship,  instead  of  the  lessons 
which  had  hitherto,  from  the  time  of  Ezra,  been  read  out  of  the  law  on  every 
sabbath,  did  read  hke  portions  out  of  the  prophets;  and,  upon  this  occasion,  the 
public  reading  of  the  prophets  was  first  introduced  into  their  synagogues;  and, 
it  being  thus  introduced,  it  continued  there  ever  after.  And  therefore,  when 
the  persecution  was  over,  and  the  reading  of  the  law  was  again  restored  in  their 
synagogues,  the  prophets  were  also  there  read  with  it;  and  instead  of  the  one 
lesson  which  was  there  read  before,  they  thenceforth  had  two,  the  first  out  of 
the  law,  and  the  second  out  of  the  prophets,  as  hath  been  already  observed  in 
the  first  part  of  this  History.  All  those  copies  of  the  law  which  the  heathens 
had  gotten  into  their  hands  on  this  occasion,  and  had  not  destroyed,  Mattathias, 
wherever  he  came,  made  diligent  search  for,  and  thereby  recovered  several  of 
them.  Those  which  the  heathen  had  not  polluted  were  restored  to  their  pristine 
use;  the  others  might  serve  for  the  writing  out  of  other  copies  by  them,  but  were 
judged  unfit  for  all  other  uses,  by  reason  of  the  idol  pictures  painted  on  them, 
the  Jews  being  as  scrupulous  of  avoiding  all  appearances  of  idolatry  after  the 
Babylonish  captivity,  as  they  were  prone  to  run  into  it  before. 

An.  166.  Judas  Maccabceus  1.] — But  Mattathias,  being  very  aged,  was  worn 
out  with  the  fatigues  of  this  warfare,  and  therefore  died  the  next  year  after  he 
had  first  entered  on  it.  The  author  of  the  first  book  of  the  Maccabees  placeth 
his  death  in  the  146th  year  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Greeks,^  that  is,  of  the  era  of 
the  Seleucidae,  the  latter  end  of  which  was  the  beginning  of  the  16(ith  Julian 
year  before  Christ.  For  the  Julian  year  beginning  from  the  first  of  January, 
and  the  years  of  the  era  of  the  Seleucidse,  according  to  the  first  book  of  the 
Maccabees,  from  the  first  of  Nisan,  which  fell  in  our  March,  the  months  inter- 
vening were  in  the  latter  end  of  the  one,  and  in  the  beginning  of  the  other. 
Before  his  death,  he  called  his  five  sons  together;*  and  having  exhorted  them  to 
stand  up  valiantly  for  the  law  of  God,  and,  with  a  steady  constancy  and  courage, 
to  fight  the  battles  of  Israel  against  their  present  persecutors,  he  appointed  Judas 
to  be  their  captain  in  his  stead,  and  Simon  to  be  their  counsellor;  and  then 
giving  up  the  ghost,  was  buried  at  Modin,  in  the  sepulchre  of  his  forefathers, 
and  great  lamentation  was  made  for  him  by  all  the  faithful  in  Israel. 

But  this  loss  was  sufiiciently  compensated  by  the  succession  of  Judas  Macca- 
bseus,  his  son,  in  the  same  station.  For,  as  soon  as  his  father's  funeral  was  over, 
he  stood  up  in  his  stead;*  and,  according  as  appointed  by  him,  took  on  him  the 
chief  command  of  those  forces  which  he  had  with  him  at  his  death;  and  his  bro- 
thers, and  all  others  that  were  zealous  for  the  law,  resorted  to  him,  till  they  had 
made  up  the  number  of  an  army:  whereon  he  erected  his  standard,  and  led 
them  forth  under  it  to  fight  the  battles  of  Israel  against  their  common  enemies, 
the  heathens  that  oppressed  them.  His  motto,  in  that  standard  being  this  He- 
brew sentence,  taken  out  of  Exodus  xv.  11,  Mi  Camo-ka  Baclim  Jehovah,  i.  e. 

1  1  Maccab.  iii.  -18. 

2  Levit.  xxvi.  1.     Numb.  wxiiL-W.     For,  whereas,  in  the  place  in  Leviticus  here  citei],  tlie  En;;Iish trans- 
lators  render  it  any  image  ot"  .^tone,  the  Hebrew  original  is  any  stone  of  picture;  and  so  it  is  noted  in  the       4k 
margin  at  that  place,  by  which  the  Jews  understand  stones  painted  with  pictures. 

3  1  Maccab.  ii.  70.  4  Ibid.  49— 70.     Joseph.  Autiq.  lib,  12.0.8. 
5  1  Maccab.  iii.  1.    2    Maccab.  viii,  1,    Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  9. 


126  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

"  Who  is  like  unto  thee  among  the  gods,  O  Jehovah?"  and  it  not  being  wrote 
thereon  in  words  at  length,  but  by  an  abbreviation  formed  by  the  initial  letters 
of  these  words  put  together,  which  made  the  artificial  word  Maccabi,'  hence  all 
that  fought  under  that  standard  were  called  Maccabees,^  or  MaccabEeans;  and 
he,  in  an  especial  manner,  had  that  name  above  the  rest  by  way  of  eminence,^ 
who  was  the  captain  of  them;  and  thus  to  abbreviate  sentences,  and  names  of 
many  words,  by  putting  together  the  initial  letters  of  those  words,  and  making 
out  of  them  an  artificial  word  to  express  the  whole,  hath  been  a  common  prac- 
tice among  the  Jews.  Thus  among  them  Rambam"*  is  the  name  of  Rabbi  Moses 
Ben  Maimon,  and  Ralbag^  is  the  name  of  Rabbi  Levi  Ben  Gerson,  because  the 
initial  letters  of  the  four  words,  of  which  these  names  do  consist,  when  put  to- 
gether, make  these  artificial  words;  and  it  is  common  to  call  these  persons  by 
them.  And  abbreviations  made  this  way,  both  of  whole  sentences  as  well  as  of 
names,  do  so  frequently  occur  in  all  their  books,  that  there  is  no  understanding 
of  them  without  a  key  to  explain  these  abbreviations  by;  and  therefore  Buxtorf, 
for  the  help  of  students  in  the  Hebrew  learning,  hath  written  a  book  on  pur- 
pose to  explain  these  abbreviations,  which  is  entitled  De  Abbreviaturis  Hebrai- 
cis,  wherein  hundreds  of  instances  may  be  seen  of  this  kind.  Ruffinus  having 
given  names  to  the  seven  brothers  that  suffered  martyrdom  together  under  An- 
tiochus,  as  hath  been  above  mentioned,  calls  the  eldest  of  them  Maccabseus;  and 
therefore  from  him  some  would  derive  this  name  of  the  Maccabees  to  all  that 
are  called  by  it.  But  with  how  little  authority  Ruffinus  gives  to  those  brothers 
the  names  which  he  mentions,  hath  been  already  observed.  It  is  most  probable 
this  name  had  no  other  original  than  that  which  I  have  mentioned.  But  in  its 
use  it  did  not  rest  only  on  those  to  whom  it  was  first  given.  For  not  only  Judas 
and  his  brethren  were  called  Maccabees,  but  the  name  was  extended  in  after- 
times  to  all  those  who  joined  with  them  in  the  same  cause;  and  not  only  to 
them,  but  also  to  all  others  who  suffered  in  the  like  cause  under  any  of  the 
Grecian  kings,**  whether  of  Syria  or  Egypt,  although  some  of  them  lived  long 
before  them.  For  those  who  suffered  under  Ptolemy  Philopator  at  Alexandria, 
fifty  years  before,  were  afterward  called  Maccabees;  and  so  were  Eleazar,  and 
the  mother  and  her  seven  sons,  though  they  suffered  before  Judas  erected  his 
standard  with  the  motto  above  mentioned.  And  therefore,  as  those  books  which 
give  us  the  history  of  Judas  and  his  brothers,  and  their  wars  against  the  Syrian 
kings,  in  defence  of  their  religion  and  their  liberties,  are  called  the  first  and 
second  books  of  the  Maccabees;  so  that  book  which  gives  us  the  history  of 
those,  who  in  the  like  cause,  under  Ptolemy  Philopator,  were  exposed  to  his 
elephants  at  Alexandria,  is  called  the  third  book  of  the  Maccabees,  and  that 
which  is  written  by  Josephus  of  the  martyrdom  of  Eleazar,  and  the  seven  bro- 
thers and  their  mother,  is  called  the  fourth  book  of  the  Maccabees.  Of  the  two 
latter  I  have  already  given  an  account.  The  two  others  are  those  which  we 
have  in  our  Bibles  among  the  Apocrypha. 

The  first  of  them,  which  is  a  very  accurate  and  excellent  history,  and  comes 
the  nearest  to  the  style  and  manner  of  the  sacred  historical  writings  of  any  ex- 
tant, was  written  originally  in  Chaldee  language  of  the  Jerusalem  dialect;  which 
was  the  language  spoken  in  Judea,  from  the  return  of  the  Jews  thither  from  the 
Babylonish  captivity.  And  it  was  extant  in  this  language  in  the  time  of  Jerome, 
for  he  tells  us'  that  he  had  seen  it.  The  title  which  it  then  bore  was  Sharbit 
Sar  Bene  El,^  i.  e.  The  sceptre  of  the  prince  of  the  sons  of  God;  a  title  which 

1  ThasSenatus  Populusqiie  Romaiius,  was  expressed  on  the  Roman  standards  and  ensigns  by  the  initial 
letters  of  these  words.  S.  P.  Q..  R. 

2  Vide  Grotiiim  in  Pr^fatione  ad  Commment.  in  Primum  Librum  Maccab.  et  Buxtorfiurn  de  Abbrevia- 
turis. p.  132.  aliosque. 

3  1  Maccab.  ii.  4.  4  Bu.^torf.  de  Abbreviaturis,  p.  18G.  5  Idem  in  eodem  Libro,  p.  385. 

6  Scahger  in  /^nimadversionibus  in  Chronologica  Euscb.  No.  J853.  p.  143.  ubi  dicit,  "  Omnes  qui  ob  legis 
observationein  e.xcniciali,  ca?si,  et  male  tractati  sunt,  a  veteribus  Christianis  dicuntur  Maccabsi,  ut  qui 
propter  Christum,  dicti  martyres." 

7  In  Prologo  Galeato. 

8  Origines  in  Comment,  ad  Psalmos,  vol.  1.  p.  47.  editionis  HuetianiB.    Euseb.  Hist.  Eccles.  lib.  6.  c.  25. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  127 

well  suited  Judas,  who  was  so  valiant  a  commander  of  God's  people  then  under 
persecution.  The  author  of  it,  some  conjecture,  was  John  Hyrcanus  the  son  of 
Simon,  who  was  prince  and  high-priest  of  the  Jews  near  thirty  years,  and  be- 
gan his  government  at  the  time  where  his  history  ends.  It  is  most  likely  it  was 
composed  in  his  time,  when  those  wars  of  the  Maccabees  were  over,  either  by 
him,  or  else  by  some  others  employed  by  him.  For  it  reacheth  no  farther  than 
where  his  government  begins;  and  therefore,  in  the  time  immediately  following, 
it  seems  most  likely  to  have  been  composed;  and  public  records  being  made  use 
of,  and  referred  to  in  this  history,  this  makes  it  very  probable  that  it  was  com- 
posed under  the  direction  of  some  public  authority.  From  the  Chaldee  it  was 
translated  into  Greek,  and  after  that  a  translation  was  made  of  it  from  the  Greek 
into  Latin;  and  we  have  our  English  version  from  the  same  Greek  fountain. 
Theodotion  is  conjectured  to  have  first  translated  it  into  Greek;  but  it  seems 
most  probable  that  this  version  was  ancienter,  because  of  the  use  made  of  it  by 
authors  as  ancient,  as  by  TertuUian,'  Origen,^  and  others. 

The  second  book  of  the  Maccabees  consists  of  several  pieces  compiled  toge- 
ther; by  what  author  is  utterly  uncertain.  It  begins  with  two  epistles  sent  from 
the  Jews  of  Jerusalem  to  the  Jews  of  Alexandiia  and  Egypt,  to  exhort  them  to 
the  observing  of  the  feast  of  the  dedication  of  the  new  altar  erected  by  Judas, 
on  his  purifying  of  the  temple,  Avhich  was  celebrated  on  the  twenty-fifth  day  of 
their  month  Cisleu.  The  first  of  them  was  written^  in  the  169th  year  of  the  era 
of  the  Seleucidse  (i.  e.  in  the  year  before  Christ  144,)  and,  beginning  at  the  first 
verse  of  the  first  chapter,  endeth  at  the  ninth  verse  of  the  same  chapter  inclu- 
sively. And  the  second  was  written^  in  the  188th  year  of  the  same  era  (i.  e. 
in  the  year  before  Christ  125,)  and  beginning  at  the  tenth  verse  of  the  same 
chapter,  endeth  with  the  eighteenth  verse  of  the  second  chapter.  Both  these 
epistles  seem  to  be  spurious,  wherever  the  compiler  of  this  book  picked  them 
up.  The  first  of  them  calls  the  feast  of  the  dedication,  xx>,vG7^-^y,-x  iv  K:io-iX..-..,  that 
is,  "the  feast  of  making  tabernacles,  or  booths,  in  Cisleu,"  which  is  very  im- 
proper. For  although  they  might,  during  that  solemnity,  carry  some  winter- 
greens  in  their  hands  to  express  their  rejoicing,  yet  they  could  not  then  make 
such  booths  as  in  the  feast  of  tabernacles;  because,  the  month  Cisleu  falling  in 
the  middle  of  winter,  they  could  not  then  lie  abroad  in  such  booths,  nor  find 
green  boughs  enough  to  make  them.  And  as  to  the  second  epistle,  it  is  not 
only  written  in  the  name  of  Judas  Maccabaeus,  who  was  slain  thirty-six  years 
before,  but  also  contains  such  fabulous  and  absurd  stuff,  as  could  never  have 
been  written  by  the  great  council  of  the  Jews  assembled  at  Jerusalem  for  the 
whole  nation,  as  this  pretends  to  be.  What  foUoweth  after  this  last  epistle,  to 
the  end  of  the  chapter,  is  the  preface  of  the  author  to  his  abridgement  of  his 
history  of  Jason,  which  beginning  from  the  first  verse  of  the  third  chapter,  is 
carried  on  to  the  end  of  the  thirty  seventh  verse  of  the  last  chapter;  and  the 
two  next  verses  that  follow  to  the  end,  are  the  author's  conclusion  of  the  whole 
work.  This  Jason,  the  abridgement  of  whose  history  makes  the  main  of  this 
book,  was  an  Hellenist  Jew  of  Cyrene,  of  the  race  of  those  Jews*  whom  Ptole- 
my Soter  sent  thither,  as  hath  been  before  related.*  He  wrote  in  Greek^  the 
history  of  Judas  Maccabseus  and  his  brethren,  and  of  the  purification  of  the 
temple  at  Jerusalem,  and  the  dedication  of  the  altar,  and  the  wars  against  An- 
tiochus  Epiphanes,  and  Eupator  his  son,  in  five  books.  These  five  books  the 
author  abridged;''  and  of  this  abridgement,  and  the  other  particulars  above  men- 
tioned, compiled  the  whole  book  in  the  same  Greek  language,  and  this  proves 
that  author  to  have  been  a  Hellenist  also,  and  most  likely  he  was  of  Alexan- 
dria; which  one  expression  in  the  book,  and  there  more  than  once  occurring, 
seems  very  strongly  to  prove.  For  there,  in  speaking  of  the  temple  of  Jerusa- 
lem, he  calls  it  the  great  temple,®  which  cannot  there  be  understood  to  be  said 

1  Adversus  Judffios,  p.  210.     Edit.  Rigalt.  2.  2  Origenes,  ibid,  et  .ilibi.  .3  2  Maccab.  i.  7. 

4  Ibid.  10.  5  See  part  1,  book  8,  under  the  year  320.  6  2  Mac.  ii.  19—23.  7  Ibid.  23,  24. 

8  Ibid.  19.  xiv.  13. 


128  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

otherwise  than  by  way  of  contradistinction  from  another  temple  which  was  les- 
ser;' and  that  could  be  none  other  than  the  temple  built  in  Eg}^pt  by  Onias, 
which  will  be  hereafter  spoken  of.  This  the  Jews  of  EgJTst  did  acknowledge 
as  a  daughter  temple  to  that  of  Jerusalem,  still  retaining  the  prime  honour  to 
that  as  the  mother  temple;  and  therefore  very  properly  the  temple  at  Jerusa- 
lem might  be  caUed  the  great  temple  by  them,  in  that  they  had  a  lesser,  but 
not  by  any  other  Jews.  For  none  others  of  them  acknowledged  this  temple  in 
Egypt  at  all,  or  any  other  but  that  at  Jerusalem  only,  but  looked  on  all  those 
as  schismatics  that  sacrifice  any  where  else.  And  therefore  none  but  an  Egyp- 
tian Jew,  who  acknowledged  the  lesser  temple  in  Egypt,  as  well  as  the  greater 
temple  at  Jerusalem,  could  thus  express  himself,  as  is  above  mentioned:  and 
consequently  none  but  an  Egyptian  Jew  could  be  the  author  of  this  book.  And 
of  aU  the  Egyptian  Jews,  the  Alexandrian  being  the  most  poUte  and  learned, 
this  makes  it  most  likely  that  there  this  book  was  composed.  But  this  second 
book  of  the  Maccabees  doth  by  no  means  equal  the  accurateness  and  excellen- 
cy of  the  first.  There  are,  in  the  Polyglot  Bibles  both  of  Paris  and  London, 
Syriac  versions  of  both  these  books,  but  they  are  both  of  them  of  a  later  date, 
and  made  from  the  Greek,  though  they  are  observed  in  some  places  to  differ 
from  it.  And  from  the  same  Greek  are  also  made  the  English  versions  of  both 
these  books  which  we  have  among  the  apocryphal  writers  in  our  Bibles. 

Antiochus,^  hearing  that  Paulus  /Emilius,  the  Roman  general,  after  having 
conquered  Perseus  king  of  Macedon,  and  subdued  that  whole  realm,  had  cele- 
brated games  at  Amphipolis,  on  the  River  Strymon,  in  that  country,  in  imita- 
tion hereof,  proposed  to  do  the  same  at  Daphne  near  Antioch;  and  therefore, 
having  set  a  day  for  it,  sent  out  emissaries  into  aU  parts  to  invite  spectators  to  the 
place,  whereby  he  drew  great  numbers  thither  to  see  the  shows,  which  he  there 
celebrated  with  great  pomp  and  prodigious  expense  for  several  days  together: 
through  all  which,  to  verify  the  character  prophetically  given  of  him  by  the 
holy  prophet  Daniel,^  he  acted  the  part  of  a  most  vile  and  despicable  person, 
agreeable  to  Avhat  hath  been  before  mentioned  of  him,  exposing  himself  before 
that  numerous  assembly,  by  the  meanest  and  most  indecent  actions  of  beha- 
viour, to  the  contempt,  scorn,  and  ridicule,  of  all  that  were  present;  and  to  that 
degree,  that  several  not  being  able  to  bear  the  sight  of  so  absurd  and  profligate 
a  conduct,  fled  from  his  feasts  to  avoid  it.  Polybius  wrote  a  full  description  of 
all  this,  and^  Athenaeus  hath  copied  it  from  him  at  large;  and  the  same  may  be 
seen^  in  epitome  out  of  Diodorus  Siculus  among  the  Excerpta  published  by 
Valesius. 

But  while  Antiochus  w^as  thus  playing  the  fool  at  Daphne,  Judas  was  acting 
another  kind  of  part  in  Judea.  For,  having  gotten  together  such  an  army  as 
is  mentioned,'  he  went  round  the  cities  of  Judea  in  the  same  manner  as  his 
father  had  begun  to  do,  destroying  every  where  all  utensils  and  implements  of 
idolatry,  and  cutting  off,  in  all  places,  the  heathen  idolaters,  and  all  others  who 
had  apostatized  to  them;  and  hereby  having  delivered  the  true  lovers  of  the 
laws,  wherever  he  came,  from  all  those  that  oppressed  them,  for  the  better  se- 
curing of  them  from  all  such  for  the  future,  he  fortified  their  towns,  rebuilt  their 
fortresses,  and  placed  strong  garrisons  in  them  for  their  protection  and  defence; 
and  hereby  made  himself  strong  and  powerful  in  the  land.  Whereon  Apollo- 
nius,^  who  was  governor  for  Antiochus  in  Samaria,  thinking  to  put  a  stop  to  his 
future  progress,  got  an  army  together,  and  marched  against  him.  But  Judas,'' 
having  vanquished  and  slain  him  in  battle,  made  a  great  slaughter  of  his  forces, 

1  It  is  in  Greek,  tsu  itpou  Tou^syce>.ou,2  Maccab.  ii.  19. 

2  Polyb.  apud.  AthenaEum,  lib.  5.  c.  4.  p.  194,  195.  et  lib.  10.  c.  12.  p.  4.39.     Diodor.  Sic.  in  E.xcerptis  Va- 
lesii,  p.  321. 

3  Dan.  xi.  21. 

4  Polyb.  apud  Athenfeum,  lib.  5.  c.  4.  p.  194,  195.  et  lib.  10.  c.  12.  p.  439.    Diodor.  Sic.  in  E.tcerptis  Va- 
lesii,  p.  321. 

5  1  Maccab.  iii.  8.    2  Maccab.  viii.  5—7.    1  Maccab.  iii.  10.    Joseph.  Anliq.  lib.  12.  c.  10. 

6  Ibid.  10—12.    Ibid.  7  1  Maccab.  iii.  13. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  129 

and  took  their  spoils;  among  which  finding  the  sword  of  Apollonius,  he  took  it 
to  his  own  use,  and  fought  with  it  all  his  life  after. 

Seron,'  who  was  a  deputy-governor  of  some  part  of  Ccele-Syria  under  Ptole- 
my Macron  (for  this  Ptolemy  was  then  chief  governor  of  that  province,'')  hear- 
i©g  of  the  defeat  of  Apollonius,  got  all  the  forces  together  that  were  under  his 
command,  and  marched  with  them  into  Judea,"  with  hopes  of  revenging  this 
blow,  and  gaining  thereby  great  honour  to  himself  on  Judas,  and  those  that  fol- 
lowed him;  but,  instead  hereof,  he  met  with  the  same  fate  that  Apollonius  did, 
being  vanquished  by  Judas,  and  slain  in  battle  in  the  same  manner  as  the  other 
had  been. 

When  Antiochus^  heard  of  these  two  defeats,  he  was  moved  with  great  fury 
and  indignation;  and  therefore,  in  his  rage,  forthwith  sent  and  gathered  toge- 
ther all  his  forces,  even  a  very  great  army,  resolving  in  his  wrath  to  march  im- 
mediately with  them  into  Judea,  and  there  utterly  destroy  the  whole  nation  of 
the  Jews,  and  give  their  lands  to  others  to  be  divided  among  them:  but,  when 
he  came  to  pay  his  army,  he  found  his  treasury  so  exhausted,  that  there  was  not 
money  therein  sufficient  for  it;  which  forced  him  to  suspend  his  revenge  upon 
the  Jews  for  the  present,  and  put  a  stop  to  all  those  violent  designs  which  he 
had  formed  in  his  mind  for  the  speedy  executing  of  it.  He  had  expended  vast 
sums  in  his  late  shows,  and,  besides,  he  was  on  all  occasions  very  magnificent 
and  profuse  in  his  gifts  and  donatives,*  frequently  dealing  out  to  his  followers 
and  others  vast  sums  with  both  hands,  sometimes  to  good  purposes,  but  oftener 
to  none  at  all;  which  made  good  what  the  prophet  Daniel  foretold  of  him,  that' 
"he  should  scatter  among  his  followers  the  prey,  and  the  spoil,  and  riches;® 
and  from  hence  he  had  the  character  of  the  Magnanimous  and  the  Munificent.' 
For,  in  the  liberal  giving  of  gifts,  we  are  told  in  the  Maccabees,*  that  he  abounded 
above  all  the  kings  that  were  before  him.  And  besides  at  the  same  time  he 
was  farther  perplexed,  according  to  the  predictions  of  the  same  holy  prophet,' 
"  by  tidings  that  came  to  him  out  of  the  east,  and  out  of  the  north,  that  troubled 
him."  For  in  the  north,  Artaxias  king  of  Armenia,  his  tributary,  had  revolted 
from  him,  and  in  Persia,  which  was  in  the  east,  his  taxes  were  no  more  duly 
paid;  for  there,  as  well  as  in  other  parts  of  his  empire,"*  a  failure  herein  was 
caused  by  reason  of  the  dissension  and  plague  which  he  had  brought  upon  them, 
by  taking  away  the  laws  which  had  been  of  old  time  among  them,  out  of  a 
fond  desire  of  bringing  all  to  a  uniformity  with  the  Greeks.  For,  had  it  not 
been  for  these  disturbances,  such  payments,  from  so  large  and  rich  an  empire, 
would  regularly  have  come  into  his  treasury,  as  would  constantly  have  made 
amends  for  all  his  goings  out  of  it;  but,  when  the  goings  out  of  it  continued, 
and  the  flowings  in  failed,  had  his  treasure  been  as  the  ocean,  it  must  have 
grown  empty  at  last;  and  this  now  was  his  case. 

And  therefore,  for  the  remedying  of  this,  as  well  as  other  inconveniences 
which  then  perplexed  his  affairs,"  he  resolved  to  divide  his  army  into  two  parts, 
and  to  leave  one  of  them  with  Lysias,  a  nobleman  of  the  royal  family,  to  subdue 
the  Jews,  and  with  the  other  to  march  himself,  first  into  Armenia,  and  afterward 
into  Persia,  for  the  restoring  of  his  affairs  in  those  countries.  And  accordingly, 
having  left  the  same  Lysias  governor  of  all  that  part  of  his  empire  w^hich  lay  on 
this  side  of  the  Euphrates,  and  committed  to  his  care  the  breeding  up  of  his  son, 
who  was  then  a  minor  but  of  seven  years  old;'*  he  passed  over  Mount  Taurus  into 
Armenia,  and  having  vanquished  Artaxias,''  and  taken  him  prisoner,  marched 

1  2  Maccah,  viii.  8. 

2  1  Maccab.  iii.  13—24.    Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  10.  3  1  Maccab.  iii.  27.  ^,  &c.     Ibid.  c.  11. 
4  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  11.     Athen.  lib.  5.  p.  191.  et  lib.  10.  p.  438.  5  Dan,  .xi.  24. 

6  How  he  came  by  these  riches,  spoil,  and  prey.  Alhenaeiis  tells  in  these  following  words:  "  All  these  ex.- 
penses  were  made  partly  out  of  the  prey,  which,  contrary  to  his  faith  civen,  he  took  in  E(;ypt  from  King  Phi- 
loiuetoj,  then  a  minor,  and  partly  out  of  the  gifts  of  his  friends:  but  the  greatest  part  was  from  the  spoils  of 
the  many  temples  which  he  sacrilegiously  robbed."     Deipiiosoph.  lib.  5.  p.  195. 

7  MiyxKo-i„j'/.o?  XXI  <fiK!>>i,^poi.    Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  11.  ,S  1  Maccab.  iii.  30. 
9  Dan.  x\.  44.     Vide  Hieronymum  in  Comment,  ad  ilium  locum.  10  1  Maccab.  iii.  29. 
U  Ibid.  31,  32,  &c.     Joseph.  An<jq.  lib.  12.  c.  11. 

12  He  was,  when  he  succeeded  his  father,  two  i^ars  after,  a  youth  of  nine  years  old. 

13  Appian.  in  Syriacis.     Porphyrius  apud  Hieronynum  in  Dan.  xi.  44. 

Vol.  II.— 17 


130  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

thence  into  Persia,  hoping  that,  by  taking  the  tribute  of  that  rich  country,  and  the 
other  provinces  of  the  east,  for  which  they  were  in  arrear  to  him,  he  should  ga- 
ther money  sufficient  wherewith  to  repair  all  the  deficiencies  of  his  treasury,  and 
thereby  restore  all  his  other  affairs  to  their  former  order  and  prosperity. 

While  he  was  on  these  projects  abroad,  Lysias  was  intent  on  the  executing  of 
his  orders  at  home,  especially  in  reference  to  the  Jews;  concerning  whom  the 
king's  command  left  with  him  was,'  utterly  to  extirpate  that  people  out  of  their 
country,  and  to  place  strangers  in  all  its  quarters,  and  divide  the  land  by  lot 
among  them.  And  the  progress  which  Judas  made  with  his  forces,  in  bringing 
all  places  under  him  wherever  he  came,  hastened  Lysias  to  a  speedy  execution 
of  what  the  king  had  commanded  in  reference  to  them.  For  Philip,"''  whom  An- 
tiochus  had  left  at  Jerusalem  in  the  government  of  Judea,  seeing  how  Judas 
grew  and  increased,^  wrote  hereof  to  Ptolemy  Macron,  then  governor  of  the 
provinces  of  Coele-Syria  and  Phoenicia,  to  which  the  government  of  Judea  was 
an  appendant,  pressing  him  to  a  speedy  care  of  the  king's  interest  in  this  mat- 
ter, and  Ptolemy  communicated  it  to  Lysias:  whereon  it  being  resolved  forthwith 
to  send  an  army  into  Judea,"*  Ptolemy  Macron  was  appointed  to  have  the  chief 
conduct  of  the  war;  who  choosing  Nicanor,  one  of  his  especial  friends,  for  his 
lieutenant,^  sent  him  before  with  twenty  thousand  men,*  joining  with  him  Gk)r- 
gias,  an  old  soldier,  greatly  experienced  in  matters  of  war,  for  his  assistant. 
These  having  entered  the  country,  were  speedily  followed  thither  by  Ptolemy, 
with  the  rest  of  the  forces  designed  for  this  expedition;  which,  when  all  joined 
together,"  encamped  at  Emmaus  near  Jerusalem,  and  there  made  up  an  army 
of  forty  thousand  foot,'  and  seven  thousand  horse;  and  thither  resorted  to  them 
another  army  of  merchants  for  the  buying  of  the  captives  which  they  reckoned 
would  be  taken  in  this  war.  For  Nicanor,*  proposing  to  raise  great  sums  of 
money  this  way,  even  as  much  as  would  be  sufficient  to  pay  the  debt  of  two 
thousand  talents,  which  the  king  then  owed  the  Romans  for  arrear  of  tribute 
due  to  them,  by  the  treaty  of  peace  made  with  them  by  his  father,  after  the  bat- 
tle of  Mount  Sipylus,  he  caused  the  sale  to  be  proclaimed  in  all  the  neighbour- 
ing countries,  promising  to  sell  no  fewer  than  ninety  Jev/s  for  every  talent.  For 
it  was  resolved  to  slay  all  the  full-grown  men,  and  sell  all  the  rest  for  slaves; 
and  one  hundred  and  eighty  thousand  of  the  latter  at  the  price  promised,  would 
raise  the  sum  proposed.  Hereon,  the  merchants,"  promising  themselves  great 
gains  from  so  cheap  a  market,  flocked  thither  with  their  silver  and  gold  in  great 
numbers,  they  being  no  fewer  than  one  thousand  principal  merchants  that  came 
to  the  Syrian  camp  on  this  occasion,  besides  a  much  greater  number  of  servants 
and  assistants,  whom  they  brought  thither  with  them,  to  help  them  in  carrying 
off  the  slaves  they  should  purchase. 

Judas  and  his  brethren,"*  seeing  the  great  danger  which  they  were  threatened 
with  from  this  numerous  army  (for  they  knew  that  they  came  with  orders  to  de- 
stroy and  utterly  abolish  the  whole  Jewish  nation,)  resolved  to  stand  to  their  de- 
fence, and  fight  for  their  lives,  their  law,  and  their  liberties,  and  either  conquer 
or  die  in  the  attempt.  And  six  thousand  men"  being  gathered  together  after 
them  for  this  intent,'^  Judas  divided  them  into  four  bands,  each  consisting  of  one 
thousand  five  hundred  men;  one  of  these  Judas  himself  took  the  command  of, 
and  committed  that  of  the  other  three  to  three  of  his  brothers,  and  then  led  them 
all  to  Mizpa,"  there  to  offer  up  their  prayers  to  God  for  his  merciful  assistance 
to  them  in  the  time  of  this  great  danger.  For  Jerusalem  being  at  that  time  in 
the  hands  of  the  heathens,  and  the  sanctuary  trodden  under  foot,  they  could  not 
assemble  there  for  this  purpose;  and  therefore  Mizpa  being  the  place  where  men 
prayed  aforetime  in  Israel,'^  there  they  met  together,  and  addressed  themselves 

]  2  IVTaccab.  iii.ai— :<r,.     Josnph.  Antin.  lih.  1'2.  c.  Jl.  2  2  Maccab.  v.  12.  3  Ibid.  viii.  8. 

4  1  Marcab.  iii.  :ir>.     Josppli.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  11.  ■'i  2  .Maccab.  viii.  9. 

6  1  Maccab.  iii.  40.     .losHpli.  Ibid.  7  Ibid.  Sit.     Ibid.  8  2  Maccab.  viii.  10,  11. 

9  1  Maccab.  iii.  41.     2  Maccab.  viii.  .?4.     Joseph.  Aiitiq.  lib.  12.  c.  11. 

10  1  Maccab.  iii.  42— 44,  &.c.    2  Mar.  viii.  12,  &c.     JDStpli.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  11.         11  2  Maccab.  viii.  16. 
12  Ibid.  21,  22.  13  1  Muctab.  iii.4lj,  &c.  14  Judges  x.\.  1.     1  Samuel  vu.  5. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  131 

to  GJod  In  solemn  fasting  and  prayer,  for  the  imploring  of  his  mercy  upon  them 
in  this  their  great  distress,  and  then  marched  forth  to  tight  the  enemy.  But 
when  proclamation  was  made,  according  to  the  law,'  that  all  such  as  had  that 
year  built  houses,'^  betrothed  wives,  or  planted  vineyards,  or  were  fearful,  should 
depart,  the  six  thousand  men,  which  Judas  had  at  first,'  were  reduced  to  tliree 
thousand.  However,  that  valiant  captain  of  God's  people  resolving  even  with 
these  to  tight  this  numerous  army,  and  commit  the  event  to  God,^  led  forth  this 
small  company  into  the  field,  and  pitched  his  camp  very  near  that  of  the  enemy; 
and  there,  having  encouraged  them  with  what  was  proper  to  be  spoken  to  them 
on  such  an  occasion,  did  let  them  know  that  he  ])urposed  the  next  morning  to 
join  battle  with  the  Syrians,  and  ordered  them  to  provide  for  it  accordingly.  But, 
having  gotten  intelligence  that  evening,^  that  Gorgias  was  marched  out  of  the 
Syrian  camp,  with  five  thousand  chosen  foot,  and  one  thousand  of  their  best 
horse,  and  was  leading  them  through  by-ways,  under  the  guidance  of  some 
apostate  Jews,  upon  a  design  of  falling  on  him  in  the  night,  for  the  cutting  of 
him  off,  and  all  there  with  him,  by  a  sudden  surprise,  he  countermined  his  plot 
by  another  of  the  same  kind,  and  executed  it  with  much  better  success.  For 
immediately  quitting  his  camp,  and  leaving  it  quite  empty,  he  marched  toward 
that  of  the  enemy,  and  fell  upon  them,  while  Gorgias  was  absent  on  his  night- 
project  with  their  best  men,  by  which  they  being  sui-prised,  and  put  into  great 
confusion,  soon  fled,  and  left  Judas  master  of  their  camp,  and  three  thousand  of 
their  men  dead  upon  the  spot.*^  But  Gorgias  and  his  detachment  being  still 
entire,  Judas  withheld  his  men  from  the  spoil  and  the  pursuit  till  these  were 
also  vanquished,'  and  this  was  done  without  any  farther  fighting.  For  Gorgias, 
after  having  in  vain  sought  for  Judas  in  his  camp,  and  also  in  the  mountains 
where  he  thought  him  fled,  returning  back,  and  finding  on  his  return  the  camp 
on  fire,  and  the  main  army  broken  and  fled,  he  could  no  longer  keep  his  men 
together,  but  they  all  flung  down  their  arms,  and  fled  also;  whereon  Judas,  with 
all  his  men,  put  himself  on  the  pursuit,  and  therein  slew  great  numbers  more  of 
the  Syrian  host,  so  that  the  slain,  in  the  whole,  amounted  to  nine  thousand  men;"* 
and  most  of  the  rest  were  sore  wounded  and  maimed  that  escaped  from  the  bat- 
tle. After  this,  Judas"  led  back  his  men  to  take  the  spoils  of  the  camp,  where 
they  found  great  riches,  and  got  all  that  money  for  a  prey  which  the  merchants 
brought  thither  to  buy  them  with,  and  several  of  them  they  sold  for  slaves  who 
came  thither,  as  to  a  market,  to  have  bought  them  for  such.  And  the  next  day 
after  being  their  sabbath,"^  they  solemnized  it  with  great  devotion,  rejoicing  and 
giving  praise  to  God  for  this  great  and  merciful  deliverance  which  he  had  now 
given  unto  them. 

Judas  and  his  followers  being  flushed  with  this  victory,  and  being  also  by  the 
reputation  of  it  much  increased  in  their  strength,  through  the  numbers  of  those 
that  resorted  to  them  hereon,  resolved  to  pursue  the  advantage  they  had  gotten 
for  the  suppressing  of  all  other  their  enemies;  and  therefore,  understanding  that 
Timotheus,"  governor  of  the  country  beyond  Jordan,  and  Bacchides,  another  of 
Antiochus's  lieutenants  in  those  parts,  were  drawing  forces  together  to  annoy 
them,  they  marched  forthwith  against  them,  and,  having  overthrown  them  in  a 
great  battle,  slew  above  twenty  thousand  of  their  men;  and  having  taken  their 
spoils,  they  thereby  not  only  enriched  themselves,  but  also  got  provisions  and 
arms,  and  many  other  necessaries,  for  the  future  carrying  on  of  the  war.  And 
in  this  victory  they  had  the  satisfaction  of  executing  their  just  revenge  on  two 
very  signal  enemies  of  theirs,  the  one  called  Philarches,''-*  who,  with  Timotheus, 
had  done  them  much  mischief,  and  the  other  Callisthenes,*^  who  was  the  person 
that  put  fire  to  the  gates  of  the  temple,  whereby  they  were  burnt  down.  The 
first  they  slew  in  battle,  and  the  other  being  driven  in  the  pursuit  into  a  little 
house,  they  set  it  on  fire  over  his  head,  and  there  made  him  die  in  it  such  a 

1  Deut.  XX.  5.  2  1  Maccab.  iii.  5G.  3  Ibid.  iv.  6.  4  Ibid.  iii.  57,  58. 

5  Ibid.  iv.  1,  &c.    2  Macrab.  viii.  16,  &c.     Joseph.  Aiitiq.  lib.  12.  c.  11.  G  1  Maccab.  iv.  15. 

7  Ibid.  18,  &c.  H  Ibid.  viii.  24.  9  Ibiil.  iv.  23,  &c.  Joseph.  Atiiiq.  lib.  12.  c.  IJ. 

10  2  Maccab.  viii.  2G,  27.  11  Ibid.  30,  31.  12  Ibid.  32.  13  Ibid.  33. 


132  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

death  as  well  suited  the  crime  whereby  he  deserved  it.  And  as  to  Nicanor, 
though  he  escaped  with  life,  yet  it  was  in  a  very  ignominious  manner.  For 
finding  the  army  broken,  and  the  expedition  thereby  defeated,  he  changed  his 
glorious  apparel  for  that  of  a  servant,'  and  in  this  disguise  made  l^iis  escape 
through  the  midland  to  Antioch,  where  he  was  in  great  dishonour  and  disgrace, 
by  reason  of  his  miscarriage  in  this  enterprise,  and  losing  thereby  so  great  an 
army.  For  the  excusing  of  himself  in  this  case,  he  was  forced  to  acknowledge 
the  great  power  of  the  god  of  Israel;  alleging,  that  he  fought  for  his  people,  be- 
cause they  kept  his  law;  and  that  as  long  as  they  did  so,  they  would  always  have 
him  for  their  protector,  and  no  hurt  could  be  done  unto  them.  It  is  most  likely 
Ptolemy  Macron  was  not  present  in  any  of  these  battles,  there  being  no  mention 
made  of  him  in  any  of  them.  Perchance  the  aflairs  of  Syria,  of  which  he  was 
governor,  then  kept  him  otherwise  employed.  And  therefore,  though  he  came 
at  first  to  the  camp  of  Emmaus,  yet  he  was  not  present  when  the  battle  was 
there  fought  with  Judas,  but  left  it  wholly  to  be  conducted  by  Nicanor  his  de- 
puty. And  therefore  the  whole  of  it  is  in  the  history  attributed  to  Nicanor, 
without  naming  Ptolemy  at  all,  unless  only  in  the  first  appointment  of  that  ex- 
pedition. 

An.  165.  Judas  Maccabceics  2.] — Lysias,  on  the  hearing  of  the  ill  success  of 
the  king's  army  in  Judea,  and  the  great  losses  sustained  thereby,^  was  much 
confounded  at  it.  But  knowing  how  earnest  the  king's  commands  were  for  the 
executing  of  his  wrath  upon  that  people,  he  made  great  preparations  for  another 
expedition  against  them;  and  having  gotten  together  an  army  of  sixty  thousand 
foot  and  five  thousand  horse,  all  choice  men,  he  put  himself  at  the  head  of  them, 
and  marched  with  them  in  person  into  Judea,  purposing  no  less  than  the  utter 
destruction  of  that  country,  and  all  the  inhabitants  of  it.  With  this  design,  be- 
ing entered  into  it,  he  pitched  his  camp  at  Bethsura,  a  town  lying  to  the  south 
of  Jerusalem,  near  the  confines  of  Idumtea.  There  Judas  met  him  with  ten 
thousand  men;  and  having,  through  his  great  confidence  in  God's  assistance, 
with  this  much  inferior  force,  engaged  the  numerous  army  of  Lysias,  and  hav- 
ing slain  five  thousand  of  them,  he  put  all  the  rest  to  flight;  whereby  Lysias 
being  much  dismayed,  and  also  equally  astonished  at  the  valour  of  Judas's  sol- 
diers, who  fought  as  men  ready  prepared  either  to  live  or  die  valiantly,  returned 
with  his  baffled  army  to  Antioch,  purposing  to  come  again  with  greater  force 
against  them  another  year. 

Upon  this  retreat  of  Lysias,  Judas,  being  left  master  of  the  country,'  proposed 
to  his  followers  their  going  up  to  Jerusalem  for  the  recovery  of  the  sanctuary 
out  of  the  hands  of  the  heathen,  and  to  cleanse  and  dedicate  it  anew  for  the  ser- 
vice of  the  Lord  their  God,  that  his  worship  might  be  there  again  restored,  and 
daily  carried  on  as  in  former  times;  to  which  all  consenting,  he  led  them  up 
thither,  where  they  found  all  things  in  a  veiy  lamentable  state;  for  the  city  was 
in  rubbish,  the  sanctuary  desolated,  the  altar  profaned,  the  gates  of  the  temple 
burnt  up,  shrubs  were  in  its  courts  as  in  a  forest,  and  the  priests'  chambers  pulled 
down.  At  the  sight  hereof,  the  whole  assembly  fell  into  great  lamentation,  and 
pressed  earnestly  to  have  all  these  desolations  and  profanations  removed  out  of 
the  house  of  God,  that  so  his  worship  might  be  again  performed  in  it  as  in  for- 
mer times.  And  accordingly,  in  order  hereto,  Judas  having  chosen  priests  of 
unblameable  conversation,  appointed  them  to  the  work;  who,  having  cleansed 
the  sanctuary,  pulled  down  the  altar  which  the  heathens  had  there  erected, 
borne  out  all  the  defiled  stones  of  them  into  an  unclean  place,  taken  down  the 
old  altar  which  the  heathens  had  profaned,  built  a  new  one  in  its  stead  of  un- 
hewn stones,''  according  to  the  law,  and  hallowed  the  courts,  made  thereby  the 
whole  temple  in  all  things  again  fit  for  its  former  service.  But  whereas  Anti- 
ochus  had,'  in  his  sacrilegious  pillage  of  it,  taken  away  the  golden  altar  of  in- 

1  2  Maccab.  viii.  34—36.  2  1  Maccab.  iv.  2G,  &c.     Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  11. 

3  1  Maccab.  iv.  30,  &c.    2  Maccab.  x.  1—3,  &c.     Jusepli.  ibid. 

4  Exodus  XX.  2j.    Deut.  x.wii.  5.    Joshua  viii.  31.  5  1  Maccab.  i.  21— 23.    2  Maccab.  v.  IC. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  133 

eense,  the  shew-bread  table,  which  was  all  overlaid  with  gold,  and  the  golden 
candlestick  (which  all  three  stooil  iii  the  holy  j^Iace,)  and  had  also  robbed  it  of 
ail  its  other  vessels  and  utensils,  and  the  service  of  the  temple  could  not  be  per- 
fectly performed  without  them,  Judas  took  care  that  all  these  defects  should  be 
supplied.  For,'  out  of  the  spoils  which  he  had  taken  from  the  enemy,  he  caused  to 
be  made  a  new  attar  of  uicense,  and  a  new  candlestick  all  of  gold,  and  a  new 
shew-bread  table  all  overlaid  with  gold,  all  three  formed  in  the  same  manner  as* 
they  were  before.  And,  by  his  care,  all  other  vessels  and  utensils,  both  of  gold 
and  silver,  that  were  necessary  for  the  divine  service,  were  again  provided,  and 
-a  new  veil  was  also  made  to  separate  between  the  holy  place,  and  the  holy  of 
holies,  and  there  hung  in  its  proper  place.  And,  when  all  these  things  were 
made  read}'',  and  all  placed  according  to  their  former  order,  each  in  the  particu- 
lar place,  and  each  for  the  particular  use  which  they  were  ordained  for,  a  new 
dedication  of  the  altar  was  resolved  on.  The  day  appointed  for  it  was  the  twenty- 
fifth  day  of  their  ninth  month,''  called  Cisleu,  which  fell  about  the  time  of  the 
winter  solstice.  This  was  the  very  same  day  of  the  year  on  which,  three  years 
before,^  it  had  been  profaned  in  the  manner  as  above  related,  just  three  years 
and  a  half  after  the  city  and  temple  had  been  desolated  by  Apollonius,''  and  two 
years  after  Judas  had  taken  on  him  the  command  of  the  Jews,'  on  his  father's 
death.  They  began  the  day  early,**  by  offering  sacrifices,  according  to  the  law, 
xipon  the  new  altar  which  they  had  made,  having  first  struck  fire  for  it,"  by  dash- 
ing two  flints  against  each  other,  and  from  the  same  fire  having  lighted  the  seven 
lamps  on  the  golden  candlestick  that  stood  in  the  holy  place,  beside  the  altar  of 
incense,  they  went  on  in  all  the  other  service,  restoring  it,  according  to  their 
former  rule,  in  all  the  particulars  of  the  divine  worship  which  w^ere  there  used 
to  be  performed;  and  so  it  continued  to  be  there  ever  after  celebrated,  without 
any  other  interruption,  till  the  Romans  finally  destroyed  the  temple,  and  thereby 
put  an  end  to  all  the  ritual  worship  of  that  place. 

The  solemnity  of  this  dedication  was  continued  for  eight  days  together,* 
which  they  celebrated  with  great  joy  and  thanksgiving,  for  the  deliverance 
which  God  had  given  unto  them.  And,  for  the  more  solemn  acknowledgement 
hereof,  they  decreed  the  like  festival  to  be  ever  after  annually  kept  in  com- 
memoration of  it.  This  was  called  the  feast  of  dedication.  It  begun  every 
year  on  the  said  twenty-fifth  day  of  Cisleu,  and  was  continued  to  the  eighth 
day  after,  in  the  same  manner  as  were  the  passover  and  the  feast  of  tabernacles; 
during  all  which  time  they  all  illuminated  their  houses,**  by  setting  up  of  can- 
dles at  every  man's  door;  from  whence  it  was  called  the  feast  of  lights.'** 

This  festival  Christ  honoured  with  his  presence  at  Jerusalem,"  coming  thither 
on  purpose  to  bear  a  part  in  the  solemnizing  of  it,  which  implies  his  approba- 
tion of  it;  and  therefore,  from  hence,  Grotius  very  justly  infers,'*  that  festival 
days  in  memorial  of  public  blessings  may  piously  be  instituted  by  persons  in 
authority  without  a  divine  command,  or  (it  may  be  added)  the  example  of  a 
person  divinely  directed  observing  the  Same.  For  the  institution  of  this  festi- 
val was  without  either,  there  being  neither  any  divine  precept,  nor  the  exam- 
ple of  any  prophet,  for  the  observance  of  it.  Neither  can  it  be  said,  that  it  was 
the  feast  of  any  other  dedication  that  Christ  was  present  at,  save  this  only, 
which  was  instituted  by  Judas  Maccabieus.  As  to  the  two  former  dedications 
of  the  temple  which  were  had  before,  first  that  of  Solomon,  and  afterward  that 
of  Zerubbabel,  though  they  Avere  solemnly  celebrated  at  the  time  on  which 
they  w^ere  performed,  yet  there  was  no  anniversary  feast  in  commemoration  of 

1  1  Maccah.  iv.  49.  2  I  Maccab.  iv. 52.    2  Maccab.  x.  5,  3  1  Maccab.  i.  .'5!).  iv.54.    2  Maccab.  x.  5. 

4  Josephus  in  Prsfatione  ad  libruni  de  Bello  Judaico,  et  in  ipso  libro  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  I.e.  1.  et  lib. 
6.  c.  11.  5  2  Maccabees  x.  3.  6  1  Maccab.  iv.  52,  &c.    2  Maccab.  x.  1,2,  &c. 

7  2  Maccab.  x.  3.  N.  B.  The  sacred  fire  which  came  down  from  heaven  at  the  dedication  of  Solomon's  temple, 
was  extinguished  in  the  destruction  of  the  temple  by  the  Babylonians,  till  which  time  it  had  there  been  con- 
stantly kept  burning.  After  that,  they  used  no  other  than  common  fire  in  the  temple;  but  still  they  avoided 
the  bringing  thither  of  any  culinary  fire  which  had  been  profaned  by  other  uses,  and  therefore  kindled  it  by 
dashing  two  stones  one  against  the  other,  as  is  here  said. 

8  1  Maccab.  iv.  .59.    2  Maccab.  x.  6.    Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  11.  9  Maimonides  in  Chanucah. 

10  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  11.  11  John  x.  22.  12  InComnient.  ad  EvangeliuniSt.  Johan.  x.  22. 


134  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

either  of  them  celebrated  afterward,  as  there  was  of  this  of  Judas  Maccabaeus. 
And  if  there  had,  yet  the  text  in  the  gospel  clearly  pins  down  the  dedication 
mentioned  in  it  to  the  dedication  of  Judas  only:  for  it  tells  us,  that  the  time  of 
its  celebration  was  in  the  winter;  which  could  be  said  only  of  this,  and  not  of 
either  of  the  other  two:  for  that  of  Solomon  was  In  the  seventh  month,'  then 
called  Ethanim,  afterward  Tizri,  which  fell  about  the  time  of  the  autumnal 
equinox;  and  that  of  Zerubbabel  was  in  their  twelfth  month,  called  Adar,^  which 
fell  in  the  beginning  of  the  spring;  but  that  of  Judas  Maccabaeus  being  on  the 
twenty-fifth  day  of  the  month  Cisleu,  which  fell  in  the  middle  of  winter,  this 
plainly  demonstrates,  that  the  feast  of  dedication,  Avhlch  Christ  was  present  at 
in  Jerusalem,  could  be  no  other  feast  than  that  which  was  celebrated  in  com- 
memoration of  the  dedication  performed  by  Judas  Maccabaeus,  and  instituted  by 
him  for  this  purpose. 

When  the  old  altar,  which  the  heathens  had  polluted,  was  pulled  down,  a 
dispute  arose  how  the  stones  of  It  were  to  be  disposed  of.  The  heathens  having 
sacrificed  on  this  altar  to  their  Idol  gods,  and  some  of  those  sacrifices  having 
been  of  unclean  beasts,  the  worshippers  of  the  true  God  then  looked  on  It,  and 
all  the  stones  of  which  it  was  built,  as  doubly  polluted  thereby,  and  therefore 
no  more  to  be  made  use  of  In  his  service.  And,  on  the  other  side,  they  having 
been  for  many  ages  sanctified  by  the  sacrifices  which  had  been  offered  thereon 
to  the  true  God,  they  were  afraid,  after  this,  of  applying  them  .to  any  profane 
•or  common  use.  And  therefore,  being  In  this  doubt,^  they  resolved  to  lay  up 
these  stones  In  some  convenient  place  within  the  mountain  of  the  house,*  till 
there  should  a  prophet  arise,  who  should  show  them  what  was  to  be  done  with 
them;  so  scrupulous  were  they  in  this  case.  The  place  In  which,  according  to 
the  Mlshnah,  those  stones  were  laid  up,  was  one  of  the  four  closets  of  the  beth- 
moked,^  or  the  common  fire-room  of  the  priests  attending  the  service,  that  is, 
that  closet  which  lay  on  the  north-west  corner  of  that  room.  But  that  closet, 
according  to  the  description  of  it  in  the  same  Mlshnah,  could  not  be  large 
enough  to  hold  the  tenth  part  of  those  stones.  I  cannot  take  upon  me  to  solve 
this  difficulty. 

But  though  the  Jews  had  recovered  their  temple,  and  restored  It  again  to  its 
former  sacred  use,  yet  still  there  remained  one  great  thorn  in  their  sides;  for 
the  fortress  was  still  in  the  hands  of  the  enemy,  and  strongly  garrisoned  by 
them,  partly  with  heathen  soldiers,  and  partly  with  apostate  Jews,''  which  were 
the  worse  of  the  two,  from  whence  they  much  annoyed  those  that  went  up  to 
the  temple  to  worship,^  often  sallying  from  thence  upon  them,  and  slaying  seve- 
ral of  them.  This  fortress  was  built  by  Apollonlus  when  he  sacked  and  de- 
stroyed Jerusalem,^  as  hath  been  above  related,  and  stood  upon  an  eminence 
over  against  the  mountain  of  the  temple;  for  which  reason  the  place  was  called 
Mount  Acra,  from  the  Greek  word  ^'■'■^■■^  which  slgnlfieth  an  eminence,  or  fortress 
■on  the  top  of  a  hill;  which  eminence  overtopping  the  mountain  of  the  temple, 
as  being  then  the  higher  of  the  two,  had  thereby  the  command  of  it,  which 
gave  the  soldiers  there  In  garrison  the  advantage  which  I  have  mentioned,  of 
annoying  all  those  who  went  up  thither  to  worship.  For  the  preventing  of  this, 
Judas  at  first  appointed  part  of  his  army  to  shut  them  up  within  their  fortress,' 
and  to  fight  against  all  such  as  should  sally  out  of  it  upon  any  of  the  people. 
But,  finding  he  could  not  spare  so  many  of  his  men  as  were  necessary  for  this 
blockade,  he  caused  the  mountain  of  the  house  to  be  fortified  with  strong  walls 
and  high  towers  built  round  about  it,'"  and  placed  there  a  strong  garrison  to  de- 

1  1  Kings  viii.  2.    2Chron.v.  3.  2  Ezra  vi.  15— 17.  3  1  Macoah.  iv.  46. 

4  All  witliin  the  outer  wall  of  the  temple,  which  made  the  croat  square  five  hundred  cubits  nn  every  side, 
was  called  liar  Ifahbeth,i.  e.  tlic  Mountain  nfthe  House.  All  that  was  within  the  wall,  that  included  the  court 
of  the  women,  and  the  inner  court  in  which  the  temple  stood,  was  called  JMiUilnfh.  i.  e.  the  Sanctnanj.  And 
the  temple  itself,  including  the  porch,  the  holy  place,  and  the  holy  of  holies,  was  r.illed  Ureal,  i.  e.  t/ie  Temple. 
This  is  to  be  understood  strictly  speaking;  for  often  all  these  words  are  used  promiscuously  for  the  temple  in 
general. 

5  Middoth.  c.  1.  s.  6.  0  .Toseph.  Antiq.  lib.  J2.  c.  7.  7  1  Maccah.  i.  36,  37. 
8  Ibid.  33—35.     Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  7.                        9  1  Maccab.  iv.  41.    Joseph,  ibid. 

10  1  Maccab.  iv.  60.    Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  11. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  135 

fend  It,  and  secure  those  that  went  up  thither  to  worship  from  all  future  insults 
that  might  be  made  upon  them,  either  from  the  fortress  or  any  other  place. 

And  whereas  the  Idumseans  were  at  that  time  great  enemies  to  the  Jews,  to 
secure  Jerusalem  from  all  insults  from  that  quarter,'  he  fortified  Bethsurato  be  abar- 
rier  against  them.  I  have  formerly  shown,''  that  the  Idumaea,  or  land  of  Edom,  in 
which  those  people  now  dwelt,  was  not  the  Idumsea,  or  land  of  Edom,  which  is 
mentioned  in  the  scriptures  of  the  Old  Testament.  Wherever  this  name  occurs 
in  any  of  those  ancient  holy  writings,  it  is  to  be  understood  of  that  Idumaea,  or 
land  of  Edom,  only,  which  lay  between  the  lake  of  Sodom  and  the  Red  Sea, 
and  was  afterward  called  Arabia  Petraea;  nor  are  any  other  Edomites  spoken  of 
in  them,  than  those  which  inhabited  in  that  country,  excepting  only  in  one  pas- 
sage in  the  prophet  Malachi.'  But  these  Edomites,'*  being  driven  from  thence 
by  the  Nabatheans,  while  the  Jews  were  in  the  Babylonish  captivity,  and  their 
land  lay  desolate,  they  then  took  possession  of  as  much  of  the  southern  part  of 
it  as  contained  what  had  formerly  been  the  whole  inheritance  of  the  tribe  of 
Simeon,  and  also  half  of  that  which  had  been  the  inheritance  of  the  tribe  of 
Judah,  and  there  dwelt  ever  after,  till  at  length,  going  over  into  the  religion  of 
the  Jews,  they  became  incorporated  with  them  into  the  same  nation.  And  this 
only  is  the  Idumjea,  and  the  inhabitants  of  it  the  only  Edomites,  or  Idumasans, 
which  are  any  where  spoken  of  after  the  Babylonish  captivity.  After  their 
coming  into  this  country,  Hebron,  which  had  formerly  been  the  metropolis  of 
the  tribe  of  Judah,  thenceforth  became  the  metropohs  of  Idumsea;  and  in  the 
road  between  that  and  Jerusalem  lay  Bethsura,  at  the  distance  of  five  furlonga 
from  the  latter,  saith  the  author  of  the  second  book  of  Maccabees;*  but  others 
put  it  at  a  much  greater  distance,  and  these  seem  to  be  nearest  to  the  truth  of 
the  matter. 

Jin.  164.  Judas  Maccabceus  3.] — When  the  neighbouring  nations  round  about 
heard  that  the  Jews  had  again  recovered  the  city  and  temple  of  Jerusalem,  new 
dedicated  the  sanctuary,  erected  a  new  altar  in  it,  and  again  restored  the  Jewish 
worship  in  that  place, "^  they  were  much  moved  with  envy  and  hatred  against 
them  hereon;  and  therefore,  taking  counsel  together  against  them,  resolved  to- 
act  in  concert  for  their  utter  extirpation,  and  began  to  execute  this  resolution^ 
by  putting  all  of  them  to  death  who  were  found  sojourning  any  where  among; 
them,  purposing  to  join  with  Antiochus  for  the  effecting  of  all  the  rest  in  the 
utter  destruction  of  the  whole  race  of  Israel. 

But  Antiochus  dying  in  the  interim,  this  broke  all  the  measures  which  they 
had  concerted  together  for  this  mischief.  For,  on  his  passing  into  Persia,  to  ga- 
ther up  the  arrears  of  tribute  which  were  there  due  to  him,  being  told  that  the 
city  of  Elymais'  in  that  country  was  greatly  renowned  for  its  riches  both  of  gold 
and  silver,  and  that  there  was  in  it  a  temple  of  Diana,"  in  which  were  vast  trea- 
sures, he  marched  thither,  with  intent  to  take  the  city,  and  spoil  that  and  the 
temple  in  it,  in  the  same  manner  as  he  had  done  at  Jerusalem.  But  on  fore- 
notice  had  of  this  design,  the  people  of  the  country  round  about,  as  well  as  the 
inhabitants  of  the  city,  joining  together  in  defence  of  their  temple,  beat  him  off 
with  shame  and  confusion;  whereon  he  retired  to  Ecbatana  in  Media,^  greatly 
grieved  for  this  baffle  and  disappointment.  On  his  arrival  thither,'"  news  came 
to  him  of  what  had  happened  to  Nicanor  and  Timotheus  in  Judea;  at  which 

1  1  Maccab.  iv.  61.    Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  11.  2  Part  J,  book  I. 

3  Mai.  i.  3,  4.  There  God  speaks  (ver.  3,)  of  his  having  "  laid  the  mountains  and  lieritage  of  Esau  waste;" 
which  was  done  on  their  expulsion  by  the  Nabatheans  out  of  that  niountainous  country,  lying  between  the 
Red  Sea  and  the  lake  of  Sodom,  where  they  formerly  had  their  inheritance.  The  fourth  verse  contains  their 
brag,  "  that  they  would  return  again  into  this  their  ancient  country,  rebuild  the  desolated  cities,  which  they 
formerly  there  possessed,  and  again  dwell  in  them."  But  hereunto  God,  by  the  month  of  his  holy  prophet, 
denies  them  success,  telling  them,  "that  as  fast  as  they  should  build  he  would  pull  down  again:"  and  so  it 
accordingly  happened;  for  the  Edomites  could  never  again  recover  that  country. 

4  See  an  account  hereof  in  the  first  part  of  this  history,  book  1,  under  the  year  740. 

5  Chap.  ii.  5.  6  1  Maccab.  v.  1,  2.  7  Ibid.  vi.  1,  &;c. 

8  Polybiua  saith,  it  was  a  temple  of  Diana  (in  Excerptis  Valesii,  p.  144,)  and  so  saith  Josephus,  Antiq.  lib. 
12.  c.  13.    But  Appian  (in  Syriacis)  saith  that  it  was  a  temple  of  Venus. 

9  2  Maccab.  ix.  3.  10  Ibid. 


136  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

being  exceedingly  enraged,  he  hastened  back,  with  all  the  speed  he  was  able, 
to  execute  the  utmost  of  his  wrath  upon  the  people  of  the  Jews,  breathing  no- 
thing else  but  threats  of  utter  destruction  and  utter  extirpation  against  them  all 
the  way  as  he  went.  As  he  was  thus  hastening  toward  the  country  of  Baby- 
lonia,' through  which  he  was  to  pass  in  his  return,  he  met  on  the  road  with  other 
messengers,^  which  brought  him  an  account  how  the  Jews  had  defeated  Lysias, 
recovered  the  temple  of  Jerusalem,  pulled  down  the  images  and  altars  which  he 
had  there  erected,  and  restored  that  place  to  its  former  worship:  at  which  being 
enraged  to  the  utmost  fury,  he  commanded  his  charioteer  to  double  his  speed, 
that  he  might  be  the  sooner  on  the  place  to  execute  his  revenge  upon  this  people, 
threatening,  as  he  went,  that  he  would  make  Jerusalem  a  place  of  sepulture  for 
the  Jews,  wherein  he  would  bury  the  whole  nation,  destroying  them  all  to  a 
man.  But  while  these  proud  words  were  in  his  mouth,  the  judgments  of  God 
overtook  him:*  for  he  had  no  sooner  spoken  them,  but  he  was  smitten  with  an 
inc'irable  plague,  a  great  pain  seizing  his  bowels,  and  a  grievous  torment  follow- 
ing ihereupon  in  his  inward  parts,  which  no  remedy  could  abate.  However,  he 
would  not  slacken  his  speed;''  but  still  continuing  m  the  same  wrath,  he  drove 
on  the  same  haste  to  execute  it,  till  at  length,  his  chariot  overthrowing,  he  was 
cast  to  the  ground  with  such  violence,  that  he  was  sorely  bruised  and  hurt  in  all 
the  members  of  his  body;  whereon  he  was  put  into  a  litter;  but  not  being  able 
to  bear  that,  he  was  forced  to  put  in  at  a  town^  called  Taba^,"  lying  in  the  moun- 
tains of  Para^tacene,''  in  the  confines  of  Persia  and  Babylonia,  and  there  betake 
himself  to  his  bed,*  where  he  suffered  horrid  torments  both  in  body  and  mind. 
For  in  his  body  a  filthy  ulcer  broke  out  in  his  secret  parts,"  wherein  were  bred 
an  innumerable  quantity  of  vermin  continually  flowing  from  it;  and  such  a 
stench' proceeded  from  the  same,  as  neither  those  that  attended  him  nor  he  him- 
self could  well  bear;  and  in  this  condition  he  lay  languishing  and  rotting  till  he 
died."^  And  all  this  while  the  torments  of  his  mind  were  as  great  as  the  tor- 
ments of  his  body,"  caused  by  the  reflections  which  he  made  on  his  former  ac- 
tions. Polybius  tells  us  of  this,'^  as  well  as  Josephus,  and  the  authors  of  the  first 
and  second  books  of  Maccabees;  and  adds  hereto,  that  it  grew  so  far  upon  him 
as  to  come  to  a  constant  dehrium,  or  state  of  madness,  by  reason  of  several  spec- 
tres and  apparitions  of  evil  spirits,  which  he  imagined  were  continually  about 
him,  reproaching  and  stinging  his  conscience  with  accusations  of  his  past  evil 
deeds  which  he  had  been  guilty  of.  Polybius  saith,  this  was  for  the  sacrilegious 
attempt  which  he  made  upon  the  temple  of  Diana  in  Elymais,  overlooking  that 
which  he  had  actually  executed  upon  the  temple  at  Jerusalem.  Josephus  re- 
proves him  for  this,"  and,  M'ith  much  more  reason  and  justice,  lays  the  whole 
cause  of  his  suffering  in  this  sickness,  as  did  also  Antiochus  himself,'^  to  what  he 
did  at  Jerusalem,  and  the  temple  of  God  in  that  place,  and  the  horrid  persecu- 
tion which  he  thereon  raised  against  all  that  worshipped  him  there.  For  the 
sacrilege  at  Elymais  was  only  attempted,  that  at  Jerusalem  was  fully  committed, 
with  horrid  impiety  against  God,  and  with  as  horrid  cruelty  against  all  those  that 
served  him  there:  and  the  former  sacrilege,  if  it  had  been  committed,  had  been 
only  against  a  false  deity;  but  the  latter  was  against  the  true  God,  the  great  and 
almighty  Creator  of  heaven  and  earth.  However,  it  is  a  great  confirmation  of 
what  is  above  related  out  of  Josephus,  and  the  two  books  of  the  Maccabees,  of 
the  signal  judgment  of  God  which  was  executed  upon  this  wicked  tyrant,  that 
Polybius,  an  heathen  author,  doth  agree  with  them  herein  as  to  the  matter  of 
fact,  though  he  differs  from  them  in  assigning  a  wrong  cause  for  it.  It  seems 
Antiochus,  being  at  length  awakened  by  his  afflictions,  became  himself  fully 
sensible,  that  all  his   sufferings  in  them  were  from  the  hand  of  God  upon  him 

1  1  Maccab.  vi.  4.  2  Ibid.  6.  3  2  Maccab.  ix.  5,  6.  4  Ibid.  7. 

.5  I'olvb.  in  Excfirptis  Valesii,  p.  144.  6  a.  Curtius,  lib.  .5.  c.  13.  7  Strabo,  lib.  11.  p.  522.  524. 

8  1  Maccab.  vi.  8.  9  2  Maccab.  ix.  9. 

10  Appian.  in  Syriacis.     1  Maccab.  vi.  9,  10.    2  Maccab.  i.x.  9—11.  11  1  Maccab.  vi.8— 13. 

12  In  Excerptis  Valesii,  p.  144.  13  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  13. 

14  1  Maccab.  vi.  12, 13.    2  Maccab.  ix.  11— 17.    Joseph,  ibid. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  137 

for  what  he  had  done  against  the  temple  at  Jerusalem,  and  his  servants  that 
worshipped  him  there.  For  he  acknowledged  all  this  before  his  death,'  with 
many  vows  of  what  he  would  do  for  the  repairing  of  all  the  evil  which  he  had 
there  done,  in  case  he  should  again  recover.  But  his  repentance  came  too  late; 
God  would  not  then  hear  him:  and  therefore,  after  havins:  langruished  out  awhile 
in  this  miserable  condition,  and  under  these  horrid  torments  of  body  and  mind," 
he  at  length,  being  half  consumed  with  the  rottenness  of  his  ulcer,  gave  up  the 
ghost  and  died,  after  he  had  reigned  full  eleven  years.^  And  I  cannot  forbear 
here  remarking,  that  most  of  the  great  persecutors  have  died  the  like  death,  by 
being  smitten  of  God  in  the  like  manner  in  the  secret  parts.  Thus  died  Herod, 
the  great  persecutor  of  Christ  and  the  infants  at  Bethlehem;  and  thus  died  Ga- 
lerius  Maximianus,  the  author  and  the  great  persecutor  of  the  tenth  and  greatest 
persecution  against  the  primitive  Christians;  and  thus  also  died  Philip  II.  king 
of  Spain,  as  infamous  for  the  cruelty  of  his  persecutions,  and  the  numbers  de- 
stroyed by  it,  as  any  of  the  other  three.  As  to  the  manner  of  Herod's  death, 
I  shall  have  occasion  to  speak  of  it  hereafter  in  its  proper  place;  and  as  to  the 
death  of  the  other  two,  that  of  Galerius  is  described  by  Eusebius,*  and  Lactan- 
tius,^  and  that  of  Philip  11.  by  Mezeray:®  and  to  these  authors  I  refer  the  reader 
for  an  account  of  them. 

Antiochus  the  Great,  having  attempted  the  like  sacrilege  in  the  country  of 
Elymais  as  Antiochus  his  son  did  in  the  city  of  Elymais,  and  perished  in  it,  as 
hath  been  above  related,^  this  hath  made  some  think,  that  the  parity  of  names 
hath  been  the  cause  of  this  parity  of  facts  being  attributed  to  both,  and  that  only 
one  of  them  was  guilty  of  this  sacrilegious  attempt  which  is  related  of  both. 
And,  on  this  supposition,  Scaliger  chargeth  Jerome  with  a  blunder,*  for  saying, 
in  his  Comment  on  the  eleventh  chapter  of  Daniel,  that  Antiochus  the  Great, 
fighting  against  the  Elymteans,  was  cut  off  by  them  Avith  all  his  army.  For  he 
will  have  it,  that  this  was  not  true  of  Antiochus  the  Great,  but  only  of  Antio- 
chus Epiphanes:  and  yet  many  other  authors  attest  the  same  thing  with  Jerome, 
that  Antiochus  the  Great  was  thus  cut  off  in  the  sacrilegious  attempt,  and  none 
say  it  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes;  for  he  escaped  from  the  battle,  though  he  lost 
many  of  his  men  in  it,  and  died  afterward.  So  saith  Appian;**  and  so  saith 
Polybius,"^  as  well  as  Josephus,  and  both  the  authors  of  the  first  and  second  books 
of  the  Maccabees.  And  although  both  the  sacrileges  were  attempted  in  the 
country  of  the  Elymseans,  yet  it  was  not  upon  the  same  temple  that  the  attempt 
was  made.  That  of  Antiochus  the  Great  was  upon  the  temple  of  Belus,  the 
great  god  of  the  east;  and  that  of  Epiphanes  was  upon  the  temple  of  Diana; 
and  that  there  was  a  Persian  Diana,  Tacitus  tells  us,"  that  this  goddess  had  a 
temple  among  the  Elymseans,  is  attested  by  Strabo,'"'*  who  tells  us  also  of  it,  that 
it  was  very  rich;  for  he  saith,  that  it  being  afterward  plundered  by  one  of  the 
Parthian  kings,  he  took  from  it  ten  thousand  talents."  This  temple,  Strabo  tells 
us,  was  called  Azara,  or  rather,  as  Casaubon  corrects  it,'*  Zara.  Hence  Diana 
was  called  Zaretis'^  among  the  Persians. 

Antiochus  Epiphanes  having  been  a  great  oppressor  of  the  church  of  God, 
under  the  Jewish  economy,  and  the  type  of  antichrist,  which  was  to  oppress  it 
in  after-ages  under  the  Christian,  more  is  prophetically  said  of  him  in  the  pro- 
phecies of  Daniel,  than  of  any  otlier  prince  which  these  prophecies  relate  to; 
the  better  half  of  the  eleventh  chapter,  that  is,  from  the  twentieth  verse  to  the 
forty-fifth,  which  is  the  last  of  that  chapter,  is  wholly  concerning  him;  and  there 

1  Maccab.  vi.  12,  13.    2  Maccab.  ix.  11— 18.     Joseph.  Ibid. 

2  ]  Maccab.  vi.  16.  2  Maccab.  ix.  28.  Joseph,  ibid.  Appian.  in  Syriacis.  Polybius  in  Excerptis  Valesii,  p. 
144  Hieronymus  ad  Dan.  xi.  36.    Eusehius  in  Chron. 

3  S(i  saith  Porphyry,  Eusehius,  Jerome,  and  Sulpitius  Severis.  But  the  author  of  the  first  book  of  Macca- 
bees saith,  he  began  his  reign  in  the  137th  year  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Greeks,  and  died  the  149th  year,  which 
makes  him  reign  twelve  years.  For  the  reconciling  of  this  it  must  he  said,  that  he  began  his  reign  in  the 
ending  of  the  137th  year,  and  ended  it  in  the  beginning  of  the  14!ltb  year  of  that  era. 

4  Hi.=;t.  Eccl.  viii.  16.  5  De  Mortihus  Peiseciitonim.  c.  33.        "  0  Tlist.  nf  France,  under  the  year  1598. 
7  Part  2,  book  2,  under  the  year  1H7.  8  In  .Aniinad.  ad  Eiisrhii  Chrnnicon,  sub  No   1825.  p.  140. 

9  In  Syriacis.  10  In  Excerptis  Valrsii,  p.  1  W.        11  .\nnaliiim.  lib.  3.  c.  02.  12  Lib.  16.  p.  744. 

3  Strabo,  ibid.  14  In  notis  ad  p.744.  15  Hesychius  in  vucc  Z::f»ir.«. 

Vol.  II.— 18 


138  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

are  several  passages  also  in  the  eighth  and  twelfth  chapters  which  relate  to  him. 
The  whole  may  be  divided  into  two  parts,  whereof  the  first  is  concerning  his 
wars  with  Egypt,  and  the  second  is  concerning  the  persecutions  and  oppressions 
brought  by  him  upon  the  Jewish  church  and  nation,  and  these  were  2iU  fulfilled 
in  the  actions  of  his  reign. 

And  first,  as  to  his  wars  with  Egypt,  what  is  said,  chap.  xi.  ver.  25.  40.  42, 
43,  was  accomplished  in  his  second  expedition  into  that  country,  and  the  ac- 
tions done  by  him  therein,  which  are  above  related.  What  is  in  the  twenty- 
sixth  verse  was  fulfilled  by  the  revolt  of  Ptolemy  Macron  from  King  Philome- 
tor,  and  the  treachery  and  maleadministration  of  Lenseus,  EuIjeus,  and  other 
ministers  and  officers  employed  under  him.  What  is  in  the  twenty-seventh 
verse,  had  its  completion  in  the  meeting  of  Antiochus  and  Philometor  at  Mem- 
phis, where  the  two  kings,  both  in  the  time  of  the  second  and  of  the  third  ex- 
pedition of  Antiochus  into  Egypt,  did  frequently  eat  at  the  same  table,  and  con- 
ferred together  seemingly  as  friends;  Antiochus  pretending  to  take  upon  him 
the  care  of  the  kingdom,  for  the  interest  of  Philometor  his  nephew,  and  Phi- 
lometor pretending  to  confide  in  Antiochus,  as  his  uncle,  in  all  that  he  was  thus 
doing.  But  both  herein  spoke  lies  to  each  other;  for,  in  reahty,  they  both  in- 
tended quite  the  contrary;  Antiochus's  design  being  under  the  pretence  above 
mentioned,  to  seize  all  Egypt  to  himself,  and  Philometor's  to  take  the  first  op- 
portunity to  disappoint  him  of  it,  as  accordingly  at  length  he  did  by  his  agree- 
ment with  his  brother  and  the  Alexandrians,  as  is  above  related.  Whereon 
followed  what  is  foretold  in  the  twenty-ninth  and  thirtieth  verses  of  the  same 
chapter.  For  Antiochus,  on  his  hearing  of  this  agreement,  pulled  off"  his  vizard, 
and  openly  owned  his  design  for  the  usurping  of  Egypt  to  himself,  and  for  the 
full  executing  of  it,  "returned  and  came  again  toward  the  south,"  that  is,  into 
Egypt,  in  his  expedition  into  that  country.  "But  he  did  not  then  prevail,  as 
in  the  former  and  the  latter"  (i  e.  in  his  two  preceding  attempts  upon  that  coun- 
try,) because  of  the  ships  that  came  from  Chittim  {%.  e.  the  country  of  the 
Grecians)  against  him,  which  brought  Popillius  Lsenas  and  the  other  Roman 
ambassadors  to  Alexandria,  who  made  him,  "to  his  great  grief,  return  out  of 
Egypt,  and  quit  all  his  designs  upon  that  country.  However,  what  is  foretold 
in  the  forty-second  and  forty-third  verses,  "of  his  stretching  forth  his  hand 
upon  the  land  of  Egypt,  and  his  having  power  over  the  treasures  of  gold  and 
silver,  and  all  other  the  precious  things  of  that  country,"  had  its  thorough 
completion;  for  he  miserably  harassed  and  wasted  the  whole  land  of  Egypt  in 
all  his  expeditions  into  it,  carrying  thence  vast  treasures  of  gold  and  silver,'  and 
other  riches,  in  the  prey  and  spoils  taken  in  it  by  him  and  his  followers.  And 
here  ended  all  the  prophecies  of  Daniel  which  relate  to  the  wars  that  were  be- 
tween the  kings  of  Syria  and  the  kings  of  Egypt:  for,  in  those  prophecies,  the 
kings  of  the  north  were  the  kings  of  Syria,  and  the  kings  of  the  south  the 
kings  of  Egypt,  as  hath  been  above  related. 

As  to  the  other  part  of  Daniel's  prophecies  of  this  king,  which  relate  to  the 
persecutions  and  oppressions  which  he  brought  upon  the  Jewish  church  and 
nation;  what  is  said  chap.  xi.  ver.  22,  of  the  "prince  of  the  covenant  being 
broken  before  him,"  foreshowed  what  he  did  to  Onias  the  high-priest,  who  was 
deposed  and  banished  by  him,  and  at  length  murdered  by  one  of  his  lieuten- 
ants: for  the  high-priest  of  the  Jews  was  the  prince  of  the  Mosaic  covenant. 
What  is  said  hi  the  twenty-eighth  verse,  of  "his  heart  being  set  against  the 
holy  covenant,  on  his  returning  from  Egypt,"  and  "of  the  exploits  which  he 
did  thereon,"  foreshowed  what  he  did  to  Judah  and  Jerusalem,  on  his  return 
from  his  second  expedition  into  the  said  country  of  Egypt,  when,  without  a 
cause,  he  murdered  and  enslaved  so  many  of  the  Jewish  nation,  and  robbed 
the  city  and  temple  of  Jerusalem  of  all  their  riches  and  treasure.  What  is  said 
in  the  thirtieth  verse  foretold  the  "  grief  with  which  he  returned"  from  his 
fourth  and  last  expedition  into  Egypt,  by  reason  of  the  baflle  which  he  then 

1  Vide  Athenaeum,  lib.  5.  p.  195.  F. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  139 

met  with  from  the  Romans  of  all  his  designs  upon  that  country,  and  "  the  in- 
dignation" and  wrath  which  then,  in  his  irrational  fury,  he  vented  upon  the 
Jewish  church  and  nation,  in  sending  ApoUonius  to  destroy  Jerusalem,  and 
make  to  cease  the  Jewish  worship  in  that  place.  What  is  contained  in  the 
thirty-first  verse,  and  those  that  follow  to  the  fortieth,  agreeable  to  what  was  be- 
fore prophesied,  chap.  viii.  ver.  9 — lr2,  and  ver.  23 — "25,  foretold  "his  taking 
away  the  daily  sacrifice,"  and  all  else  that  he  did  for  the  suppressing  of  the 
Jewish  worship,  and  the  destroying  of  the  whole  Jewish  nation,  which  is  above 
related.  The  forty-fourth  verse,  and  the  forty-fifth  of  the  same  eleventh  chap- 
ter, foretold  his  last  expedition  which  he  made,  first  into  Armenia,  and  from 
thence  into  the  east,  and  "his  their  coming  to  an  end,"  and  perishing  in  that 
miserable  manner,  as  hath  been  related,  having  first  "planted  the  tabernacles 
of  his  palace,"  that  is,  his  absolute  regal  authority,  "in  the  glorious  holy  moun- 
tain between  the  seas,"  that  is,  in  Jerusalem,  which  stood  in  a  mountainous 
situation  between  the  Mediterranean  Sea  and  the  sea  of  Sodom;  for  it  was 
built  in  the  midway  betwixt  both,  on  the  mountains  of  Judea. 

Never  were  any  prophecies  delivered  more  clearly,  or  fulfilled  more  exactly, 
than  all  these  prophecies  of  Daniel  were.  Porphyry,  who  was  a  great  enemy 
to  the  holy  scriptures,  as  well  of  the  Old  Testament  as  of  the  New,  acknow- 
ledged this.'  And  therefore,  he  contends,  that  they  were  historical  narratives 
written  after  the  facts  were  done,  and  not  prophetical  predictions  foietelling 
them  to  come.  This  Porphyry^  was  a  learned  heathen,  born  at  Tyre  in  the 
year  of  Christ  233,  and  there  called  Malchus;^  which  name,  on  his  going 
among  the  Greeks,  he  changed  into  that  of  Porphyry,  that  signifying  the  same 
in  the  Greek  language  which  Malchus  did  in  the  Phcsnician,  the  language  then 
spoken  at  Tyre.  He  being  a  bitter  enemy  to  the  Christian  religion,  wrote  a 
large  volume  against  it,*  containing  fifteen  books,  whereof  the  twelfth  was 
wholly  against  the  prophecies  of  Daniel.  These  concerning  the  Persian  kings 
and  the  Macedonian  that  reigned  as  well  in  Egypt  as  in  Asia,  having  been  all, 
according  to  the  best  historians,  exactly  fulfilled,  he  could  not  disprove  them 
by  denying  their  completion;  and  therefore;  for  tlie  overthrowing  of  their  au- 
thority, he  took  the  quite  contrary  course,  and  laboured  to  prove  their  truth;  and 
from  hence  alleged,^  that  being  so  exactly  true  in  all  particulars,  they  could  not 
therefore  be  written  by  Daniel  so  many  years  before  the  facts  were  done,  but 
by  some  one  else  under  his  name,  who  lived  after  the  time  of  Antiochus  Epi- 
phanes.  For  the  making  out  of  which,  his  main  argument  was,  that  all  con- 
tained in  the  prophecies  of  Daniel  relating  to  the  times  preceding  the  death  of 
Antiochus  Epiphanes  was  true,  and  that  aU  that  related  to  the  times  which  fol- 
lowed after  was  false.  The  latter  proposition  he  belaboured,  thereby  to  over- 
throw all  that  Christians  alleged  from  these  prophecies  for  the  Messiah,  which 
he  would  have  thought  to  be  all  false;  and  the  other  propositions  he  endeavoured 
to  clear,  thereby  to  make  out  that  the  whole  book  was  spurious,  not  written  by 
Daniel,  but  by  some  one  else,  after  the  facts  therein  spoken  of  were  done,  as  if 
that  could  not  be  prophetically  foretold  which  was  so  exactly  fulfilled.  And  for 
this  reason  was  it,  that  he  took  upon  him  to  prove  those  facts  to  be  so  exactly 
true  as  in  those  prophecies  contained.  For  which  purpose,  he  made  use  of  the 
best  Greek  historians  then  extant."  Such  were  Callinicus  Sutorius,  Diodorus 
Siculus,  Hieronymus,  Polybius,  Posidonius,  Claudius  Theon,  and  Andronicus 
Alyplus;  and  from  them  made  evident  proof,  that  all  that  is  written  in  the 
eleventh  chapter  of  Daniel,  was  truly  in  every  particular  acted  and  done  in  the 
order  as  there  related;  and  from  this  exactness  of  completion  endeavoured  to 
infer  the  assertion  mentioned,  that  these  prophecies  were  written  after  the  facts 
were  done,  and  therefore  are   rather  historical  narratives  relating  things  past, 

1  Apud  Hieronyrmim  in  ProrBmio  ad  Comment,  in  Danielem. 

2  Vide  Holstenium  in  Vita  Porphyrii,  et  Vossiuni  de  Hist.  GraeciB,  lib.  2.  c.  IG. 

3  Malchus,  from  the  Phoenician  or  Hebrew  word  melee,  signifieth   king,  and  IToptiupioj  did  the  same  in 
Greek,  that  is,  one  that  wore  purple,  which  none  but  kings  and  royal  persons  then  did. 

4  Hieronymus  in  Procemio  ad  Comment,  in  Danielem.  5  Ibid.  6  Ibid. 


140  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

than  prophetical  predictions,  foreshowing  things  afterward  to  come.  But  Jerome 
turns  the  argument  upon  him,  and  with  more  strength  of  reason  infers,  that 
this  way  of  opposing  these  prophecies  gives  the  greatest  evidence  of  their  truth,' 
in  that  what  the  prophet  foretold  is  hereby  allowed  to  be  so  exactly  fulfilled, 
that  he  seemed  to  unbelievers  not  to  foretell  things  to  come,  but  to  relate  things 
past.  Jerome,  in  his  Comments  on  Daniel,  makes  use  of  the  same  authors  that 
Porphyry  did;  and  what  is  in  these  Comments  are  all  the  remains  w^hich  we 
now  have  of  this  work  of  that  learned  heathen,  or  of  most  of  those  authors 
which  he  made  use  of  in  it.  For  this  whole  work  of  Porphyry  is  now  lost,  as 
are  also  most  of  the  histories  above  mentioned  which  he  quotes  in  it;  and  the 
histories  of  Callinicus  Sutorius,  Hieronymus,^  Posidonius,^  Claudius  Theon,* 
and  Andronicus  Alypius,^  are  w^hoUy  perished;  as  is  also  the  greatest  part  of 
Polybius  and  Diodorus  Siculus.  Had  we  all  these  extant,  we  might  from  them 
be  enabled  to  make  a  much  clearer  and  fuller  explication  of  these  prophecies, 
especially  from  Callinicus  Sutorius,^  who  lived  in  the  time  of  Antonius  Pius," 
the  Roman  emperor;  and  having,  in  ten  books,'  written  a  history  of  the  affairs 
of  Alexandria,  included  therein  much  of  the  Jewish  transactions.  And  it  is  to 
be  lamented,  that  not  only  these  authors,  and  this  work  of  Porphyry,  in  which 
he  made  so  much  use  of  them,  are  now  lost;  but  that  also  the  books  of  Eusebius, 
Apollinarius,  and  Methodius,  which  they  wrote  in  answer  to  this  heathen  ad- 
versary,* have  all  undergone  the  same  fate,  and  are,  in  like  manner,  to  the  gi-eat 
damage  both  of  divine  and  human  knowledge,  wholly  lost,  excepting  only 
some  few  scraps  of  Methodius,  preserved  in  quotations  out  of  him  by  John  Da- 
macen  and  Nicetas.  For,  were  these  still  extant,  especially  that  of  Apollina- 
rius,^ who  wrote  with  the  greatest  exactness  of  the  three,  no  doubt,  much  more 
of  those  authors  would  have  been  preserved  in  citations  from  them  than  we  now 
have  of  them,  there  being  at  present  no  other  remains  of  those  ancient  histo- 
rians (excepting  Polybius  and  Diodorus  Siculus,)  but  what  we  have  in  Jerome's 
Comments  on  Daniel,  and  his  Proem  to  them. 

Jerome  and  Porphyry  exactly  agree  in  their  explication  of  the  eleventh  chap- 
ter of  Daniel,'"  till  they  come  to  the  twenty-first  verse.  For  what  follows  from 
thence  to  the  end  of  the  chapter  was  all  explained  by  Porphyry  to  belong  to 
Antiochus  Epiphanes,  and  to  have  been  all  transacted  in  the  time  of  his  reign. 
But  Jerome  here  differs  from  him,  and  saith,  that  most  of  this,  as  well  as  some 
parts  of  the  eighth  and  twelfth  chapters  of  the  same  book,  relate  principally  to 
antichrist;  that,  although  some  particulars  in  these  prophecies  had  a  typical  com- 
pletion in  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  yet  they  were  all  of  them  wholly  and  ulti- 
mately to  be  fulfilled  only  in  antichrist;  and  this,  he  saith,  was  the  general 
sense  of  the  fathers  of  the'  Christian  church  in  his  time.  And  he  explains  it 
by  a  parallel  taken  from  the  seventy-first  Psalm  {i.  e.  the  seventy-second,  ac- 
cording to  the  Septuagint,)  which  in  some  parts  of  it  was  typically  true  of  So- 
lomon, and  therefore  it  is  called  a  Psalm  for  Solomon,  but  was  wholly  and  ulti- 
mately only  so  of  Christ.  And  therefore  he  would  have  these  prophecies 
which  are  in  Dan.  viii.  9—12.  23—26.  xi.  21—45.  xii.  6—1-3,  to  be  fulfilled  in 
the  same  manner,  that  is,  in  part  and  typically  in  Antiochus,  but  wholly  and 
ultimately  only  in  antichrist.  The  truth  of  the  matter  seems  to  be  this,  that  as 
much  of  these  prophecies  as  relate  to  the  wars  of  the  king  of  the  north  and  the 
king  of  the  south,  that  is,  the  king  of  Syria  and  the  king  of  Egypt,  was  wholly 
and  ultimately  fulfilled  in  those  wars:  but  as  much  of  these  prophecies  as  rela- 

1  Jerome,  speakiii?  of  Porphyry  a?  to  this  matter,  hath  these  words  "  Cujus  impugnatio  testimonium  veri- 
tatisest.  Tantanium  rlictoniin  firios  fiiit,  ul  propheta  incrediilis  horainibus  non  videatur  futura  dixisse, 
sed  narrasse  prieterita."     Tii  Proceitiio  ad  conmicnt.  in  Danieli'iii. 

2  This  Hieronymus  wrote  a  history  of  the  successors  of  Alexander.  See  of  him  above,  part  1,  book  8, 
under  the  year  311.  ^„,  ,■       . 

3  Posidonius  was  of  Apameain  Syria,  and  wrote,  in  fifly-two  books,  a  continuation  of  Polybius  down  to 
the  wars  of  Cxsar  and  Ponipey,  in  which  time  he  flourished. 

4  Who  Claudius  Theon  and  "Andronicus  Alypius  were,  or  of  wliat  times  they  wrote,  we  have  no  account. 

5  Hieronymus  in  Uan.  xi.  '22,  &c. 

6  For  he  was  contcmporarv  with  Galen,  who  lived  in  that  time.    Suidas  in  KxKXiviy.o:. 

7  Suidas,  ibid.  8  Hieronymus  in  Prooemio  preedicto.  9  Philostorgius,  lib.  8.  c.  J4. 
io  Hieronymus  in  Comnient.  ad  Dau.  xi.  21.  et  in  Prooemio  ad  Comment,  praedict. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  141 

ted  to  the  profanation  and  persecution  which  Antiochus  Epiphanes  brought 
upon  the  Jewish  church  was  all  typically  fulfilled  in  them;  but  they  were  to 
have  their  ultimate  and  thorough  completion  only  in  those  profanations  and  per- 
secutions which  antichrist  was  to  bring  upon  the  church  of  Christ  in  aftertimes. 

One  particular  mentioned  in  these  prophecies  of  Daniel,  and  fulfilled  under 
Antiochus,  is  especially  taken  notice  of,  as  typifying  in  him  what  was  to  hap- 
pen under  antichrist  in  after-times,  that  is,  the  profanation  of  the  temple  at  Je- 
rusalem, and  the  ceasing  of  the  daily  sacrifices  in  it.  This  Daniel'  said  was  to 
continue  "for  a  time,  and  times,  and  a  half  of  times,"  that  is,  three  years 
and  a  half;  a  time  in  that  place  signifying  a  year,  and  times  two  years,  and 
a  half  of  a  time  a  half  year,  as  all  agree:  and  so  long,*  Josephus  tells  us, 
the  profanation  of  the  temple  and  the  interrupting  of  the  daily  sacrifices  in 
it  lasted,  that  is,  from  the  coming  of  Apollonius,^  and  his  profanation  of  the 
said  temple,  to  the  purifying  of  it,  and  the  new  dedication  of  that  and  the  new 
altar  in  it  by  Judas  Maccabeeus.''  This  prophecy,  therefore,  was  primarily  and 
typically  fulfilled  in  that  profanation  and  new  dedication  of  the  altar  and  tem- 
ple at  Jerusalem:  but  its  chief  and  ultimate  completion  was  to  be  in  that  profa- 
nation of  the  church  of  Christ  which  it  was  to  suffer  under  the  reign  of  anti- 
christ for  the  space  of  those  one  thousand  two  hundred  and  sixty  days  mention- 
ed in  the  Revelations.^  For  those  days  there  signify  so  many  years,  and  three 
years  and  a  half,  reckoning  them  by  months  of  thirty  days'  length,  made  just 
one  thousand  two  hundred  and  sixty  days.  These  days  therefore,  literally  un- 
derstood, make  the  three  years  and  a  half,  during  which  the  profanation  and 
persecution  of  Antiochus  remained  in  the  church  of  the  Jews;  and  the  same, 
mystically  understood,  make  the  one  thousand  two  hundred  and  sixty  years, 
during  which  the  profanation  and  persecution  of  antichrist  was  to  remain  in  the 
church  of  Christ,  at  the  end  whereof  the  church  of  Christ  is  to  be  cleansed  and 
purified  of  all  the  profanations  and  pollutions  of  antichrist,  in  the  same  manner 
as  at  the  end  of  three  years  and  a  half  the  temple  of  Jerusalem  was  cleansed 
and  purified  from  all  the  profanations  and  pollutions  of  Antiochus.  One  objec- 
tion against  this  is,  that  Daniel  (chap.  xii.  11,)  reckons  the  duration  of  this  pro- 
fanation by  the  number  of  one  thousand  two  hundred  and  ninety  days,  which 
can  neither  be  applied  to  the  days  of  the  profanation  of  Antiochus,  nor  to  the 
years  of  the  profanation  of  antichrist,  for  it  exceeds  both  by  the  number  of  thirty. 
Many  things  may  be  said  for  the  probable  solving  of  this  difficulty,  but  I  shall 
offer  at  none  of  them.  Those  that  shall  live  to  see  the  extirpation  of  antichrist, 
which  will  be  at  the  end  of  those  years,  will  best  be  able  to  unfold  this  matter, 
it  being  of  the  nature  of  such  prophecies  not  thoroughly  to  be  understood,  till 
they  are  thoroughly  fulfilled. 

But  in  the  death  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  all  the  prophecies  of  Daniel  that 
were  concerning  him,  or  any  other  of  the  Macedonian  kmgs  that  reigned  either 
in  Egypt  or  Asia,  having,  as  far  as  they  related  only  to  them,  a  fuU  ending,  I 
shall  here  also  end  this  book. 


BOOK  IV. 

An.  164.  Judas  Maccabmtis  3.] — Antiochus  Epiphanes  being  dead,  was  suc- 
ceeded in  the  kingdom  by  Antiochus  his  son,"  a  minor  of  nine  years  old.  Be- 
fore his  death,  he  called  to  him  PhiUp,  a  favourite  of  his,  and  one  of  those  who 
had  been  brought  up  with  him,  and  constituting  him  regent  of  the  Syrian  em- 
pire, during  the  minority  of  his  son,  delivered  to  him  his  crown,  his  signet,  and 
all  his  other  ensigns  of  royalty,  giving  him  in  especial  charge  carefully  to  bring 

1  Dan.  xii.  7.        2  In  Prefatione  ad  Historiam  deBello  Judaico, etin  ipsa  Historia, lib.  I.e.  Let  lib. 6.  c.  11. 
3  IMacCab.  i.<29 — 40.    2  Maccab.  v.  24— 26.  4  1  Maccab.  iv.  41— GO.  5  Revelations  xi.  3.  xii.  6. 

6  Appianus  in  Syriacis.  Eusebiusin  Chron.  1  Maccab.  vi.  17.  2Maccab.  ix.  29.  x.  10,  11.  Joseph.  Antiq. 
lib.  12.  c.  14. 


142  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

up  his  son  in  such  manner  as  should  best  qualify  him  to  reign.  But  when  Phi- 
lip came  to  Antioch,  he  found  this  office  there  usurped  by  another.  For  Ly- 
sias/  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  the  death  of  Epiphanes,  took  Antiochus  his  son, 
who  was  then  under  his  care,  and  placed  him  on  the  throne,  giving  him  the 
name  of  Antiochus  Eupator,  and  assumed  to  himself  the  tuition  of  his  person, 
and  the  government  of  his  kingdom,  without  any  regard  had  to  the  appoint- 
ment of  the  dead  king.  And  Philip,  finding  himself  too  weak  to  contend  with 
him  about  it  fled  into  Egypt,-  hoping  there  to  have  such  assistance  as  should 
enable  him  to  make  good  his  claim  to  that  which  Lysias  had  usurped  from  him. 

At  this  time  Ptolemy  Macron,^  governor  of  Coele-Syria  and  Phcenicia,  from 
being  a  great  enemy  to  the  Jews,  becoming  their  friend,  remitted  of  the  rigour 
of  his  persecutions  against  them,  and,  as  far  as  in  him  lay,  endeavoured  to  have 
peace  made  with  them;  which  handle  being  laid  hold  of  by  some  of  the  cour- 
tiers to  accuse  him  before  the  king,  they  sat  very  hard  upon  him,  calling  him 
traitor  at  every  word,  because,  having  been  trusted  by  Ptolemy  Philometor  with 
the  government  of  Cyprus,  he  had  gone  over  to  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  and 
treacherously  dehvered  up  that  island  unto  him:  for  it  seems,  how  beneficial 
soever  the  treason  was,  the  traitor  was  still  odious  unto  them  for  it.  Whereon 
he  was  deprived  of  his  government,  and  Lysias  was  placed  in  it  in  his  stead: 
and,  no  other  station  being  assigned  him  where  he  might  be  supported  with 
honour  or  sufficiency  of  maintenance  suitable  to  his  degree,  he  could  not  bear 
this  fall,  and  therefore  poisoned  himself  and  died.  And  this  was  an  end  which 
his  treachery  to  his  former  master,  and  the  great  hand  he  had  in  the  cruel  and 
unjust  persecutions  of  the  Jews,  sufficiently  deserved. 

In  the  interim,  Judas  Maccabeeus  was  not  idle:  for  hearing  how  the  neigh- 
bouring nations  of  the  heathens  had  confederated  to  destroy  the  whole  race  of 
Israel,*  and  had  already  begun  it  by  cutting  off  as  many  of  them  as  were  within 
their  power  (as  hath  been  already  mentioned,)  he  marched  out  with  his  forces 
to  be  revenged  on  them:  and  whereas  the  Edomites  had  been  the  forwardest  in 
this  conspiracy,*  and,  having  joined  with  Gorgias,  who  was  governor  for  the 
king  of  Syria  in  the  parts  thereabout,  had  done  them  much  mischief,  he  began 
first  with  them,  and,  having  fallen  into  that  part  of  their  country  which  was 
called  Acrabattene,"  he  there  slew  of  them  no  fewer  than  twenty  thousand  men. 
From  thence  he  led  them  against  the  children  of  Bean,''  another  tribe  of  the 
Edomites  that  had  been  very  tioublesome  to  them;  and,  having  beaten  them  out 
of  the  field,  shut  them  up  in  two  of  their  strongest  fortresses;  and,  after  having 
besieged  them  there  for  some  time,  at  length  took  them  both,  and  put  all  he 
found  in  them  to  the  sword,  who  were  above  twenty  thousand  more.  Some 
few  were  saved  from  this  carnage  by  bribing  some  of  the  soldiers  to  let  them 
escape;  but  Judas, ^  having  gotten  knowledge  of  it,  convicted  them  of  the 
treachery  before  the  rest  of  the  people  of  the  Jews  that  were  with  him,  and 
caused  them  to  be  put  to  death  for  it. 

After  this,  Judas'*  passed  over  Jordan  into  the  land  of  the  Ammonites,  where 
he  had  many  conflicts  with  the  enemies  of  the  Jews;  and,  having  slain  great 
numbers  of  them,  took  Jazar,  with  the  villages  belonging  thereto,  and  then  re- 
turned again  into  Judea. 

Timotheus,  who  was  governor  for  the  king  of  Syria  in  those  parts,  the  same 
whom  Judas  had  overcome  two  years  before,  being  much  exasperated  by  this 
inroad  made  upon  his  province,'"  gathered  together  all  the  forces  he  was  able, 
even  a  very  great  army  both  of  horse  and  foot,  and  with  them  invaded  Judea, 
purposing  no  less  than  utterly  to  destroy  the  whole  nation  of  the  Jews.  Where- 
on Judas  went  forth  with  his  army  to  meet  him,  and  having  all,  with  humble 
supplication  and  earnest  prayer,  recommended  their  cause  to  God,  in  confi- 
dence of  his  merciful  assistance,  engaged  these  numerous  forces  with  such 

1  1  Maccab.  vi.  17.    2  Maccab.  x.  11.  Appian.  et  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  14.  2  1  Maccah.  ix.  29. 

3  Ibid.  X.  11—13.  4  1  Maccab.  v.  1,  2.  5  2  Maccab.  x.  14,  LS. 

6  1  Maccab.  v.  3.    2  Mac.  x.  16, 17.  7  1  Maccab.  v.  4,  5.    2  Mac.  x.  18—23.  8  2  Maccab.  x.  21,  22. 

9  1  Maccab.  v.  6—8.  10  2  Maccab.  x.  24—38. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  143 

courage  and  vigour,  that  they  overthrew  them  with  a  great  slaughter,  there  be- 
ing then  slain  of  them  twenty  thousand  five  hundred  foot,  and  six  hundred 
horsemen.  Whereon  Timotheus  fled  to  Gazara,  a  city  of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim, 
near  the  field  of  battle,  where  Chsereus  his  brother  was  governor.  Judas,  pur- 
suing them  thither,  beset  the  place;  and,  having  taken  it  on  the  fifth  day,  there 
slew  Timotheus  Chaereus  his  brother,  and  Apollophanes,  another  prime  leader 
of  the  army. 

The  heathen  nations  that  lived  about  the  land  of  Gilead  hearing  of  this  over- 
throw,' and  the  death  of  so  many  of  their  friends  that  were  slain  in  it,  for  the 
revenging  hereof,  gathered  together,  with  purpose  to  cut  off  and  destroy  all  the 
Jews  in  those  parts:  and  falling  first  on  those  that  dwelt  in  the  land  of  Tob, 
which  lay  to  the  east  of  Gilead,  slew  one  thousand  men  of  them,  took  their 
goods  for  a  spoil,  and  carried  their  wives  and  children  into  captivity.  Whereon 
most  of  the  other  Jews  that  dwelt  in  those  parts,  for  the  avoiding  of  the  like 
ruin,  fled  to  a  strong  fortress  in  Gilead,  called  Dathema,  and  there  resolved  to 
defend  themselves:  which  the  heathens  hearing  of,  forthwith  drew  thither  in  a 
great  body,  under  the  command  of  another  Timotheus,  the  successor,  and  most 
likely  the  son  of  the  former  Timotheus  that  was  slain  at  Gazara,  to  besiege  them. 
At  the  same  time  the  inhabitants^  of  Tyre,  Sidon,  Ptolemais,  and  the  other 
heathens  thereabout,  were  drawing  together  to  cut  off"  and  destroy  all  the  Jews 
of  Galilee,  in  the  same  manner  as  had  been  attempted  in  Gilead.  Judas  being 
hereon  sent  to  for  help  both  from  Gilead  and  Galilee  on  this  exigency,^  by  the 
advice  of  the  Sanhedrin,  or  general  council  of  the  Jews,  whom  he  consulted  on 
this  occasion,  divided  his  army  into  three  parts.  With  the  first  part,  consisting 
of  eight  thousand  men,*  he  and  Jonathan  his  brother  marched  for  the  relief  of 
the  Gileadites;  with  the  second,''  consisting  of  three  thousand,  Simon,  another 
of  his  brothers,  was  sent  into  Galilee;  and  the  rest  were  left  at  Jerusalem,^  un- 
der the  command  of  Joseph  and  Azarias,  two  prime  leaders  for  the  defence  of 
that  place  and  the  country  adjacent,  to  whom  Judas  gave  strict  charge  not  to 
engage  with  any  of  the  enemy,  but  to  stand  wholly  on  the  defensive,  till  he 
and  Simon  should  be  again  returned. 

Judas  and  Jonathan  passing  over  Jordan,®  in  their  way  from  thence  to  Gilead, 
marched  through  some  part  of  the  countiy  of  the  Nabathseans;  with  whom 
having  peace,  they  learned  from  them  the  great  distress  which  their  friends 
were  then  in;  for  not  only  those  in  Dathema  were  hardly  pressed  by  a  strict 
siege,  but  all  the  rest  of  the  Jewish  nation  that  were  in  Bossora,  Bosor,  Casphon, 
Maked,  and  the  other  cities  of  Gilead,  were  there  closely  shut  up  and  impri- 
soned, with  intention,  on  the  taking  of  the  fortress  of  Dathema,  to  have  them  all 
put  to  death  in  one  day.  Whereon  Judas  and  Jonathan  immediately  falling  on 
Bossora,  surprised  the  city,  and  having  slain  all  the  males,  taken  their  spoils, 
and  freed  their  brethren  who  were  there  imprisoned  for  slaughter,  set  the  city 
on  fire;  and  then,  marching  all  night  from  thence  toward  Dathema,  came  thither 
the  next  morning,  just  as  Timotheus  and  all  his  forces  were  storming  the  place; 
whereon  falling  on  them  behind,  they  put  them  all  to  the  rout:  for  being  sur- 
prised, with  this  sudden  and  unexpected  assault,  and  terrified  with  the  name  of 
Judas,  they  were  seized  with  a  panic  fright,  and  therefore  immediately  flung 
down  their  arms  and  fled;  and  Judas  slew  of  them  in  the  pursuit  about  eight 
thousand  men.  After  this,  Judas  took  Maspha,  Casphon,  Maked,  Bosor,  and 
all  the  other  cities  of  Gilead  where  the  Jews  were  oppressed;  and  having  there- 
by delivered  them  from  the  destruction  designed  for  them,  he  treated  all  those 
places  in  the  same  manner  as  he  had  Bossora,  that  is,  slew  all  the  males,  took 
their  spoils,  and  set  the  cities  on  fire,  and  then  returned  to  Jerusalem. 

And  Simon's  success  in  Galilee  was  not  much  inferior:^  for  on  his  coming  into 
that  country,  he  had  there  many  conflicts  and  encounters  with  the  enemy,  in 
all  which  carrying  the  victory,  he  at  length  drove  all  those  oppressors  out  of  the 

I  1  Maccab.  v.  9—13.  2  Ibid.  13,  1-J.  3  Ibid.  16,  17.  4  1  Maccab.  v.  '20. 

5  Ibid.  18,  19.  6  Ibid.  24—36.  7  Ibid.  v.  21—23. 


144  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

country,  and  having  pursued  them  to  the  very  gates  of  Ptolemais,  slew  of  them 
in  that  pursuit  about  three  thousand  men,  and  took  their  spoils.  But,  finding 
that  the  Jews  of  those  parts  could  not  well  be  any  longer  there  protected,  by 
reason  of  the  great  number  of  their  enemies  in  the  regions  round  about  them, 
and  the  difficulty  of  succouring  them  at  so  great  a  distance  from  Jerusalem,  he 
gathered  them  all  together,  men,  women,  and  children,  with  their  stuff,  and  all 
other  their  substance,  to  carry  them  with  him  into  the  land  of  Judah,  where 
being  nearer  to  the  protection  of  their  brethren,  they  might  live  under  it  in 
better  security.  And  he  having  accordingly,  on  his  return,  brought  them 
thither  with  him,  they  were  disposed  of  for  the  repeopling  those  places  which 
had  been  desolated  by  the  enemy  during  the  persecution  of  Antiochus  Epi- 
phanes. 

Thus  the  two  parties,  that  were  sent  forth  on  the  two  expeditions  mentioned, 
had  both  full  success  in  them,  and  returned  with  honour  and  triumph.  But  it 
did  not  so  happen  to  the  third  party  that  was  left  at  home.  For  Joseph  and 
Azarias,'  who  were  intrusted  with  the  command  of  them,  hearing  of  the  noble 
exploits  which  Judas  and  Jonathan  did  in  Gilead,  and  Simon  in  Galilee,  thought 
to  get  them  also  a  name  by  doing  the  like;  and  therefore,  contrary  to  the  orders 
that  had  been  strictly  given  them  by  Judas  on  his  departure,  not  to  fight  with 
any  tiU  he  and  Simon  should  be  again  returned,  led  forth  their  forces  in  an  ill- 
projected  expedition  against  Jamnia,  a  sea-port  on  the  Mediterranean,  thinking 
to  take  the  place.  But  Gorgias,  who  commanded  in  those  parts  for  the  king  of 
Syria,  falling  upon  them,  put  their  whole  army  to  flight,  and  slew  of  them  in 
the  pursuit  about  two  thousand  men.  Thus  this  rash  attempt,  made  contrary  to 
orders  given,  ended  in  the  confusion  of  those  that  undertook  it.  But  Judas  and 
his  brothers,^  for  their  noble  deeds  and  many  valiant  exploits,  grew  greatly  re- 
nowned in  the  sight  of  all  Israel,  and  also  among  the  heathens  wherever  their 
names  were  heard  of. 

Demetrius,  the  son  of  Seleucus  Philopater,  who  had,  from  the  year  in  which 
his  father  died,  been  a  hostage  at  Rome,  and  was  now  grown  to  the  twenty- 
third  year  of  his  age,  hearing  of  the  death  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  and  the  suc- 
cession of  Eupator  his  son  in  the  kingdom  of  Syria,  which  of  right  belonged 
to  him,  as  son  of  the  elder  brother  of  Epiphanes,^  moved  the  senate  for  the  re- 
storing of  him  to  his  father's  kingdom:  and  for  the  inducing  of  them  hereto,  al- 
leged, that  having  been  bred  up  in  that  city  from  his  childhood,  he  should  al- 
ways look  on  Rome  as  his  country,  the  senators  as  his  fathers,  and  their  sons  as 
his  brothers.  But  the  senate,  having  more  regard  to  their  own  interest  than  to 
the  right  of  Demetrius,  judged  it  would  be  more  for  the  advantage  of  the  Ro- 
mans to  have  a  boy  reign  in  Syria  than  a  thorough  grown  man,  and  one  of  ma- 
ture understanding,  as  Demetrius  was  then  known  to  be;  and  therefore  decreed 
for  the  confirming  of  Eupator  in  the  kingdom,  and  sent  Cn.  Octavius,  Sp.  Lu- 
cretius, and  L.  Aurelius,  ambassadors  into  Syria,  there  to  settle  his  affairs,  and 
regulate  them  according  to  the  articles  of  the  peace  which  they  had  made  with 
Antiochus  the  Great,  his  grandfather. 

An.  163.  Judas  Macc.nbcpus  4.] — Lysias  having  received  an  account  of  the  ex- 
ploits of  the  Jews  in  Gilead  and  Galilee,  was  thereby  much  exasperated  against 
them;*  and  therefore,  for  the  revenging  hereof,  havmg  gotten  together  an  army 
of  eighty  thousand  men,  with  all  the  horse  of  the  kingdom,  and  eighty  ele- 
phants, marched  with  all  this  power  to  invade  Judea,  purposing  to  make  Jeru- 
salem a  habitation  for  the  Gentiles,  and  to  make  a  gain  of  the  temple  as  of  the 
other  temples  of  the  heathens,  and  to  set  the  high-priesthood  to  sale;  and  being 
entered  the  country,  he  began  the  war  with  the  siege  of  Bethsura,  a  strong 
fortress  lying  between  Jerusalem  and  Idumaea,  which  hath  been  before  spoken 
of.  But  there  Judas  falling  upon  him,  slew  of  his  army  eleven  thousand  foot, 
and  one  thousand  six  hundred  horsemen,  and  put  all  the  rest  to  flight.  Whereon 

1  1  Maccab.  2.  55—62.  2  Ibiri.  C:?. 

3  Polyb.  Legal.  107.  p.  937.     Justin,  lib.  31.  c.  3.     Appian.  in  Syriacis.  4  2  Maccab  .\i.  1—38. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  145 

Lysias,  growing  weary  of  so  unprosperous  a  war,  came  to  terms  of  peace  with 
Judas  and  his  people,  and  Antiochus  ratified  the  same,  in  which  matter  the 
Jews  found  Q.  Memmius  and  T.  Manlius,  who  were  then  ambassadors  from  the 
Romans  in  Syria,  to  be  very  friendly  and  helpful  unto  them.  By  the  terms  of 
this  peace,  the  decree  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  for  the  obliging  of  the  Jews  to 
conform  to  the  religion  of  the  Greeks  was  wholly  rescinded,  and  liberty  was 
granted  them  every  where  to  live  according  to  their  own  laws.  This  treaty  was 
managed,  on  the  part  of  Judas,  by  two  Jews,  named  John  and  Absalom,  whom 
he  sent  to  Lysias  with  his  demands.  The  letter  which  Lysias  wrote  back  in 
ansAver  hereto,'  bore  date  in  the  month  Dioscorinthius  (or,  as  in  the  Vulgar  La- 
tin, Dioscorus,)  in  the  year  148.  But  there  is  no  such  name  of  a  month  to  be 
found  either  in  the  Syro-Macedonian,  or  in  any  other  calendar  of  those  times. 
Scaliger"  and  Archbishop  Usher^  conjecture,  that  it  was  an  intercalary  month 
cast  in  between  the  months  Dystrus  and  Xanthicus  in  the  Chaldean  calendar, 
in  the  same  manner  as  the  month  Veadar  was  cast  in  between  the  month  Adar 
and  Nisan  in  the  Jewish  calendar.  And  they  are  the  more  confirmed  in  this 
opinion,  because  the  month  Xanthicus,  which  seems  to  have  followed  immedi- 
ately after  the  said  month  called  Dioscorinthius,  or  Dioscorus  (for  all  the  other 
letters  and  instruments  that  after  followed  relating  to  this  peace  are  dated  in  the 
month  Xanthicus  in  the  same  year,)  answered  to  the  Jewish  month  Nisan,  and 
beginning  about  the  same  time  with  it,  was  the  first  month  of  the  spring  among 
the  Syrians,  as  Nisan  was  among  the  Jews.  But  neither  the  Syrians,  Macedo- 
nians, nor  Chaldeans,  having  any  such  intercalary  month  in  the  year,  it  seems 
more  likely,  that  Dioscorinthius,  or  Dioscorus,  was  a  corrupt  writing  for  Dystrus 
_  (the  month  immediately  preceding  Xanthicus  in  the  Syro-Macedonian  calen- 
dar,) made  by  the  error  of  the  scribes.  If  any  one  will  say,  that  the  month  Dius 
among  the  Corinthians  did  answer  to  the  month  Dystrus  of  the  Syro-Macedo- 
nians,  because  Dius*  among  the  Bithynians  did  so,  and  that  for  this  reason  it  is 
in  the  place  above-cited  called  A'o«  Kop.v5.os,  I  have  nothing  to  say  against  it,  be- 
cause it  is  not  any  where  said,  that  I  know  of,  what  form  the  Corinthians  framed 
their  year  by.  And  it  is  farther  to  be  taken  notice  of,  that  w^hereas  the  dates 
of  all  the  instruments  concerning  this  peace,  as  registered  in  the  places  cited,* 
are  in  the  148th  year  of  the  Seleucidae,  this  is  to  be  understood  according 
to  the  style  of  Chaldea,  and  not  according  to  the  style  of  Syria.  For  the 
style  of  Chaldea  began  one  year  after  the  style  of  Syria,''  as  hath  been  before 
observed;  and  therefore,  what  is  here  said  to  have  been  done  in  the  148th 
year  of  the  Chaldean  reckoning,  was  in  the  149th  year  of  the  Syrian.  And 
whereas  in  the  chronological  table  at  the  end  of  this  book,  the  150th  year,  and 
not  the  149th  year,  of  the  era  of  the  Seleucidse,  is  put  over  against  the  163d 
year  before  Christ,  under  which  I  place  this  treaty,  it  is  not  to  be  understood 
that  these  two  years  run  parallel  with  each  other  from  beginning  to  end,  so  as 
exactly  to  answer  each  other  in  every  part,  but  only,  that  the  said  150th  year 
had  its  beginning  in  the  said  163d  year  before  Christ,  though  not  at  the  same 
time  with  it;  for  the  Julian  year,  by  which  I  reckon  the  years  before  Christ,  be- 
gins from  the  first  of  January;  but  the  years  of  the  era  of  the  Seleucidse,  accord- 
ing to  the  reckoning  of  the  first  book  of  Maccabees,  did  not  begin  till  about  the 
time  of  the  vernal  equinox,  three  months  after,  and  according  to  the  reckoning 
of  the  second  book  of  Maccabees,  not  till  about  the  time  of  the  autumnal  equi- 
nox, nine  months  after.  And  therefore  the  said  three  months  of  the  163d  year 
before  Christ,  which  precede  the  beginning  of  the  150th  year,  according  to  the 
reckoning  of  the  first  book  of  Maccabees,  and  the  said  nine  months  of  the  same 
163d  year  before  Christ,  which  precede  the  beginning  of  the  same  150th  year, 
according  to  the  reckoning  of  the  second  book  of  Maccabees,  are  not  to  be  ac- 
counted to  the  said  150th  year,  but  to  the  year  preceding,  that  is,  to  the  149th 

1  2  Maccab.  xi.  21.  2  De  Emendatione  Temporum,  lib.  2.  c.  de  Perlodo  Syria-Macedonum,  p.  94. 

3  In  Analibiissub  anno  J.  P.  4551. 

4  Vide  Jacobum  Usserjum  Armachanum  de  Macedonum  et  Asianorum  Anno  Solari,  c.  4. 

5  2  Maccab.  ix.  21.  33.  38.  6  Part  i.  book  8.  sub  annis  312  el  311. 

Vol.  II.— 19 


146  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

year,  according  to  the  style  of  Syria,  which  was  the  148th  year  according  to  the 
style  of  Chaldea.  And  what  is  said  in  this  place  of  this  163d  year  before  Christ, 
and  of  the  said  150th  year  of  the  era  of  the  Seleucidae,  is  to  be  understood  of  all 
the  rest  of  the  years  of  the  said  two  eras  as  placed  against  each  other  in  the  said 
tables,  for  they  no  otherwise  answer  each  other  than  is  here  expressed. 

But  this  peace  granted  the  Jews  was  not  long-lived.  Those  w^ho  governed  in 
the  neighbouring  places  round  about  them,'  not  being  pleased  with  it,  broke  it 
as  soon  as  Lysias  was  gone  again  to  Antioch,  and  took  all  opportunities  to  re- 
new their  former  vexations  against  them,  among  whom  Timotheus,  Nicanor, 
and  Apollonius,  the  son  of  Gennteus,  were  the  most  forward  and  active  in 
troubling  them.  But  that  war  was  first  begun  by  the  men  of  Joppa;^  for  they 
having  there  drowned  in  the  sea  two  hundred  of  the  Jews  that  dwelt  among 
them  in  that  city,  Judas,  for  the  revenging  of  this  cruelty,  fell  upon  them  by 
night,  and  burnt  their  shipping,  slaying  all  those  whom  he  found  therein;  and 
then  turning  upon  the  Jamnites,'  who  intended  to  do  the  like,  he  set  fire  to  their 
haven,  and  burnt  all  their  na%y,  that  was  there  laid  up  in  it. 

After  this,  he  was  called  again  to  help  the  Jews  of  Gilead  against  Timotheus.'' 
In  his  march  thither,  he  was  encountered  by  some  of  the  Nomad, ^  or  wander- 
ing Arabs;  but  he  having  vanquished  them,  they  were  forced  to  sue  for  peace; 
which  Judas  having  granted  to  them,  marched  on  against  Timotheus;  but  meet- 
ing with  obstructions  in  his  march  from  the  men  of  Caspis,^  a  city  that  lay  in 
his  way,  he  fell  upon  them,  and,  having  taken  their  city,  slew  the  inhabitants, 
took  their  spoils,  and  destroyed  the  place.  After  this  he  came  to  Caraca  in  the 
land  of  Tob;^  but  finding  that  Timotheus  was  gone  from  thence,  leaving  strong 
garrisons  in  the  fenced  places  of  that  country,  he  sent  Dositheus  and  Sosipater, 
two  of  his  captains,  with  a  detachment  against  those  garrisons,  and  he  himself 
marched  with  the  main  army  to  find  out  Timotheus.  Dositheus  and  Sosipater 
soon  made  themselves  masters  of  those  fenced  places  which  they  were  sent 
against,  and  slew  those  that  were  garrisoned  in  them,  to  the  number  of  ten  thou- 
sand men.  In  the  mean  while  Timotheus  having  draAvn  all  his  forces  together,* 
to  the  number  of  a  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  foot,  and  two  thousand  five 
hundred  horse,  sent  the  women  and  children  that  followed  the  army,  with  the 
baggage,  into  Carnion,  a  strong  city  in  Gilead,  and  then  pitched  his  camp  not 
far  from  it,  at  a  place  called  Raphon,  lying  on  the  River  Jabboc.  There  Judas 
having  found  him,  with  his  numerous  army,  passed  over  the  river,  and  fell  upon 
him,  and  having  gained  the  victory,  slew  of  his  army  thirty  thousand  men;  and 
Timotheus  himself,^  as  he  fled,  falling  into  the  hands  of  Dositheus  and  Sosipa- 
ter, then  returning  from  their  conquests  in  the  land  of  Tob  to  the  rest  of  the 
army,  was  taken  prisoner  by  them.  But  having  promised,  for  the  saving  of  his 
life,  the  release  of  many  Jews,  then  captives  in  the  places  under  his  command, 
who  were  several  of  them  parents  or  brothers  to  some  then  present  in  the  Jew- 
ish army,  upon  this  condition  they  gave  him  both  his  life  and  his  liberty,  and 
permitted  him  to  go  freely  off".  A  great  part  of  the  rest  of  the  vanquished  army 
fled  to  Carnion,'"  where  Judas  pursuing  them,  took  the  place:  and  -whereas  many 
of  them  thereon  fled  to  the  temple  of  Atargatis,"  which  was  in  that  city,  think- 
ing there  to  find  safety,"^  he  set  fire  to  it,  and  burnt  it  with  all  that  were  therein, 
and  then,  with  fire  and  sword  desolating  the  rest  of  the  city,  there  slew  in  the 
whole  twenty-five  thousand  more  of  Timotheus's  forces  that  had  taken  refuge 
in  it.  And  then  gathering  together  all  of  the  race  of  Israel'^  that  were  in 
the  land  of  Gilead,  or  any  of  the  parts  adjoining,  he  carried  them  with  him, 

I  2  Maccab.  xii.  2—4.  2  Ibid.  5.  G.  3  Ibid.  8,  9.  4  Ibid.  10.  5  Ibid.  II,  12. 
6  Ibid.  i:i— Ifi.            7  Ibid.  17—19.           8  1  Maccab.  v.  37—43.    2  Maccab.  xii.  20—23.  9  Ibid.  24,  25. 

10  This  city,  in  the  first  book  of  Maccabees,  is  called  Carnaira.    Strabo  and  Ptolemy  make  mention  of  it 
by  the  name  of  Carno,  a  city  in  Arabia. 

II  This  deity  is  by  Strabo  (lib.  16.  p.  748.)  said  to  be  a  Syrian  goddess.  Pliny  (lib.  5.  c.  23,)  saith,  that  she 
was  the  same  with  Derceto;  and  he  tells  us  (c.  13,)  that  she  was  worsliipped  at  Joppa  in  Phrenjcia.  Diodor. 
Sic.  lib.  2,  saith,  that  she  was  worshipped  at  Ascalon,  and  was  there  represented  by  an  image  havini;  the 
form  of  a  woman  in  the  upper  part,  and  that  of  a  fish  in  the  lower  part.  Hence  this  deity  is  conjectured  to 
have  been  the  same  with  Dapon  of  the  PhiliBtines.    See  Selden  de  Diis  Syris,  syntap.  2.  c.  3. 

J2  1  Maccab.  v.  41.    2  Maccab.  xii.  26.  13  1  Maccab.  v.  45. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  147 

in  his  return  to  Judea,  in  the  same  manner,  and  for  the  same  reason,  that  Simon 
had  the  IsraeUtes  of  Gahlee  the  year  before,  and,  for  the  same  end  as  he  did, 
planted  them  in  the  desolate  places  of  the  laad  of  Judah.  But  being  in  his 
way  thither  to  pass  through  Ephron,  which  lay  directly  in  the  road,  so  as  not  to 
atlbrd  any  other  passage  either  to  the  right  hand  or  the  left,  through  which  he 
might  march  his  army,  he  was  necessitated  to  take  his  way  through  the  city 
itself:'  but  it  being  a  great  and  strong  city,  and  well  garrisoned  by  Lysias,  they 
refused  him  passage,  though  he  prayed  it  of  them  in  a  peaceable  manner: 
whereon  he  assaulted  the  place,  and  having  taken  it  by  storm,  put  all  the  males 
to  the  sword,  to  the  number  of  twenty-five  thousand  persons,  took  their  spoils, 
and  razed  the  city  to  the  ground,  and  then,  marching  over  the  bodies  of  the 
slain'-  repassed  Jordan  into  the  plains  of  Bethsan,  then  called  Scythopolis;  and 
from  thence  returning  to  Jerusalem,'  he  and  all  his  company  went  up  to  the 
temple  in  great  joy  to  give  thanks  unto  God  for  the  great  success  with  which  he 
had  been  pleased  to  prosper  this  expedition,  and  especially  for  that  they  were  all 
of  them  returned  in  safety,  without  losing  any  one  man  of  all  their  whole  number, 
notwithstanding  the  hazardous  march  and  the  many  dangerous  enterprises  they 
had  been  engaged  in,  which  was  a  very  extraordinary  instance  of  God's  merciful 
protection  over  them.     This  their  return  happened  about  the  time  of  Pentecost.* 

After  that  festival  was  over,  Judas^  led  forth  his  forces  again  to  make  war  upon 
Gorgias  and  the  Idumeeans,  who  had  been  very  vexatious  to  the  Jews.  In  the 
battle  which  he  fought  with  them  several  of  the  Jews  were  slain;*  but  in  the 
result  Judas  got  the  victory,  and  Gorgias,  difficultly  escaping,  fled  to  Marisa. 
The  next  day  after  being  the  sabbath,'  Judas  withdrew  his  forces  to  Odollam,  a 
.city  near  the  field  of  battle,  there  to  keep  the  day  in  all  the  duties  of  it.  The 
next  day  following,*  going  forth  to  bury  such  of  their  brethren  as  were  slain  in 
the  battle,  they  found  about  every  one  of  them  some  of  the  things  that  had  been 
dedicated  to  the  idols  of  the  heathens;  w^hich,  though  taken  by  them  among  the 
spoils  of  that  war,  were  forbidden  by  the  law  to  be  kept  by  them;®  whereby  per- 
ceiving for  what  cause  God  had  given  them  up  to  be  slain,  Judas  and  all  his 
company  gave  praise  unto  him,  and  humbly  offered  up  their  prayers  for  the 
pardon  of  the  sin.  And  then  making  a  collection  through  the  whole  camp, 
which  amounted  to  two  thousand  drachms,  sent  it  to  Jerusalem  to  provide  sin- 
ofFerings  there  to  be  offered  up  for  the  expiating  of  this  offence,  that  wrath  for 
it  might  not  fall  upon  the  whole  congregation  of  Israel,  as  formerly  it  had  in  the 
case  of  Achan. 

After  this,  Judas,'"  carrying  the  war  into  the  southern  parts  of  Idumsea,  smote 
Hebron  and  all  the  towns  thereof;  and,  after  having  dismantled  this  city,  then 
the  metropolis  of  Idumcea,  he  passed  from  thence  into  the  land  of  the  Philis- 
tines; and,  having  taken  Azotus,  formerly  called  Ashdod,  he  pulled  down  their 
heathen  altars,  burnt  their  carved  images,  and  took  the  spoils  of  the  place;  and, 
having  done  the  same  to  the  rest  of  the  cities  of  that  country  over  which  he 
had  prevailed,  he  led  back  his  men,  loaded  with  the  spoils  of  their  enemies, 
again  into  Judea. 

But  the  garrison  of  the  Syrians  stiU  holding  the  fortress  of  Acra  in  Jerusa- 
lem, they  were  a  great  thorn  in  the  sides  of  the  Jews,  often  sallying  out  upon 
them  as  they  passed  up  to  the  temple  to  worship,  and  cutting  several  of  them 
off  as  often  as  they  had  the  advantage  so  to  do.  Wherefore  Judas,  for  the  re- 
moval of  this  mischief,"  called  all  the  people  together,  and  laid  siege  to  the 
place,  pui-posing  to  destroy  it;  and,  in  order  hereto,  having  provided  all  manner 
of  engines  of  war  fit  for  the  purpose,  he  pressed  on  hard  all  the  methods  of  as- 
sault whereby  he  might  take  it.  Hereon  some  of  the  apostate  Jews"^  who  had 
listed  themselves  in  the  garrison,  knowing  they  were  to  have  no  mercy,  should 
the  place  be  taken,  found  means  to  get  forth,  and,  flying  to  Antioch,  there 

I  1  Maccab.  46-51.    2  Mac.  xii.  27,  28.        2  1  Maccab.  v.  52.    2Maccab.  .\ij.  2f)— 31.        3  1  Maccab.  v.  54. 
4  2  Maccab.  xii.  31.  5  1  Maccab.  v.  65.    2  Maccab.  .\ii.  32,  33.  6  2  Maccab.  .tii.  33—37. 

7  Ibid.  38.  8  2  Maccab.  .xii.  3U— 45.  9  Dput.  vii.  25,  26.  10  1  Maccab.  v.  65—63. 

II  1  Maccab.  vi.  19,  20.  12  Ibid.  21—27. 


148  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

made  known  to  the  king  and  his  council  the  distress  which  this  garrison  at  Je- 
rusalem was  in,  and  moved  so  effectually  for  their  relief,  that  forthwith  an  army 
was  drawn  together  of  a  hundred  thousand  foot,'  and  twenty  thousand  horse, 
with  thirty-two  elephants,  and  three  hundred  armed  chariots  of  war;  and  the 
king  in  person,  with  his  tutor  Lysias,  having  put  himself  at  the  head  of  them, 
marched  with  them  into  Judea,  and,  passing  on  to  the  borders  of  Idumse,  there 
began  the  war  with  the  siege  of  Bethsura.  Judas, ^  having  gotten  his  forces 
together,  though  far  inferior  to  those  of  the  enemy,  there  fell  on  them  in  the 
night,  and,  having  slain  four  thousand  of  them  before  they  had  light  enough  to 
see  where  to  oppose  him,  and  thereby  put  the  whole  camp  into  confusion,  he 
retreated  on  break  of  day,  without  suffering  any  loss  in  the  attempt.  But,  as 
the  morning  was  up,  both  sides  prepared  for  an  open  battle,''  and  Judas  and  his 
men,  with  great  fierceness,  began  the  onset;  but,  after  having  slain  about  six 
hundred  of  the  king's  men,  finding  they  must  be  overpowered  at  length  by  so 
great  a  number,  they  withdrew  from  the  fight,"*  and  made  a  safe  retreat  to  Jeru- 
salem. In  this  fight  Eleazar*  surnamed  Averan,  one  of  Judas's  brothers,  was 
lost  by  a  very  rash  and  desperate  attempt  which  he  made  upon  one  of  the  king's 
elephants.  For  seeing  it  to  be  higher  than  all  the  rest,  and  armed  with  royal 
harness,  he  supposed  that  the  king  himself  was  upon  it;  and  therefore  think- 
ing, that,  by  slaying  this  elephant,  he  might  with  the  fall  of  it  cause  the  death 
of  the  king  also,  and  thereby  deliver  his  people,  and  gain  to  himself  a  perpetual 
name,  he  ran  furiously  to  the  beast,  slaying  on  each  hand  all  that  stood  in  his 
way,  till,  being  gotten  under  its  belly,  he  thrust  up  his  spear  and  slew  him; 
whereon  the  beast  falling  dead  upon  him,  crushed  him  to  death  with  the  weight 
thereof.  After  this  Antiochus  returned  to  the  siege  of  Bethsura;^  and,  although 
the  besieged  defended  themselves  with  great  valour,  and  in  several  sallies  beat 
back  the  enemy,  and  burnt  their  engines  of  battery,  yet  at  length,  their  provi- 
sions failing  them,  they  were  forced  to  yield,  and  surrendered  the  place  upon 
articles  of  safety  to  their  persons  and  effects. 

From  thence  Antiochus  marched  to  Jerusalem,''  and  there  besieged  the  sanc- 
tuary: and,  when  they  within  were  almost  reduced  to  the  same  necessity  of 
surrendering  that  those  of  Bethsura  had  been,  by  reason  of  the  like  failure  of 
provisions,  they  were  relieved  by  an  unexpected  accident.  For  Lysias,*  having 
received  an  account,  that  Philip,  whom  Antiochus  Epiphanes  had  at  his  death 
appointed  guardian  of  his  son,  had,  in  his  absence,  seized  Antioch,  and  there 
taken  upon  him  the  government  of  the  Syrian  empire,  he  found  it  necessary  to 
make  peace  with  the  Jews,^  that  he  might  thereby  be  at  liberty  to  return  into 
Syria  for  expelling  of  this  intruder;  and  accordingly  peace  being  granted  to 
them  upon  honourable  and  advantageous  conditions,  and  sworn  to  by  Antiochus, 
he  was  admitted  within  the  fortifications  of  the  sanctuary;  but  when  he  saw  how 
strong  they  were,'"  he  caused  them,  contrary  to  the  articles  he  had  sworn  to,  to 
be  all  pulled  down  and  demolished,  and  then  returned  toward  Syria. 

Menelaus,  the  high-priest,"  in  expectation  not  only  of  recovering  his  station 
at  Jerusalem,  but  also  of  being  made  governor  there,  accompanied  the  king  in 
this  expedition,  and  was  very  forward  and  busy  in  offering  him  his  service  in 
it  against  his  own  people.  But  Lysias,  when  he  found  what  great  inconve- 
niences attended  this  war,  and  was,  by  the  ill  consequences  of  it,  forced  to 
make  the  peace  I  have  mentioned,  being  much  exasperated  against  this  wretch, 
as  the  true  and  original  author  of  all  this  mischief,  accused  him  to  the  king  for 
it;  whereon  he  was  condemned  to  death,  and,  being  carried  to  Berhcea,  a  city 
of  Syria,"'  was  there  cast  headlong  into  a  tower  of  ashes  which  was  in  that 
place,  and  there  miserably  perished.  This  was  a  punishment  then  used  for  sa- 
crilege, treason,  and  such  other  great  crimes  which  this  wretch  was  very  signally 
guilty  of:  in  what  manner  it  was  executed  hath  been  before  described.     On  his 

1  2  Maccab.  vi.  28— 31.    2  Maccab.  xiii.  1,  2.  9.  2  1  Maccab.  vi.  32.    2  Maccab.  xiii.  15— 17. 

3  1  Mac.  vi.  33-42.  4  Ibid.  47.         5  Ibid.  43— 46.  6  1  Maccab.  vi.  49,  50.    2  Maccab.  xiii.  18— 22. 

7  1  Maccab.  vi.  48.  51—54.  8  Ibid.  55,  56.  2  Maccab.  xiii.  23.  9  1  Maccab.  vi.  57—61. 

10  Ibid.  62.  112  Maccab.  xiii.  3—8.  12  The  same  that  is  nowr  called  Aleppo. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  149 

death/  the  office  of  high-priest  was  granted  to  Alcimus,^  who  was  called  also 
Jacimus,  a  man  altogether  as  wicked.  Whereon  Onlas,*  the  son  of  that  Onias 
who  by  the  procurement  of  Menelaus  was  slain  at  Antioch,  whose  right  it  w^as 
to  have  succeeded  in  this  office,  not  being  able  to  bear  the  injustice  whereby 
he  was  disappointed  of  it,  fled  from  Antioch,  where  he  had  hitherto  resided 
since  his  father's  death,  and  went  into  Egypt;  where,  having  insinuated  him- 
self into  the  favour  of  Ptolemy  Philometor,  and  Cleopatra  his  queen,  he  lived 
there  all  the  rest  of  his  life,  and  will  hereafter  more  than  once  be  again  spoken 
of  in  the  future  series  of  this  history. 

This  expedition  into  Judea  is  said,  in  the''  second  book  of  Maccabees,  to  have 
been  begun  in  the  149th  year,  i.  e.  of  the  era  of  the  Selucidse,  and,  in  the  first 
book  of  Maccabees,*  its  beginning  is  placed  in  the  150th  of  the  same  era.  But 
what  hath  been  before  observed,  that  the  first  book  of  Maccabees  reckons  the 
beginning  of  these  years  from  the  time  of  the  vernal  equinox,  and  the  second 
book  of  Maccabees  from  the  time  of  the  autumnal  equinox,  easily  reconciles 
this  difference:  for  the  six  months  of  this  very  same  year  which  were  between 
these  two  equinoxes  will  be  in  the  150th  year,  according  to  the  reckoning  of 
the  first  book  of  Maccabees,  and  the  149th,  according  to  the  reckoning  of  the 
second.  And  therefore  all  that  can  be  inferred  from  hence  is,  that  this  expedi- 
tion was  first  made  within  the  time  of  these  six  months,  and  I  reckon  it  was  so 
toward  the  latter  end  of  them. 

On  the  king's  return  to  Antioch,  Philip  was  driven  thence  and  suppressed.® 
I  have  before  mentioned  the  flight  of  this  Philip  into  Egypt,  in  expectation 
there  to  be  assisted  against  Lysias.  But  the  two  brothers,  who  there  jointly 
reigned  at  this  time,  being  then  fallen  out,  and  at  great  variance  with  each 
other,  he  found  nothing  could  be  there  done  for  him;  and  therefore  returning 
again  to  the  east,  and  having  there  gathered  together  an  army  out  of  Media  and 
Persia,'  took  the  advantage  of  the  king's  absence  on  this  expedition  into  Judea 
to  seize  the  imperial  city,  but,  being  on  the  king's  return  again  expelled  thence, 
he  failed  of  success  in  this  attempt,  and  perished  in  it. 

The  variance  between  the  two  Ptolemies  in  Egypt,  which  I  have  last  above 
mentioned,  running  to  a  great  height,  the  senate  of  Rome*  wrote  to  their  ambas- 
sadors, Cneius  Octavius,  Spurius  Lucretius,  and  Lucius  Aurelius,  whom  they 
had  a  little  before  sent  into  Syria,  to  pass  from  thence  to  Alexandria  for  the 
composing  of  it.  But,  before  they  could  go  thither,  Physcon,  the  younger  bro- 
ther, prevailing  over  Philometor,  the  elder,  had  driven  him  out  of  the  kingdom.® 
Whereon  taking  shipping  for  Italy,'"  he  landed  at  Brundusium,  and  from  thence 
travelled  to  Rome  on  foot  in  a  sordid  habit,  and,  with  a  mean  attendance,  there 
to  pray  the  help  of  the  senate  for  his  restoration.  Demetrius,'"  the  son  of  Seleu- 
cus  Philopator,  late  king  of  Syria,  who  was  then  a  hostage  at  Rome,  as  above 
mentioned,  having  gotten  notice  hereof,  provided  a  royal  equipage,  and  royal 
robes  for  him,  that  he  might  appear  at  Rome  as  a  king,  and  rode  forth  to  carry 
all  this  to  him:  but,  on  his  meeting  him  on  the  road,  at  twenty-six  miles'  dis- 
tance from  Rome,  and  presenting  him  with  it,  Ptolemy,  though  he  very  much 
thanked  him  for  the  kindness  and  respects  hereby  offered  unto  him,  yet  was  so 
far  from  accepting  any  thing  of  it,  that  he  would  not  permit  him  so  much  as  to 
accompany  him  the  remainder  of  the  journey,  but  entered  Rome  on  foot,  with 
no  other  than  the  same  mean  attendance,  and  the  same  sordid  habit  with  Avhich 
he  first  put  himself  on  this  journey,  and  took  up  his  lodging  in  the  private 
house  of  an  Alexandrian  painter  then  living  at  Rome.  Thus  he  chose  to  do, 
that,  by  his  coming  in  so  low  and  mean  a  manner,  he  might  the  better  express 
the  calamity  of  his  case,  and  the  more  effectually  move  the  compassion  of  the 
Romans  toward  him.     As  soon  as  the  senate  heard  of  his  arrival,  they  sent  for 

1  Part  1,  book  C.         2  2  Marcab.  xiv.  3.    Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  15.  et  lib.  20.  c.  8.  3  Josephus,  ibid. 

4  Chiip.  xiii.  ver.  1.  5  Chap.  vi.  ver.  20.  6  1  Maccab.  vi.  63.    Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  15. 

7  1  Maccab.  vi.  56.  8  Polyb.  Legal.  107.  p.  938.  9  Porphyrias  in  Grscis  Euseb.  Scalig.  p.  60.  68. 

10  Diodor.  Sic.  in  Excerptis  Valesii,  p.  332.    Val.  Ma.ximus,  lib.  5.  c.  1.  11  Ibid. 


150  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

him  to  the  senate-house,  and  there  excused  themselves  to  hira,  that  they  had 
not  provided  him  with  lodgings,  nor  received  him  with  those  ceremonies  which 
were  usual  in  this  case,  telling  him,  that  this  was  not  from  any  neglect  of  theirs, 
but  merely  that  his  coming  was  so  sudden  and  private,  that  they  knew  not  of 
it  till  his  arrival.  And  then,  having  exhorted  him  to  lay  aside  his  sordid  habit, 
and  ask  a  day  to  be  publicly  heard  concerning  the  matter  he  came  thither  about, 
they,  by  some  of  their  body,  conducted  him  to  lodgings  suiting  his  royal  dig- 
nity, and  appointed  one  of  their  treasurers  there  to  attend  him,  and  provide  him 
with  all  things  fitting  at  the  public  charge,  as  long  as  he  should  stay  in  Rome. 
And  when  he  had  a  day  of  audience,  and  made  known  his  case,  they  imme- 
diately decreed  his  restoration,  and  sent  Quintus  and  Canuleius,  two  of  their 
body,  ambassadors  with  him  to  Alexandria,  there  to  see  it  executed;  who,  on 
their  arrival  thither,  compounded  the  matter  between  the  two  brothers,  by  as- 
signing to  Physcon  the  country  of  Libya  and  Cyrene,'  and  to  Philometor  Egypt 
and  Cyprus,  there  to  reign  apart,  without  interfering  with  each  other  in  the 
government. 

Jin.  162.  Judas  MaccabcBus  5.] — Cn.  Octavius,  Sp.  Lucretius,  and  L.  Aurelius, 
the  Roman  ambassadors  above  mentioned,  being  come  into  Syria,  and  finding 
that  the  king  had  more  ships  in  his  navy,  and  more  elephants  in  his  army,  than 
the  treaty  made  with  Antiochus  the  Great,  after  the  battle  of  Mount  Sypilus, 
allowed  him  to  have,"  they  caused  those  ships  to  be  burnt,  and  those  elephants 
to  be  slain,  that  exceeded  the  number  allowed,  and  settled  all  other  things 
there  according  as  they  thought  would  best  be  for  the  Roman  interest;  which 
many  not  being  able  to  bear,  and  great  heartburning  and  discontents  being 
thereby  caused  among  the  people,  one  of  them,  called  Leptines,  out  of  a  more 
than  ordinary  indignation  which  he  had  conceived  hereat,  fell  upon  Octavius, 
while  he  was  anointing  himself  in  the  gymnasium  at  Laodicea,  and  there  slew 
him.  This  Octavius  had  been  a  little  before  consul  of  Rome,  and  was  the  first 
that  brought  that  dignity  into  his  family.^  From  him  was  descended  Octavius 
Csesar,  who,  under  the  name  of  Augustus,  was  afterward  made  emperor  of 
Rome.  Lysias  was  thought  underhand  to  have  excited  this  act.  However,  as 
soon  as  it  was  done,  he  took  care  that  ambassadors  were  sent  to  Rome,  to  purge 
the  king  with  the  senate  from  having  had  any  hand  in  it.  But  the  senate,  after 
having  heard  those  ambassadors,  sent  them  away  without  giving  them  any  an- 
swer, seeming  thereby  to  express  their  resentments  for  the  murder  of  their  am- 
bassador by  an  angry  silence,  and  to  reserve  their  judgment  as  to  the  authors 
of  it  to  a  future  inquiry.  ■ 

Demetrius,  thinking  this  murder  of  Octavius  might  so  far  have  alienated  the 
senate  from  Eupator,  as  that  they  would  no  longer  for  his  sake  retard  his  dis- 
mission,^ addressed  himself  the  second  time  to  them  for  it.  ApoUonius,  a  young 
nobleman  of  Syria,  who  was  bred  up  with  him,  and  son  of  that  ApoUonius* 
who  was  governor  of  Ccele-Syria  and  Phcenicia  in  the  reign  of  Seleucus  Philo- 
pater,  advised  him  in  this  address,  contrary  to  the  advice  of  his  other  friends, 
whose  opinion  it  was,  that  he  had  nothing  else  to  do  for  his  getting  away  but 
to  make  his  escape  as  privately  as  he  could.  And  the  second .  repulse  which 
he  had  from  the  senate  (for  they  still  having  the  same  reason,  from  their  inter- 
est, to  detain  him,  persisted  still  in  the  same  resolution  so  to  do)  soon  convinced 
him,  that  this  last  was  the  only  course  he  had  to  take  for  his  return  into  his 
country,  and  the  recovering  of  the  crown  which  was  there  due  unto  him.  And 
Polybius  the  historian,  who  was  then  at  Rome,  and  with  whom  Demetrius  con- 
sulted in  all  this  matter,  earnestly  pressed  him  to  the  attempt.  Whereon  hav- 
ing, by  the  help  of  Menithyllus  of  Alabanda,  hired  passage  in  a  Carthaginian 
ship,  then  lying  at  Ostia,  and  bound  for  Tyre,  he  sent  most  of  his  retinue  with 

1  Polyb.  Leg.  113,  114.  p.  941.943.     Epif.  Livii,  lib.  46.     Zonaras,  lib.  2. 

2  Appian  in  fSyriacis.     Polyb.  Lngat.  114.  p.  944.  el  Logat.  li!2.  p.  954.    Ciceronis  Philippic.  9. 

3  Ciceronis  Philippic.  9.  4  Polyb.  Legal.  114.  p.  943.     Appian.  in  Syriacis.  Justin,  lib.  34.  c.  3. 
5  2  Maccab.  iii.  3—5. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  I5l 

his  hunting  equipage  to  Anagnia,  making  show  of  following  them  the  next  day 
thither  to  divert  himself  in  that  country  for  some  time  in  hunting.  But,  as  soon 
as  he  was  risen  from  supper,  getting  privately  that  night  to  Ostia,  he  there  went 
on  board  the  Charthaginian  ship,  and,  causing  it  forthwith  to  set  sail,  made  his 
escape  therein.  For,  it  being  thought  that  he  had  been  at  the  place  where  he 
had  appointed  his  hunting,  it  was  the  fourth  day  after  he  had  sailed  from  Ostia, 
before  his  escape  was  known  at  Rome;  and  when,  on  the  fifth  day,  the  senate 
was  met  about  it,  they  computed,  that  by  that  time  he  had  passed  the  straits  of 
Messina,  and  got  on  from  thence  in  his  voyage  too  far  to  be  overtaken,  and 
therefore  took  no  farther  notice  of  it.  Only  some  few  days  after,  they  appoint- 
ed Tiberius  Gracchus,  L.  Lentulus,  and  Servilius  Glaucias,  their  ambassadors, 
to  pass  into  Syria,  to  observe  what  effect  the  return  of  Demetrius  into  that  coun- 
try would  there  produce. 

The  occasion  which  brought  Menithyllus  of  Alabanda  to  Rome  at  this  time, 
was  an  embassy^  on  which  he  was  thither  sent  by  Ptolemy  Philometor  to  de- 
fend his  cause  before  the  senate  against  Physcon  his  brother:  for  Physcon,  not 
being  content  with  the  share  allotted  him  in  the  partition  of  the  Egyptian  em- 
pire between  him  and  his  brother,  desired  that,  besides  Libya  and  Gyrene,  he 
might  have  Cyprus  also  assigned  to  him.  And,  when  he  could  not  obtain  this 
of  the  ambassadors,  he  went  himself  to  Rome,  there  to  solicit  the  senate  for  it. 
When  he  appeared  before  the  senate  with  his  petition,  ]\Ienithyllus  made  it  out, 
that  Physcon  owed  not  only  Libya  and  Gyrene,  but  his  life  also,  to  the  favour 
and  kindness  of  his  brother.  For  he  had  made  himself  so  odious  to  the  peo- 
ple, by  his  many  flagitious  maleadministrations  in  the  government,  that  they 
would  have  permitted  him  neither  to  reign  nor  live,  had  not  Philometor  inter- 
posed to  save  him  from  their  rage.  And  Quintus  and  Ganuleius,  who  were  the 
ambassadors  that  made  the  agreement  between  the  two  brothers,  being  then 
present  in  the  senate,  did  there  attest  all  this  to  be  true;  yet,  notwithstanding, 
the  senate,  having  more  regard  to  their  own  interest  than  the  justice  of  the 
cause,  decreed  Gyprus  to  be  given  to  Physcon,  because  they  thought  Philome- 
tor would  be  too  potent  with  that  and  Egypt  together:  and  therefore  they  ap- 
pointed Titus  Torquatus  and  Gneius  Merula  to  go  with  him  as  their  ambassa- 
dors for  the  putting  him  in  possession  of  it,  according  as  they  had  decreed. 

While  Physcon  was  at  Rome  on  this  occasion,^  he  courted  Gornelia,  the  mo- 
ther of  the  Gracchi,  desiring  to  have  her  for  his  queen:  but  she  being  the  daugh- 
ter of  Scipio  Africanus,  and  the  widow  of  Tiberius  Gracchus,  who  had  been 
twice  consul,  and  once  censor  of  Rome,  she  despised  the  oiler,  thinking  it  to 
be  a  greater  honour  to  be  one  of  the  prime  maixons  of  Rome,  than  to  reign 
with  Physcon  in  Libya  and  Gerene. 

In  the  interim,  Demetrius,^  landing  at  Tripolis  in  Syria,  made  it  believed, 
that  he  was  sent  by  the  Roman  senate  to  take  possession  of  the  kingdom,  and 
that  he  would  be  supported  by  them  in  it.  Whereon  Eupator's  cause  being  in 
the  general  opinion  given  for  lost,  all  deserted  from  him  to  Demetrius;  and  Eu- 
pator,  and  Lysias  his  tutor,  being  siezed  by  their  own  soldiers,  in  order  to  be 
delivered  up  to  the  new  comer,  were,  by  his  order,  both  put  to  death.  And  so 
without  any  farther  opposition  he  became  thoroughly  settled  in  the  whole 
kingdom. 

As  soon  as  Demetrius  was  fixed  on  the  throne,''  one  of  the  first  things  he  did 
was  to  deliver  the  Babylonians  from  the  tyranny  of  Timarchus  and  HeracUdes. 
These  being  the  two  great  favourites  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  he  made  the  first 
of  them  governor,  and  the  other  treasurer  of  that  province.  Timarchus  having 
added  rebellion  to  his  other  crimes,  Demetrius  caused  him  to  be  put  to  death, 
and  the  other  he  drove  into  banishment.  This  was  so  acceptable  a  deliverance 
to  the  Babylonians,  whom  these  two  brothers  had  most  grievously  oppressed, 

1  Polyb.  Legal.  113.  p.  941.  et  Legal.  117.  p.  950.  2  Plularch.  in  Tiberio  Graccho. 

3  1  Mac.  vii.  1— 4.     2  Mac.siV.  1,  2.    Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  16.    Appian.  in  Syriacis.  Juslin.Iib.  34.  c  S. 

4  Appian.  in  Syriacis. 


152  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

that  they  from  hence  called  him  Soter,  i.  e.  the  Saviour;  which  name  he  ever 
afterward  bore. 

Alcimus,  who,  on  the  death  of  Menelaus,  was  by  Antiochus  Eupator  ap- 
pointed high-priest  of  the  Jews,'  not  being  received  by  them,  because  he  had 
polluted  himself,  by  conforming  to  the  ways  of  the  Greeks  in  the  time  of  An- 
tioch  Epiphanes,'^  got  together  all  the  other  apostate  Jews,  then  living  at  An- 
tioch,  who  had  for  their  apostacy  been  expelled  Judea,  and  went  at  the  head 
of  them  to  the  new  king  to  pray  his  relief  against  Judas  and  his  brethren,  ac- 
cusing them  of  slaying  many  of  the  king's  friends,  and  driving  others  out  of 
the  country,  as  particularly  they  had  them  his  petitioners,  for  no  other  reason, 
but  that  they  had  obeyed  the  royal  edicts  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes  his  uncle, 
who  had  reigned  before  him.  And  hereby  he  so  exasperated  Demetrius  against 
Judas  and  the  people  with  him,  that  he  forthwith  ordered  Bacchides,  governor 
of  Mesopotamia,  with  an  army,^  into  Judea,  and  having  confirmed  Alcimus  in 
the  office  of  high-priest,  joined  him  in  the  same  commission  with  Bacchides  for 
the  carrying  on  of  this  war.  On  their  first  coming  into  Judea,  they  thought  to 
have  circumvented  Judas  and  his  brethren,  and  by  fair  words  under  the  show 
of  making  peace  with  them,  to  have  drawn  them  into  their  power,  and  so  have 
taken  them.  But  they  being  aware  of  the  fraud,  kept  out  of  their  reach:  which 
others  not  being  so  cautious  of,  fell  into  their  snare,  and  being  taken  in  it,  were 
all  destroyed  by  them;  among  whom  were  sixty  of  the  Asidians,  and  several 
of  the  scribes  or  doctors  of  their  law.  For  being  fond  of  having  a  high-priest 
again  settled  among  them,  and  thinking  they  could  suffer  no  wrong  from  one 
that  was  of  the  sons  of  Aaron,  they  took  his  oath  of  peace,  and  trusted  them- 
selves with  him.  But  he  had  no  sooner  gotten  them  within  his  power,  but  he 
put  them  all  to  death;  with  which  the  rest  being  terrified,  durst  no  more  con- 
fide in  him.  After  this  Bacchides  returned  to  the  king,  leaving  with  Alcimus 
part  of  his  forces,  to  secure  him  in  the  possession  of  the  country;  with  which 
prevailing  for  a  while,^  and  drawing  many  deserters  to  him,  he  much  disturbed 
the  state  of  Israel.  For  the  remedy  whereof,  Judas,  after  Bacchides  was  fully 
gone,*  coming  out  with  his  forces  again  into  the  field,  went  round  the  countiy, 
and  took  vengeance  of  those  that  had  revolted  from  him,  so  that  Alcimus  and 
his  party  were  no  more  able  to  stand  against  him.  Whereon  that  wicked  dis- 
turber of  his  people  went  again  to  the  king,®  and  having  presented  him  with  a 
crown  of  gold  and  other  gifts,  renewed  his  complaints  against  Judas  and  his 
brethren,  telling  him,  that  as  long  as  Judas  lived,  his  authority  could  never  be 
quietly  settled  in  that  country,  or  matters  be  there  ever  brought  to  a  lasting 
state  of  peace;  and  all  that  were  there  about  the  king,  out  of  hatred  to  the  Jews, 
saying  the  same  thing,  Demetrius  was  hereby  so  incensed,  that  he  sent  another 
army  against  the  Jews,^  under  the  command  of  Nicanor  their  old  enemy,  com- 
manding him,  that  he  should  cut  off*  Judas,  disperse  his  followers,  and  tho- 
roughly establish  Alcimus  in  his  office  of  high-priest.  But  Nicanor,  knowing 
the  prowess  of  Judas,  as  having  been  vanquished  by  him  in  a  former  expedi- 
tion,^ was  loath  to  make  another  trial  of  it  for  fear  of  another  defeat;  and  there- 
fore endeavoured  to  compose  matters  b}'  a  treaty:  and  accordingly  articles  of 
peace  were  agreed  on  between  them.  And  after  this  Judas  and  Nicanor  conversed 
in  a  friendly  manner  together:  but  Alcimus  not  liking  this  peace, ^  as  thinking 
his  interest  not  sufficiently  provided  for  in  it,  went  the  third  time  to  the  king, 
and  so  possessed  him  against  it,  that  he  refused  to  ratify  what  was  agreed,  and 
sent  his  positive  orders  to  Nicanor  to  go  on  with  the  war,  and  not  to  cease  pro- 
secuting it,  till  he  should  have  slain  Judas,  or  taken  him  prisoner,  and  sent 
him  bound  to  Antioch.  Whereon  Nicanor  was  forced,  much  against  his  will, 
again  to  renew  his  former  hostilities  against  Judas  and  his  brethren. 

I  2  Maccab.  iiv.3.  2  1  Maccab.  vii.  5—7.    Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  16.  3  1  Maccab.  vii.  8.  20. 

4  1  Maccab.  vii.  21,  22.  5  Ibid.  23,  24.  6  Ibid.  25.    2  Maccab.  xiv.  3—11. 

7  1  Maccab.  vii.  26.  29.    2  Mac.  xiv.  12—25.  8  1  Maccab.  iv.    2  Maccab  viii. 

0  2  Maccab.  xiv.  26—29. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  153 

Ptolemy  Physcon/  having  had  the  island  of  Cyprus  assigned  to  him  by  the 
determination  of  the  senate  of  Rome,  returned  thitherward  with  the  two  Roman 
ambassadors,  Cneius  Merula  and  Titus  Torquatus,  who  were  sent  to  see  him  put 
in  possession  of  it.  On  his  coming  into  Greece,"  in  his  way  to  it,  he  hired  a 
great  number  of  mercenaries,  thinking  by  them  forthwith  to  possess  himself  of 
the  island.  But  the  ambassadors,  having  acquainted  him,  that  they-  were  sent 
to  introduce  him  into  it,  only  by  way  of  treaty  with  his  brother,  and  not  by 
arms,  persuaded  him  again  to  dismiss  all  his  forces.  Whereon,  taking  Merula 
with  him,  he  returned  into  Libya,  and  Torquatus  went  to  Alexandria.  The  pur- 
pose of  these  two  ambassadors  was  to  bring  the  two  brothers  to  meet  on  the 
borders  of  their  dominions,  and  there  agree  the  matter  between  them  according 
to  the  sentiments  of  the  Roman  senate.  But  when  Torquatus  came  to  Alexan- 
dria, he  found  Philometor  not  easily  to  be  brought  to  comply  with  what  the 
senate  had  decreed  concerning  this  matter.  He  insisted  upon  the  lormer  agree- 
ment made  between  him  and  his  brother  by  Quintus  and  Canuleius  the  former 
ambassadors,  which  assigned  Cyprus  to  him;  and  therefore  thought  it  very 
hard,  that  it  should,  contrary  to  the  tenor  of  that  agreement,  be  now  taken 
from  him,  and  given  his  brother.  However,  he  did  not  at  first  peremptorily 
refuse  to  yield  to  the  decree  of  the  senate,  but  wiredrew  the  treaty  to  a  great 
length;  and  between  promising  as  to  some  thixigs,  and  excusing  himself  as  to 
others,  he  did  artfully  beat  the  bush  at  a  distance,  and  so  wasted  away  the  time, 
without  coming  to  any  determination  about  the  m.atter  in  hand.  In  the  interim, 
Physcon,  with  the  other  ambassador,  lay  at  the  port  of  Apis  in  Lybia,  there  ex- 
pecting the  result  of  Torquatus's  agency:  after  long  waiting,  receiving  no  intel- 
ligence from  him  to  his  content,  he  sent  Merula  also  to  Alexandria,  thinking 
that  both  the  ambassadors  together  might  act  the  more  effectually  with  Philo- 
metor to  bring  him  to  their  bent.  But  Philometor  still  observed  the  same  con- 
duct, treating  them  both  with  all  manner  of  kindness  and  complaisance,  flatter- 
ing them  with  courtly  words,  and  endeavouring  in  all  things  to  please  them 
with  as  courtly  actions;  and  by  this  means  drilled  on  the  matter  with  them  for 
forty  days  together,  without  coming  to  the  point,  which  was  the  end  of  their 
embassy  to  him,  detaining  them  all  this  while  at  his  court  rather  by  force  than  with 
their  good  liking,  till  at  length  finding  they  could  be  put  off  no  longer,  he  plainly 
declared,  that  he  would  stand  by  the  first  agreement,  and  would  not  yield  to 
the  making  of  any  other.  And  with  this  answer  Merula  returned  again  to  Phys- 
con, and  Torquatus  to  Rome.  In  the  interim,  the  Cyrenians  understanding  how 
ill  Physcon  had  behaved  himself  while  he  reigned  at  Alexandria,  entertained 
from  hence  such  an  aversion  against  having  him  for  their  king,  that  they  rose  in 
arms  to  keep  him  out  of  their  country.  Whereon  Physcon,  fearing  lest  while 
he  tarried  at  Apis,  in  expectation  of  the  investiture  of  Cyprus,  he  should  lose 
Cyrene,  he  hastened  thither  with  all  his  forces  which  he  had  then  with  him; 
but  he  had  the  misfortune  at  first  to  be  overthrown  by  his  rebel  subjects;  and  it 
IS  not  to  be  doubted,  but  that  Philometor  had  a  hand  in  the  raising  of  this  com- 
bustion, and  that  it  was  with  a  view  hereto  that  he  had  delayed  so  long  to  give 
an  answer  to  the  Roman  ambassadors,  that  thereby  he  might  give  scope  for  these 
ifesigns  to  ripen  to  execution.  Physcon  being  hereby  involved  in  great  difficul- 
ties, Merula  found  him  under  the  pressures  of  them  on  his  return  to  him;  and 
they  were  not  a  littie  aggravated  by  the  account,  which  he  brought  him  of  his 
brother's  final  refusing  to  yield  any  more  to  him,  than  what  was  given  him  by 
the  first  agreement.  He  durst  not  himself  go  again  to  Rome  to  renew  his  com- 
plaint against  his  brother  about  this  matter,  tiU  the  troubles  raised  against  him 
in  Cyrene  were  again  appeased.  AH  therefore  that  he  could  at  present  do,'  was 
to  send  two  ambassadors  with  Merula  in  his  stead,  to  solicit  his  cause  with  the 
senate.  These  and  Merula  meeting  with  Torquatus  on  his  return  from  Alexan- 
dria, they  went  all  four  together  to  Rome,  and  there  aU  made  their  report  of 
the  case,  much  to  the  disadvantage  of  Philometor;  so  that  when  the  cause  came 

1  Polyb.  Legal.  113.  p.  942.  2  Ibid.  115.  p.  948.  3  Ibid.  116.  p.  950. 

Vol.  II.— 20 


154  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

to  be  heard  in  the  senate/  though  Menithylus,  Philometor's  ambassador,  spoke 
much  in  his  behalf,  he  was  not  heard  with  any  regard,  the  senators  being  gene- 
rally prepossessed  against  him,  because  of  his  refusal  to  submit  to  their  decree 
about  Cyprus.  And  therefore,  to  express  the  anger  they  had  conceived  against 
him  on  this  account,  they  renounced  aU  friendship  and  alliance  with  him,  and 
ordered  his  ambassador  to  depart  Rome  within  five  days,  and  sent  two  ambassa- 
dors from  them  to  Cyrene,  to  acquaint  Physcon  with  what  they  had  done. 

In  this  year,^  Bucherius  placeth  the  beginning  of  the  cycle  of  eighty-four 
years,  by  which  the  Jews  settled  the  times  of  their  new  moons,  full  moons,  and 
festivals.  I  have  before  shown,  in  the  preface  to  the  first  part  of  this  history, 
how  they  anciently  went  by  the  phases  or  appearance  of  the  new  moon  for  all 
this  matter:  and  according  hereto  the  new  moons  and  festivals  were  then  con- 
stantly settled  by  the  Sanhedrin  at  Jerusalem.  Toward  the  end  of  every 
month  they  sent  out  persons  into  places  of  the  greatest  height  and  eminence 
about  Jerusalem,^  to  observe  the  appearance  of  the  new  moon;  and  as  soon  as 
they  saw  it  appear,  they  returned  and  made  report  thereof  to  that  assembly; 
and  according  thereto  they  appointed  their  new  moons,  or  first  days  of  every 
month:  and  immediately  by  signs  from  mountain  to  mountain,  gave  notice 
thereof  through  the  whole  land  of  Judea:  according  to  their  new  moons  and 
full  moons  were  all  their  other  festivals  fixed.  And  all  this  might  well  enough 
be  done  as  long  as  the  Jews  lived  within  the  narrow  bounds  of  Judea.  But 
when,  after  the  time  of  Alexander  the  Great,  they  became  dispersed  through 
all  the  Grecian  colonies  in  the  east,  and  had  in  great  numbers  settled  at  Alex- 
andria, Antioch,  and  other  cities  of  Egypt,  Libya,  Cyrene,  Syria,  and  Lesser 
Asia,  under  the  Syro-Macedonian  and  Egypto-Macedonian  kings;  this  method 
grew  impracticable  as  to  them.  And  therefore  from  that  time  they  were  neces- 
sitated to  come  to  astronomical  calculations,  and  the  use  of  cycles,  for  the  set- 
tling of  this  matter,  that  so  they  might  know  at  all  distant  places  when  to  begin 
their  months,  when  to  make  their  intercalations,  and  when  to  solemnize  their 
festivals,  all  in  a  uniform  manner  at  the  same  time.  How  the  eastern  Jews, 
who  had,  ever  since  the  Assyrian  and  Babylonish  captivities,  been  settled  in 
Babylonia,  Persia,  Media,  and  other  eastern  provinces  beyond  the  Euphrates, 
ordered  this  matter  is  uncertain.  But  since  they  had  in  Babylonia,*  a  prince 
of  the  captivity  for  the  governing  of  them  in  all  things  according  to  their  law, 
and  a  Sanhedrin  there  to  assist  him  herein,  no  doubt  they  had  fixed  methods 
for  the  settling  of  this  matter  according  to  the  truest  rules  of  astronomy,  espe- 
cially since  that  science  was  in  those  parts  cultivated  beyond  what  it  was  in 
any  other  country.  Most  likely  it  is,  that  they  had  an  astronomical  cycle  by 
which  they  fixed  the  new  moons,  and  according  to  them  regulated  all  the  rest. 
But  as  to  the  other  Jews,  that  they  all  made  use  of  the  cycle  of  eighty-four 
years  for  this  purpose  is  certain.  For  several  of  the  ancient  fathers  of  the 
Christian  church  make  mention  of  it,*  as  that  which  had  been  of  ancient  use 
among  the  Jews,  and  was  afterward  borrowed  from  them  by  the  primitive  Chris- 
tians for  the  fixing  of  the  time  of  their  Easter,  and  was  the  first  cycle  which 
was  made  use  of  by  them  for  this  purpose.  It  seems  to  have  been  made 
up  of  the  Calippic  cycle  and  the  Octoeteris  joined  together.  For  it  contains 
just  so  many  days  as  both  these  cycles  do  when  added  to  each  other,  reckoning 
the  eight  years  of  the  Octoeteris  and  the  seventy-six  years  of  the  Calippic  cycle 
by  Julian  years.     For  eight  Julian  years  contained  two  thousand  nine  hundred 

1  Polybius  Lesat.  117.  p.  950,  951.  2  De  Antiquo  Jiidseorum  Paschali  Cyrlo,  c.5.  p.  377. 

3  Mishnah  in  Rosh  Hashana.    Maimonides  in  Kiddush  Hachndesh.    Lighttbot's  Temple  Service,  c.  11. 

4  The  Jews  anciently  had,  in  most  countries  of  their  dispersion,  a  chief  masristrate  over  them  of  their 
own,  by  whom  they  were  governed  in  all  matters  relating  to  their  law,  and  for  whose  superinlendency  they 
usually  purchased  a  commission  from  the  kings  under  whom  they  lived.  The  magistrate  in  Babylonia  was 
called,  in  the  Jewish  language,  Rosh  Oolah,  i.  e.  The  Head  of  the  Captivity;  in  Greek.  JEchmaloiarcha,  which 
is  a  name  of  the  same  signification;  and  it  is  pretended  that  all  that  bore  this  office  there  were  of  the  seed  of 
David.  And  so  in  like  manner  the  Jews  of  Alexandria  had  their  Maharcha,  and  the  Jews  of  Antioch  their 
Ethnarcha;  and  after  this  they  had  in  most  places  of  their  dispersions  their  patriarchs  for  the  same  purpose; 
and  there  are  in  the  imperial  laws  edicts  concerning  them. 

3  AnatoUuB  Cyrillus  Alexandrinus  Epiphauius,  Prosper,  Victorias,  Beda,  aliique. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  155 

and  twenty-two  days,  and  seventy-six  Julian  years  twenty-seven  thousand  seven 
hundred  and  fifty-nine  days,  and  these  being  added  together,  make  thirty  thou- 
sand six  hundred  and  eighty-one;  which  is  exactly  the  number  of  days  that  are 
contained  in  eighty-four  Julian  years,  which  was  the  number  of  this  cycle. 
And  therefore  it  is  most  likely  that  the  Jews  first  began  with  the  use  of  the 
Calippic  cycle,  or,  more  properly  speaking,  of  the  Calippic  period  (for,  in  the 
language  of  chronologers,  a  cycle  is  a  round  of  several  years;  and  a  period  a 
round  of  several  cycles;)  and  afterward  added  to  Octoeteris  to  it,  both  to  render 
it  the  more  proper  for  their  purpose,  and  also  to  make  it  look  as  wholly  their 
own.  And  it  is  possible  so  much  might  have  been  this  year  done:  but  that  the 
Jews  at  this  time,  when,  after  having  newly  recovered  their  temple,  and  re- 
stored the  true  worship  of  God  in  it,  they  were  most  zealously  employed  in  extir- 
pating all  heathen  rites  from  among  them,  should  first  introduce  this  cycle  bor- 
rowed from  the  heathens,  and  employ  it  to  a  religious  use,  that  is,  for  the  fixing 
of  the  times  of  their  new  moons  and  festivals,  seems  utterly  improbable.  That 
which  seems  most  probably  to  be  conjectured  concerning  this  matter  (for  no- 
thing but  conjecture  can  be  had  in  it,)  is,  that  when  the  Jews,  in  the  dispersions 
after  the  time  of  Alexander  the  Great,  through  the  countries  I  have  mentioned, 
saw  a  necessity  of  coming  to  astronomical  calculations,  and  settled  rules  for  the 
fixing  of  their  new  moons  and  festivals,  that  so  they  might  observe  them  all  on 
the  same  day  in  all  places,  they  borrowed  from  the  Greeks  the  cycle  or  period 
of  Calippus,  which  they  found  used  among  them  for  the  same  purpose.  For 
the  Greeks,  reckoning  their  months  by  the  course  of  the  moon,  and  their  years 
by  that  of  the  sun,  and  thinking  themselves  also  obliged,  for  the  reason  which 
I  have  already  mentioned,  annually  to  keep  all  their  festivals  on  the  same  day 
of  the  month,  and  on  the  same  season  of  the  year,  in  like  manner  as  the  Jews 
were,  had  long  been  endeavouring  to  find  out  such  a  cycle  of  years,  in  which, 
by  the  help  of  intercalations,  the  motions  of  the  sun  and  the  moon  might  be  so 
adjusted  to  each  other,  that  both  luminaries  setting  forth  together  at  the  same 
point  of  time,  might  come  round  again  exactly  to  the  same,  and  all  the  new 
moons  and  full  moons  come  over  again  in  every  cycle  in  the  same  manner  as 
they  had  in  the  former.  For  could  such  a  cycle  be  once  fixed,  the  observing 
how  the  new  moons  and  full  moons  happened  in  any  one  of  them,  would  be 
sufficient  to  direct  where  to  find  them  for  ever  in  all  cycles  after,  and  there 
would  need  no  more  to  be  done  than  to  know  what  year  of  the  cycle  it  is,  in 
order  to  know  and  discover  the  very  moment  of  time  when  every  new  moon 
and  full  moon  should  happen  therein  through  each  month  in  it;  because,  in 
every  year  of  the  said  cycle,  the  new  moons  and  full  moons  would  all  come 
over  again  at  the  same  points  of  time  as  they  had  in  the  same  year  of  the  for- 
mer cycle,  and  so  on  in  all  following  cycles  for  ever.  Of  the  attempts  which 
had  been  made  to  come  at  such  a  cycle  by  the  Dieteris,  Tetraeteris,  Octoeteris, 
and  Enneadecaeteris,  and  how  they  all  failed  hereof,  mention  hath  been  already 
made.  The  last  came  nearest  to  it  of  any:  the  author  whereof  was  Meto,  an 
Athenian,  who  published  it  at  Athens  in  the  year  before  Christ  43'2,  which  was 
in  the  year  immediately  preceding  the  Peloponnesian  war,  where  I  have  at 
large  treated  of  it.  But  Meto  having  reckoned,  that  nineteen  years  of  his  cycle 
contained  just  six  thousand  nine  hundred  and  forty  days,  it  was  found,  after  one 
hundred  years'  usage  of  it,  that  in  this  computation  he  had  overshot  what  he 
aimed  at  by  a  quarter  of  a  day.  For  nineteen  Julian  years  contain  no  more 
than  six  thousand  nine  hundred  and  thirty-nine  days  and  eighteen  hours;  and 
therefore,  to  mend  this  fault,  Calippus  invented  his  cycle,  or  period  of  seventy- 
six  years,  which  consisting  of  four  Metonic  cycles  joined  together,  he  thought 
to  bring  all  to  rights,  by  leaving  out  one  day  at  the  end  of  this  cycle,  making  it 
to  consist  of  no  more  than  twenty-seven  thousand  seven  hundred  and  fifty-nine 
days,  whereas  four  Metonic  cycles  joined  together  make  twenty-seven  thousand 
seven  hundred  and  sixty  days.  This  Cahppus  Avas  a  famous  astronomerof  Cyzi- 
cus  in  Mysia,  and  published  his  cycle  in  the  year  before  Christ  330,  beginning 


106  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

it  from  the  summer  solstice  of  that  year,  which  was  the  same  year  in  which 
Alexander  overthrew  Darius  at  the  battle  of  Arbela.     And  this  being  the  cycle 
which  was  most  in  reputation  among  the  Greeks,  for  the  bringing  of  the  reck- 
onings of  the  sun  and  moon's  motions  to  an  agreement  at  that  time,  when  the 
Jews  wanted  such  a  cycle  for  the  settling  the  time  of  their  new  moons  and  full 
moons  and  festivals  by  certain  rules  of  astronomical  calculations,  it  is  most  likely 
they  then  borrowed  it  from  them  for  this  use;  and  that  they  might  not  seem  to 
have   any  thing  among  them  relating  to  their  religion  which  was  of  heathen 
usage,  they  added  the  Octoeteris  to  this  period  of  seventy-six  years;  and  thereby, 
making  it  a  cycle  of  eighty-four  years,  by  this  disguise  rendered  it  wholly  their 
own.     For  no  other  nation  but  the  Jews  alone  used  this  cycle,  till  it  was  bor- 
rowed from  them  by  the  primitive  Christians  for  the  same  use,  that  is,  to  settle 
the  time  of  their  Easter.     But  the  Jews  by  this  addition  rather  marred  than 
any  way  mended  the  matter.    For,  although  the  period  of  Calippus  fell  short  of 
what  it  intended,  that  is,  of  bringing  the  motions  of  the  two  greater  luminaries 
to  an  exact  agreement,  yet  it  brought  them  within  the  reach  of  five  hours  and 
fifty  minutes  of  it.     But  the  addition  of  the  Octoeteris  did  set  them  at  the  dis- 
tance of  one  day,  six  hours,  and  fifty-one  minutes.     However,  this  they  used 
till  Rabbi  Hillel's  reformation  of  their  calendar,  which  was  about  the  year  of 
our  Lord  360;  during  all  which  time  they  must  necessarily  have  made  some 
interpolations  for  the  correcting  of  those  excesses  whereby  one   of  those  lumi- 
naries did  overrun  the  other  according  to  that  cycle:  for  otherwise  the  phases  or 
appearances  of  the  new  moons  and  full  moons  would  have  contradicted  the  cal- 
culations of  it  to  every  man's  view.     But  what  these   interpolations  were,  or 
how  or  when  used,  we  have  no  account  any  where  given  us.     Prosper  placeth 
the  beginning  of  the  first  of  those  cycles  which  was  used  by  the  Christians,  in 
the  year  of  our  Lord  46;  and  if  we  reckon  backward  from  thence,  we  shall  find 
one  of  them  to  have  its  beginning  in  the  year  before  Christ  291,  which  was  the 
first  year  of  the  pontificate  of  Eleazer  at  Jerusalem,  and  the  seventh  before  the 
reign  of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  king  of  Egypt.     And  then  it  seems  most  pro-' 
bable  that  the  Jews  began  the  use  of  this  cycle.    For  about  this  time  their  dis- 
persions, especially  in  Egypt,  made  it  necessary  for  them  to  settle  the  times  of 
their  new  moons,  full  moons,  and  festivals,  by  astronomical  calculations;  be- 
cause at  such  distances  they  could  not  have  the  order  of  the  Sanhedrin  at  Je- 
rusalem for  the  directing  of  them  in  this  matter.     But  had  they  then  taken  the 
period  of  Calippus,  without  disguising  it  by  the  adding  of  the  eight  years   of 
the  Octoeteris,  to  make  it  look  as  their  own,  it  would  much  better  have  served 
their  purpose.     Though  I  have  above  said,  it  is  possible   that  the  eight  years 
might  have  been  added  where  Bucherius  placeth  the  first  use  of  this  cycle,  yet 
I  mean  no  more  thereby  than  a  bare  possibihty,  and  not  but  that  I  think  it  most 
probable  that  it  was  otherwise.     For  it  seemeth  to  me  most  likely,  that  as  the 
Jews  first  began  the   use  of  this  cycle  at  the  time  I  have  mentioned,  that  is. 
Anno  ante  Christum  291,  so  also  doth  it,  that  from  that  very  beginning  they  fixed 
it  to  be  a  cycle  of  eighty-four  years,  and  no  otherwise  used  the  Calippic,  but 
with  the  addition  of  eight  years  after  it  to  make  up  that  number.     If  we  place 
the  beginning  of  the  first  cycle  of  these  eight3^-four  years,  at  the  year  before 
Christ  291,  the  second  cycle  will  begin,  anno  207;  the  third  cycle,  anno  123; 
the  fourth  cycle,  anno  39;   and  the  fifth  cycle,  at  the  year  after  Christ  46;  and 
there  it  will  meet  with  the  beginning  of  the  first  cycle  of  Prosper;  that  is,  the 
first  of  these  eighty-four  years'  cycles,  which  was  used  by  the  primitive  Chris- 
tians for  the  finding  out  and  settling  the  time  of  their  Easter.     The  second  of 
these  cycles,  according  to  the  same  Prosper,  began  A.  D.  130;  the  third,  anno 
214;  the  fourth,  anno  298;  the  fifth,  anno  382  (which  was  the  last  of  these  cy- 
cles mentioned  by  Prosper;)  the  sixth,  anno  466;  the  seventh,  anno  550;  the 
eighth,  anno  634;  the  ninth,  anno  718;  and  the  tenth,  anno  802;  and  about  that 
time  the  use  of  it  wholly  ceased. 

In  the  first  age  of  the  church,  Christians  generally  followed  the  Jews  in  the 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  157 

settling  the  time  of  their  Easter,  some  beginning  their  observance  of  it  at  the 
same  time  the  Jews  did  their  Passover/  that  is,  on  the  fourteenth  day  of  their 
first  vernal  moon  or  month  called  Nisan,  on  what  day  of  the  week  soever  it 
happened  to  fall,  but  others  not  till  the  Sunday  after.  Those  who  were  for 
the  first  way,  alleged,  that  they  followed  therein  St.  John  and  St.  Philip  the 
apostles;  and  those  who  followed  the  other  way,  urged  for  it  the  practice  of 
St.  Peter  and  St.  Paul;  who,  they  said,  always  begun  this  festival,  not  on  the 
fourteenth  day  of  the  first  vernal  moon,  as  the  Jews  did  their  Passover,  but  on 
the  Sunday  after.  And  as  long  as  those  who  came  out  of  the  circumcision 
into  the  church  of  Christ,  and  observed  the  law  of  Moses  with  that  of  the  gos- 
pel, held  communion  with  the  church,  this  made  no  difference  in  it.  But  when 
they  separated  from  it,  then  the  church  began  to  think  it  time  to  separate  from 
them  in  this  usage;  and,  after  several  meetings  and  councils  held  about  it,  they 
came  to  this  resolution,  that  Easter  should  always  be  kept,  not  on  the  fourteenth 
day  of  the  moon  as  the  Jews  did  their  Passover,  but  every  where  on  the  Sun- 
day after:  and  all  conformed  hereto  except  the  Asian  churches;  who,  pretend- 
ing for  the  other  usage  the  example  of  St.  John  and  St.  Philip  the  apostles, 
and  the  holy  martyr  St.  Polycarp,  would  not  recede  from  it.  Whereon  Victor, 
bishop  of  Rome,  sent  out  a  libel  of  excommunication  against  them  for  it.  So 
early  did  the  tyranny  of  that  see  begin:  for  this  happened  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  197.  But  Iremeus,  and  most  other  Christians  of  that  time,  condemned 
this  as  a  very  rash  and  unjustifiable  act  in  Victor.  However  the  controversy 
still  went  on,  and  the  Christians  of  the  Asian  way  being  thenceforth  called 
Quarto-decimani,  for  their  observing  of  the  festival  at  the  same  time  with  the 
Jews'  quarta  decima  luna,  i.  e.  on  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  moon,  persisted  in 
their  former  practice,  till  at  length,  in  the  Nicene  council,  A.  D.  3'25,  they  all 
gave  up  into  the  other  way,  and  an  end  Avas  put  to  this  controversy.  And  from 
that  time  the  first  day  of  the  week,  in  commemoration  of  the  resurrection  of 
Christ  thereon,  hath  been  among  all  Christians  every  where  the  first  day  of 
their  Easter  solemnity.  But,  in  the  interim,  both  parties  still  made  use  of  the 
eighty-four  years'  cycle,  till  that  also  was  put  under  another  regulation  by  the 
same  council  of  Nice.  In  the  year  of  Christ  2-2*2,  this  eighty-four  years'  cycle 
being  found  faulty,"  Hippolytus,  bishop  of  Portus  in  Arabia,  invented  a  new 
one,  by  joining  two  Octoeteris's  together;  but  this  soon  appearing  more  faulty 
than  the  other, '^  Anatolius,  bishop  of  Laodicea  in  Syria,  did,  in  the  year  276, 
propose  another  way.  All  that  was  commendable  in  it  was,  that  he  first  intro- 
duced the  use  of  the  nineteen  years'  cycle  for  this  purpose;  but  he  applied  it 
so  wrong,  that  it  was  in  his  method  by  no  means  useful  to  the  end  intended. 
In  the  year  325  sat  the  Nicene  council,  wherein  as  to  Easter*  these  following 
particulars  were  agreed:  1st,  That  Easter  should  every  where  be  begun  to  be 
observed  on  the  first  day  of  the  week,  that  is,  Sunday.  2dly,  That  it  should 
be  on  the  Sunday  that  should  follow  next,  immediately  after  the  fourteenth  of 
the  moon  that  should  follow  next  after  the  vernal  equinox  (which  was  then  on 
the  twenty-first  of  March.)  And,  3dly,  That  it  should  be  referred  to  the  bishop 
of  Alexandria,  to  calculate  every  year,  on  what  day,  according  to  these  rules, 
the  festival  should  begin. 

The  Alexandrians  being  then  of  all  others  most  skilful  in  astronomy,  for  this 
reason  the  making  of  this  calculation''  was  referred  to  the  bishop  of  that  place. 
And  they  having  applied  the  nineteen  years'  cycle  in  a  much  better  method  to 
this  purpose  than  Anatolius  had  before  done,  found  it  the  best  rule  that  could 
be  made  use  of  for  the  settling  of  this  matter;  and  accordingly  went  by  it  for 
the  discharge  of  what  was  referred  to  them  by  the  council.*^  And  therefore,  they 
having  every  year  hereby  fixed  the  day,  the  custom  was  for  the  bishop  of  that 

1  Euseb.  Hist.  Ecclesiast.  lib.  5.  c.  23,  24.    Socrates  Hist.  Eccles.  lib.  5.  cap.  22. 

2  Anatolius  in  Prologo  ad  Canon.  Faschalem.  Euseb.  Hist.  Eccles.  lib.  6.  c.  22.  Isidorus  Griginuin, 
lib.  6.  c.  17. 

3  Euseb.  Hist.  Eccles.  lib.  7.  c.  32.  4  Socrates  Schol.  Hist.  Eccles.  lib.  1.  c.  9. 

5  Leo  Magnus  Papa  in  Epistola  94.  6  Ambrosius  in  Epistola  ad  Episcopos  /Emilianos. 


158  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

church  to  write  of  it  to  the  bishop  of  Rome;  who  having  the  day  thus  signified 
unto  him,  first  caused  it  by  his  deacons  to  be  published  in  his  patriarchal  church 
on  the  day  of  Epiphany  preceding  the  festival,  and  then,  by  paschal  epistles, 
notified  it  to  all  metropolitans,  through  the  whole  Christian  world;  and  they, 
by  like  epistles,  to  their  suffragans:  and  by  this  means  the  day  was  every  where 
known,  and  every  where  observed,  in  an  exact  uniformity  of  time  by  Christians 
all  the  world  over.  But  the  pride  of  the  see  of  Rome  not  bearing  long  their 
being  directed  in  any  thing  from  abroad,  after  some  years'  observaiace  of  this 
order,  they  returned  again  to  their  old  cycle  of  eighty-four  years;  and  the  use 
of  it  Avas  thereon  again  resumed  all  over  the  western  church.  But  this  again 
making  the  same  fault  as  formerly,  by  reason  of  the  one  day,  six  hours,  fifty- 
one  minutes,  by  which  the  eighty-four  lunar  3^ears  in  this  cycle,  with  its  inter- 
calated months,  did  overrun  the  solar  years  in  it,  Victorius,  a  presbyter  of  Li- 
moges in  Aquitaine,'  was  employed  by  Hilarius  (who  was  first  archdeacon,  and 
afterward  bishop  of  Rome)  to  make  a  new  cycle,  who,  following  the  Alexan- 
drians, first  introduced  into  the  western  church  the  rule  of  fixing  the  time  of 
Easter  by  the  nineteen  years'  cycle,  called  the  cycle  of  the  moon;  and,  having 
multiplied  it  by  the  twenty-eight  years'  cycle  of  the  dominical  letters,  called 
the  cycle  of  the  sun,  hereby  made  the  period  of  53"2  years,  called  from  him 
the  Victorian  period;  after  the  expiration  of  which  he  reckoned,  that  the  same 
new  moons,  the  same  full  moons,  and  the  same  dominical  letters,  and  the  same 
times  of  Easter,  would  all  come  over  again  in  the  same  order  of  time,  as  in  the 
former  cycle,  and  so  on  in  all  following  cycles  for  ever.  And  accordingly  they 
would  have  done  so,  had  the  same  new  moons  and  full  moons  come  over  again 
at  the  same  point  of  time  in  every  cycle  of  the  moon  with  the  same  exactness 
as  every  dominical  letter  did  again  in  every  cycle  of  the  sun.  But  the  nine- 
teen lunar  years,  and  seven  intercalated  lunar  months,  of  which  this  cycle  con- 
sisted,'■'  falling  short  of  nineteen  Julian  years  by  one  hour,  twenty-seven  min- 
utes, and  forty  seconds;  hence  it  hath  followed,  that  in  every  one  of  the  years 
of  these  nineteen  years'  cycles,  the  new  moons  and  full  moons  have  happened 
just  so  much  sooner  each  month  than  in  the  same  years  of  the  cycle  immedi- 
ately preceding.  And  hereby  it  hath  come  to  pass,  that  after  the  elapsing  of 
so  many  rounds  of  that  cycle  as  have  revolved  from  the  time  of  the  Nicene 
council,  to  the  present  year  1716,  the  new  moons  and  full  moons  in  the  hea- 
vens have  anticipated  the  new  moons  and  full  moons  in  the  calendar  of  our 
Common  Prayer  Book  four  days,  ten  hours  and  a  half;  because  the  new  moons 
and  full  moons  are  there  stated,  not  according  to  the  present  times,  but  accord- 
ing to  the  times  of  that  council.  However,  a  better  cycle  for  this  purpose  than 
the  nineteen  years'  cycle  not  being  to  be  found,  because  none  other  can  bring 
the  course  of  the  sun  and  moon  to  a  nearer  agreement,  the  Alexandrians  for 
this  reason  pitched  on  it  for  the  fixing  of  their  Easter,  as  the  best  rule  they 
could  foUow  for  it.  And  Theophilus^  and  Cyrillus,"  who  were  both  patriarchs 
of  Alexandria,  and  made  each  of  them  periods  for  the  determining  the  times  of 
this  festival,  the  first  of  a  hundred  years,  and  the  other  of  ninety-five  years, 
founded  all  their  calculations  hereon.  And  Victorius,*  when  he  undertook  to 
form  a  like  period  for  this  end,  for  the  use  of  the  western  Christians  as  the 
other  had  done  for  the  use  of  the  eastern,  built  it  all  upon  the  same  foundation. 
For,  fixing  all  tlie  first  vernal  fourteen  moons  (which  were  the  paschal  terms) 
according  to  the  cycle  of  the  moon,  and  the  next  Sunday  after,  in  every  year 

1  Synodus  Aurelianensis  4.  cap.  1.  Gennadius  de  Viris  Illustribus,  c.  83.  Sigebertus  Gemblaceiisis  de 
Scriptoribus  Ecclesiasticis,  c.  20.     Isidorus  Grig.  lib.  6.  c.  17. 

2  For  whereas  nineteen  Julian  years  contain  si.v  thousand  nine  hundred  and  thirty-nine  days  and  eighteen 
hours;  nineteen  lunar  years,  with  their  seven  intercalated  months,  contain  only  six  thousand  nine  hundred 
thirty-nine  days,  sixteen  hours,  thirty-two  minutes  and  twenty  seconds. 

3  Beda  Hist.  Etcles.  lib.  5.  c.  22.  Videas  etiam  Bucherium  de  Doclrina  Temporum,  Petaviuni,  aliosque 
Chronologos. 

4  Beda,  ibid.  Bucherius,  Petavius,  aliiqiie.  Cyrillus  was  nephew  to  Theophilus,  and  succeeded  him  in  the 
see  of  Alexandria.  Ho  abolished  his  uncle's  cycle,  and  substituted  his  of  ninety  five  years  in  its  stead,  which 
was  truly  a  cycle,  for  it  consisted  of  five  metonics;  but  the  other  was  rather  a  table,  in  which  Easter  was 
calculated  for  a  hundred  years,  than  a  cycle. 

5  Beba  Hist.  Eccles.  lib.  5.  c.  22.    Bucher.  in  Canon.  Paschal.  Victorii. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT,  159 

(which  was  the  day  when  the  festival  began,)  according  to  the  cycle  of  the  sun, 
he  compounded  out  of  both  these. cycles,  by  multiplying  them  into  each  other, 
his  period  of  53'2  years,  beginning  it  from  the  28th  year  of  our  Lord,  according 
to  the  vulgar  era;  and  herein,  according  to  both  these  cycles,  he  fixed  the  times 
of  Easter  in  every  year  throughout  that  whole  period,  and  so  in  all  succeeding 
periods,  on  the  same  days  over  again  in  each  of  them  for  ever.  This,  after 
several  years'  labour  in  it,  he  finished  and  published  in  the  year  of  our  Lord 
457;  which  Dionysius  Exiguus,  a  Roman  abbot,'  having,  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  5-27,  corrected  in  some  particulars,  and  fixed  the  equinox  and  new  moons 
at  the  same  points  of  time,  in  which  they  were  at  the  holding  of  the  council 
of  Nice,  the  whole  western  church  went  hereby  for  many  ages,  till  Gregory 
XIIL  bishop  of  Rome,  in  the  year  L582,  reduced  it  by  his  corrections  to  that 
form,  in  which  it  is  now  used  under  the  name  of  the  New  Style  in  foreign  coun- 
tries. And  it  is  to  be  wished  that  this  church  would  reform  all  things  else  that 
are  amiss  among  them,  as  well  as  they  have  done  this.  However,  we  in  Eng- 
land, and  all  the  dominions  belonging  thereto,  still  retain  the  old  form.  And 
as  w^e  are  the  last  to  recede  from  this  form,  so  were  we  anciently  the  last  to  re- 
ceive it.  For,  although  Dionysius  published  his  form  in  the  year  of  our  Lord 
527,  it  was  not  till  the  year  800  that  it  was  universally  received  by  all  the 
churches  of  Britain  and  Ireland;  and  great  controversies  were  in  the  interim 
raised  among  them  about  it,  the  occasion  of  which  was  as  foUoweth. 

Till  the  Saxons  came  to  this  island  (which  was  A.  D.  449,)  the  British  churches 
having  always  communicated  with  the  Roman,  and  received  all  its  usages,  as 
having  been  till  about  that  time  a  province  of  the  Roman  empire,  they  agreed 
with  it  in  the  use  of  the  same  rule,  for  the  fixing  of  the  time  of  their  Easter. 
And  the  Irish,  who  had  not  long  before  been  converted  by  St.  Patrick,^  who 
was  sent  to  them  from  Rome,  followed  the  same  usage.  But  afterward,  when 
the  Saxons,  having  made  themselves  masters  of  all  the  eastern  and  southern 
coasts  of  this  island,  had  thereby  cut  off  all  communication  with  Rome,  all  that 
correspondence,  which  till  then  the  British  and  Irish  churches  had  held  with 
the  Roman,  thenceforth  ceased,  and  w'as  wholly  interrupted,  tiU  the  coming 
hither  of  Austin  the  monk,  to  convert  tlie  English  Saxons,  which  was  about  one 
hundred  and  fifty  years  after.^  And  therefore,  neither  the  British  nor  the  Irish 
knowing  any  thing  of  the  reformation  that  had  in  the  interim  been  made  in  this 
rule  concerning  Easter,  either  by  Victorius  or  Dionysius,  went  on  with  the  ob- 
serving of  the  said  festival  according  to  the  old  form  of  the  eighty-four  years' 
cycle  which  they  had  received  from  the  Romans,  before  the  Saxons  came  into 
this  land.  And  in  this  usage  Austin  found  them  on  his  arrival  hither.  And 
they  having  been  long  accustomed  to  it,  could  not  easily  be  induced  to  alter  it 
for  the  new  usage  of  the  Romanists,  which  Austin  then  proposed  to  them.* 
And  hence  arose  that  controversy  about  Easter,  "which  from  that  time  was  be- 
tween the  old  Christians  of  Britain  and  Ireland,  and  the  new  Christians  which 
w^ere  here  converted  by  the  Romanists,  and  lasted  fuU  two  hundred  years,  be- 
fore it  was  fully  suppressed.  The  difference  between  them  about  this  matter 
was  in  two  particulars:  for,  1st,  Whereas  the  Romanists,  according  to  the  rule 
of  Dionysius,  fixed  the  time  of  Easter  by  the  nineteen  years'  cycle  of  the  moon, 
and  the  twenty-eight  years'  cycle  of  the  sun;  the  first  showing  them  the  pas- 
chal term,  and  the  other,  what  day  was  the  next  Sunday  after,  the  Britons  and 
Irish  adhered  to  the  use  of  the  old  cycle, ^  that  of  eighty-four  years  for  this 
matter.  And,  2ndly,  Whereas  the  Romanists  observed  the  beginning  of  the 
festival,  from  the  fifteenth  day  of  the  first  vernal  moon  to  the  twenty-first  inclu- 
sive, according  as  the  Sunday  happened  within  the  compass  of  those  days,  the 
Britons  and  the  Irish  observed  it  from  the  fourteenth  to  the  twentieth;  that  ii, 

1  Videas  de  hac  re  duas  ejus  epistolas  in  fine  opens  Bucherii  de  Doctrina  Temporum. 

2  St.  Patrick  was  sent  by  Celestion,  bishop  of  Rome,  to  convert  the  Irish,  A.  D.  432.  He  was  then  sixty 
years  old,  when  he  first  undertook  the  work  of  this  apostleship,  and  continued  in  it  sixty  years  after,  and 
with  such  success,  that  he  converted  the  whole  island,  and  died  at  the  age  of  one  hundred  and  twenty. 

3  Austin  first  landed  in  Kent,  A.  D.  597.  4  Beda  Hist.  Eccles.  lib.  S.  c.  2.  5  Ibid.  Ub.  2.  c.  2.  et  4. 


160  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

the  Romanists  laying  it  down  for  a  principle  in  this  case  never  to  begin  the  pas- 
chal festival  at  the  same  time  with  the  Jews,  for  the  avoiding  of  it,  would  never 
begin  the  solemnity  on  the  fourteenth  day  of  that  moon,  though  it  happened  to 
be  on  a  Sunday,  but  referred  it  to  the  next  Sunday  after,  though  in  this  case 
that  Sunday  did  not  happen  till  the  twenty-first  day  of  the  said  moon.  But  the 
Britons  and  Irish,  if  that  fourteenth  day  happened  to  be  on  a  Sunday,  did  then 
begin  the  festival  without  making  any  such  scruple,  as  the  Romanists  did  in  this 
case,  and  -so  proceeded  to  observe  it  in  the  following  years,  on  the  15th,  16th, 
17th,  18th,  19th,  and  20th,  according  as  the  next  Sunday  after  fell  on  any  of 
those  days  of  that  moon.  But  the  Romanists,  not  beginning  the  festival  on  any 
Sunday  till  the  15th  of  the  said  moon,  observed  it  in  the  following  years,  on 
the  16th,  17th,  18th,  19th,  20th,  and  21st  of  the  moon,  according  as  the  next 
Sunday  fell  on  any  of  them  in  any  of  the  said  years.  So  that,  as  the  former 
never  carried  the  beginning  of  this  festival  beyond  the  20th  day  of  the  first  ver- 
nal moon,  so  the  latter  never  commenced  it  till  the  15th  day  of  the  same.  And 
they  were  so  zealously  set  this  way,  that  they  would  not  hold  communion  with 
those  of  the  British  and  Irish  churches,  that  did  otherwise,  but,  looking  on  them 
as  heretics,  called  them  by  way  of  reproach  quarto-dedmans;  whereas  the  an- 
cient quarto-decimans  were  only  those  who  begun  the  festival  on  the  14th  day 
of  the  moon,  at  the  same  time  with  the  Jews,  on  what  day  of  the  week  soever 
it  happened.  But  the  Britons  and  the  Irish  never  began  it  on  that  day,  but 
when  it  happened  to  be  a  Sunday. 

On  the  receding  of  Paulinus  from  the  archbishopric  of  York,  after  the  dckath 
of  Edwin,  king  of  the  English  Saxons  beyond  the  Humber  (which  happened 
in  the  year  of  our  Lord  633,')  the  churches  of  those  parts  having  had  their 
bishops  from  the  monastery  of  St.  Columbus  in  the  island  of  Hy  (which  was 
then  the  chief  university  of  the  Irish  for  the  educating  and  bringing  up  of  their 
divines,)  and  Aidan,-  Finan,^  and  Colman,'*  who  had  been  all  three  monks  of 
that  monastery,  having,  in  succession  to  each  other,  governed  those  churches 
thirty  years,  they  during  that  time  had  introduced  into  them  the  Irish  usage  for 
the  observing  of  Easter;  whereby  the  controversy  being  brought  among  the 
English  Christians,  and  a  schism  made  among  them  about  it,  for  the  putting  of 
an  end  to  it,*  a  council  was  called  to  meet  at  the  monastery  of  the  abbess  Hil- 
da, at  Whitby  in  Yorkshire,  then  called  Streonshale.  And  there  a  long  dispu- 
tation being  had  before  Oswey  king  of  the  Northumbrians'*  (who  presided  in 
that  council,)  and  Alfred  his  son,  and  the  main  stress  of  the  arguments  on  both 
sides  turning  upon  this,  that  the  Irish  and  Britons  urged  the  authority  of  St. 
John  for  their  usage,  and  the  Romanists  that  of  St.  Peter  for  theirs,  which  they 
said  was  preferable  to  the  other,  because  he  was  the  prince  of  the  apostle,  and 
had  the  keys  of  heaven  committed  to  his  keeping,  Oswey  asked  those  Avho  dis- 
puted on  the  side  of  the  Irish  and  Britons,  whether  they  agreed,  that  the  usage 
of  the  Romanists  had  been  the  usage  of  St.  Peter?  and,  on  their  agreeing  hereto, 
he  asked  them  again,  whether  they  held  that  St.  Peter  had  the  keeping  of  the 
keys  of  heaven?  and  they  having  answered  to  this  also  in  the  affirmative,  he 
hereon  declared,  that  he  would  then  be  for  St.  Peter's  way,  lest,  when  he  should 
come  to  heaven's  gates,  St.  Peter  should  shut  them  against  him,  and  keep  him 
out.  Whereon  this  ridiculous  controversy  receiving  as  ridiculous  a  decision, 
all  the  Christians  of  those  parts  came  over  to  the  Roman  way;  and  Colman, 
being  much  displeased  with  this  deciding,''  or  rather  ridiculing  of  the  contro- 
versy, returned,  with  as  many  of  his  Irish  clergy  as  were  of  his  mind,  again  to 
the  monastery  of  Hy,  from  whence  they  came,  and  the  Northumbrians  had 

1  Beda  Hist.  Eccles.  c.  20.  2  Ibid.  lib.  3.  c.  3.  3  Ibid.  c.  17. 52. 

4  Ibid.  c.  25,  26.  5  Beda  Hisi.  lib.  3.  c.  25.     Heddius  in  Vita  Wilfridi,  c.  10. 

6  All  were  then  called  Northumbrians  that  lived  north  of  the  River  Humber,  from  that  river  to  Graham'ji 
Dyke,  which  did  run  from  Dunhrilton  Frith  to  the  Forth.  For  all  this  country  was  the  ancient  kingdom  of 
the  Northumbrians,  and  was  divided  into  two  jiarts,  Deiriaand  Bernicia;  the  former  extended  from  the  Hum- 
ber to  the  Tyne,  and  the  other  from  the  Tyne  to  Graham's  Dyke. 

7  Beda  Hist.  lib.  3.  c.  26. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  161 

another  bishop  appointed  over  them  in  his  stead.  This  happened  in  the  year 
of  our  Lord  (i(U. 

After  this  the  old  way  began  to  wear  off  both  in  Britain  and  Ireland,  though 
but  by  slow  degrees.  Adamnanus'  abbot  of  Hy,  being  sent  on  an  embassy  fiom 
the  British  Scots^  (that  is,  the  Irish  who  had  settled  in  North  Britain)  to  Alfi'ed 
king  of  the  Northumbrians;  and  having,  while  he  continued  on  that  occasion 
in  those  parts,  made  a  visit  to  the  united  monasteries  of  Jarrow  and  Wearmouth 
near  Durham,  was  there,  by  Ceolfrid,  then  abbot  of  them,  so  thoroughly  con- 
vinced of  the  reasonableness  of  the  Roman  way  before  the  other,  that  on  his 
return  to  H}'',  he  endeavoured  to  bring  all  there  to  conform  to  it;  but  not  being 
able  to  prevail  with  them  herein,  he  went  into  Ireland,  and  there  brought  over 
almost  all  the  northern  parts  of  that  island  to  this  way.  This  happened  about 
the  year  of  our  Lord  7(1-3.  And  he  had  the  easier  success  herein,  for  that  the 
southern  parts  of  that  island  had  some  years  before  conformed  hereto,^  being 
induced  to  it  by  an  epistle  from  Honorius  bishop  of  Rome,  written  to  them  about 
it  in  the  year  G'29.  In  the  year  710,  the  same  Ceolfrid,  above-mentioned,^  hav- 
ing written  to  Naitan,  king  of  the  Picts,  an  epistle  for  this  way,  thereby  brought 
him  and  all  his  nation  with  him  into  a  conformity  to  it.  This  epistle  is  very 
learnedly  and  judiciously  written,  and,  no  doubt,  was  penned  by  Bede,  who 
was  then  a  monk  under  him,  in  these  two  united  monasteries.  It  is  still  extant 
in  Bede's  Ecclesiastical  History,  and  gives  us  the  best  view  of  this  controversy 
of  any  thing  now  remaining  that  hath  been  written  about  it.  In  the  year  716,* 
Egbeil  a  pious  and  learned  presbyter  of  the  English  nation,  after  having  spent 
many  years  of  his  studies  in  Ireland  (which  was  in  that  age  the  prime  seat  of 
all  learning  in  Christendom,)  coming  from  thence  to  the  monastery  of  Hy,  pro- 
posed to  them  anew  the  Roman  way;  and  having  better  success  herein  than 
Adamnanus  their  late  abbot  had,  in  that  attempt  which  he  had  before  made  upon 
them  for  this  purpose,  brought  them  all  over  to  it.  And  after  this  none  but  the 
Welch  persisted  in  the  old  form;  who,  out  of  the  inveterate  hatred  they  had 
against  all  of  the  English  nation,  were  hard  to  be  brought  to  conform  to  them  in 
any  thing.  However,  at  length,  about  the  year  800,  the  errors  of  the  old  way 
by  that  time  growing  very  conspicuous,  by  reason  of  the  many  days,  which, 
according  to  the  eighty-four  years'  cycle,  the  lunar  account  must  then  have 
overrun  the  solar,  the  Welch  of  North  Wales,"  were  by  the  persuasion  of  Elbo- 
dius,  their  bishop,  prevailed  wdth  to  give  an  ear  to  those  reasons  which  were  al- 
leged for  the  Roman  form;  and  being  convinced  by  them  that  it  was  the  better 
of  the  two,  came  into  it.  And  not  long  after,  the  Welch  of  South  Wales  fol- 
lowed their  example,  and  did  the  same;  and  thenceforth  the  cycle  of  eighty- 
four  years,  which  had  lasted  for  so  many  ages,  became  wholly  abolished  all 
Christendom  over,  and  was  never  more  brought  into  use. 

There  was  indeed  another  controversy  between  the  old  Christians  of  Britain 
and  Ireland,  and  the  new  ones  of  the  Roman  Conversion,  which  was  all  along 
at  the  same  time  brought  upon  the  stage  with  that  about  Easter,  during  the 
whole  contest;  that  is,  that  of  the  clerical  tonsure, '^  which  was  always  debated 
with  it,  and  was  every  where  ended  at  the  same  time  when  the  other  Avas.  But 
my  purpose  being  to  treat  only  of  what  related  to  the  Jewish  affairs,  I  have 
only  meddled  with  this  contest,  thereby  to  give  the  history  of  the  Jewish  cycle 

1  Beda  Hist.  lib.  5.  c.  16. 

2  Scotia  iti  this  ape  was  only  Ireland,  and  the  Scoti  none  other  than  the  Irish;  for  Ireland  onlv  was  the 
ancient  Scotia,  and  the  Irish  the  ancient  Scots.  But  about  the  year  of  our  Lord  500,  a  colony  of  the  Irish 
having,  under  the  leading  of  Fergus  the  son  of  Ere,  settled  in  that  part  of  North  Britain  now  called  Argyle- 
shire,  first  brought  with  them  the  name  of  Scots  into  that  country,  and  there  began  the  kingdom  of  the  Bri- 
tish Scots,  from  whom  this  embassy  came.  But  afterward,  having,  in  process  of  lime,  conquered  both  the 
north  and  the  south  Picts,  and  also  received  from  the  Saxon  kings  of  England,  all  the  Lowlands  from  Gra- 
ham's Dyke  to  the  River  Tweed  (wliich  formerly  belonged  to  those  princes,)  they  thenceforth  gave  the  name 
of  Scotland  to  that  country;  and  Ireland,  the  ancient  Scotia,  assumed  the  name  which  it  now  bears.  This 
was  done  about  the  year  of  our  Lord  1000.  For  Archbishop  Usher  tells  us,  who  fully  e.xamined  the  matter, 
that  there  is  not  any  one  writer,  who  lived  within  1000  years  after  Christ,  that  mentions  the  name  of  Scot- 
land, and  means  any  other  than  Ireland  by  it.     Vide  Britannicarum  Ecclesiarum  Antiq.  c.  16.  p.  '^fi3. 

3  Beda  Hist.  lib.  i>.  c.  19.  et  lib.  X  c.  3.  4  Ibid.  lib.  5.  c.  20.  5  Beda,  lib.  o.  c.  23. 

6  Humphredi  Lhuid  Fragmenta  Britannica.    Winn's  History  of  Wales,  p.  18. 

7  Beda  Hist.  lib.  3.  c.  25.  et  lib.  5  c.  22. 

Vol.  II.— 21 


162  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

of  eighty-four  years;  and  thus  far  it  is  within  my  theme;  but  it  being  out  of  it 
to  treat  of  the  other,  for  this  reason  I  do  not  here  trouble  the  reader  with  it. 

On  the  abolition  of  the  eighty-four  years'  cycle,  the  paschal  rule  of  Diony- 
sius  became  the  rule  of  the  whole  western  church  for  several  years  after;  and 
it  being  still  the  rule  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  and  all  the  dominions  be- 
longing to  them,  it  will  be  useful  for  the  English  reader  to  know  the  particulars 
of  it.  They  are  as  follow: — \.  That  Easter  is  a  festival  annually  observed  in 
commemoration  of  Christ's  resurrection.  2.  That  Sunday  being  the  day  on 
which  it  is  weekly  commemorated,  that  day  of  the  week  is  fittest  always  to  be 
the  day  on  which  the  annual  commemoration  of  it  is  to  be  solemnized.  3.  That 
therefore  this  festival  be  always  on  a  Sunday.  4.  That  it  be  on  the  Sunday 
next,  after  the  Jewish  Passover.  5.  That  the  Jewish  Passover  being  always 
slain  on  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  first  vernal  moon,  by  them  called  Nisan,  the 
Christian  Easter  is  always  to  be  on  the  next  Sunday  after  the  said  fourteenth 
day  of  that  moon.  6.  That  to  avoid  all  conformity  with  the  Jews  in  this  mat- 
ter, though  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  said  moon  be  on  a  Sunday,  this  festival 
is  not  to  be  kept  on  that  Sunday,  but  on  the  next  Sunday  after.  7.  That  the 
first  vernal  moon  is  that  whose  fourteenth  day  (commonly  called  the  fourteenth 
moon)  is  either  upon  the  day  of  the  vernal  equinox,  or  else  is  the  next  four- 
teenth moon  after  it.  8.  That  the  vernal  equinox,  according  to  the  council  of 
Nice  (to  the  times  of  which  this  rule  is  calculated,)  is  fixed  to  the  21st  day  of 
March.  9.  That  therefore  the  first  vernal  moon,  according  to  this  rule,  is  that 
whose  fourteenth  day  falls  upon  the  21st  of  March,  or  else  is  the  first  fourteenth 
moon  after.  10.  That  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  first  vernal  moon  being  the 
limit  or  boundary  which  bars  and  keeps  Easter  always  beyond  it,  so  that  it  can 
never  happen  before  or  upon  that  day,  but  always  after  it:  for  this  reason  it  is 
called  the  paschal  term.  11.  That  the  next  Sunday  after  the  paschal  term  is 
always  Easter  day.  12.  That  therefore  the  earliest  paschal  term  being  the  21st 
of  March,  the  22d  of  March  is  the  earliest  Easter  possible;  and  the  18th  of 
April  being  the  latest  paschal  term  that  can  happen,  the  seventh  day  after,  that 
is,  the  25th  of  April,  is  the  latest  Easter  possible;  all  other  Easters  are  sooner 
or  later,  as  the  paschal  terms  and  the  next  Sunday  after  them  fall  sooner,  or 
later,  within  the  said  limits.  13.  That  the  earliest  paschal  term,  or  fourteenth 
day  of  the  said  first  vernal  moon,  being  according  to  this  rule  on  the  21st  of 
March,  the  fourteenth  day  before,  that  is,  the  8th  of  March,  must  be  the  earliest 
first  day  of  this  moon  that  can  happen;  and  the  latest  paschal  term  being  the 
18th  of  April,  and  the  fourteenth  day  before  that,  that  is,  the  fifth  of  April,  is 
the  latest  first  day  of  this  moon  that  can  happen.  All  other  first  days  of  this 
moon,  fall  sooner  or  later  between  the  said  8th  day  of  March  and  the  fifth  of 
April  following.  14.  That  the  cycle  of  the  moon,  which  points  to  us  the  golden 
number,  always  shows  us  which  is  the  first  day  of  the  paschal  moon,  and,  con- 
sequently, which  is  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  same;  and  the  cycle  of  the  sun, 
which  points  to  us  the  dominical  letter,  always  shows  us  which  is  the  next  Sun- 
day after.  And  therefore,  when  you  know  what  is  the  golden  number,  and 
what  is  the  dominical  letter  of  the  year,  the  following  scheme  wiU  fully  serve 
to  tell  you  when  Easter  will  fall,  according  to  this  rule,  in  any  year  forever. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT. 


163 


I 

2 

3 

4 

5.                 March. 

1 

2 

3 

4 

5.                      April. 

I 

D 

CalendsB 

1 

15 

G 

Calendce 

2 

E 

VI 

11 

2 

4 

A 

IV 

11 

3 

F 

V 

•   3 

B 

III 

4 

G 

IV 

19 

4 

12 

C 

Prid.  Non. 

3 

5 

A 

III 

8 

5 

1 

D 

Nonoe. 

19 

6 

B 

Prid.  Non. 

16 

6 

E 

VIII 

8 

7 

C 

NonsB. 

5 

7 

9 

F 

VII 

8 

D 

VIII 

8 

G 

VI 

16 

9 

E 

VII 

13 

9 

17 

A 

V 

5 

10 

F 

VI 

2 

10 

6 

B 

IV 

11 

G 

V 

11 

C 

III 

13 

12 

A 

IV 

10 

12 

14 

D 

Prid.  Id. 

2 

13 

B 

III 

13 

3 

E 

Idus. 

14 

C 

Prid.  Id. 

18 

14 

F 

XVIII 

10 

15 

D 

Id  us. 

7 

15 

11 

G 

XVII 

16 

E 

XVII 

16 

A 

XVI 

18 

17 

F 

XVI 

15 

17 

19 

B 

XV 

7 

18 

G 

XV 

4 

18 

8 

C 

XIV 

19 

A 

XIV 

19 

D 

XIII 

15 

20 

B 

XIII 

12 

20 

E 

XII 

4 

21 

16 

C 

XII  Nicene  Equinox 

1 

21 

F 

XI 

22 

5 

D 

XI  First  Easter 

22 

G 

X 

12 

23 

E 

possible. 
X 

9 
17 

23 
24 

25 

A 
B 
C 

IX 
VIII 

VII  Last  Easter 
possible. 

1 

24 

13 

F 

IX 

6 

26 

D 

VI 

25 

2 

G 

VIII 

27 

E 

V 

9 

26 

A 

VII 

14 

28 

F 

IV 

27 

10 

B 

VI 

3 

29 

G 

III 

17 

28 

C 

V 

30 

A 

Prid.  Calend. 

6 

29 

18 

D 

IV 

14 

30 

7 

E 

III 

3 

31 

F 

Prid.  Calend. 

In  this  scheme,  the  first  column  contains  the  numbers  that  in  the  calendar  of 
our  Common  Prayer  Book  are  called  the  primes,  which  are  the  golden  numbers 
that  point  out  to  us  the  new  moons.  The  second  column  gives  the  days  of  the 
month.  The  third  contains  the  golden  numbers,  which  point  out  to  us  the  pas- 
chal terms,  or  the  fourteenth  day  of  the  first  vernal  moon  (i.  e.  the  day  on  which 
the  Jews  slew  their  passover.)  The  fourth  column  gives  the  dominical  letters. 
And  the  last,  the  old  Roman  calendar.  Every  number  of  the  prime  shows  that, 
in  the  year  when  that  is  the  golden  number,  the  new  moon  is  according  to  the 
calculation  of  this  form  on  the  day  of  the  month  over  against  which  it  is  placed. 
And  every  number  in  the  third  column  shows,  that  in  the  year  when  that  is 
the  golden  number,  the  paschal  term  is  on  the  day  of  the  month  over  against 
which  it  is  placed.  The  dominical  letters  tell  us,  when  is  the  first  Sunday  after 
the  paschal  term  on  which  Easter  begins.  And  the  Roman  calendar  shows  us, 
on  what  day  thereof  each  particular  above  mentioned  happens. 

Arid  therefore,  observing  these  particulars,  when  you  would  find  out  in  any 
year  on  what  day  Easter  falls  in  it,  run  down  your  eye  in  the  first  column  from 
the  8th  of  March  (which  is  the  earliest  first  day  that  can  happen  of  the  first 
vernal  moon,)  till  you  come  to  that  number  in  it  which  is  the  golden  number 
of  the  year,  and  that  number  tells  you,  that  the  day  of  the  month  over  against 
which  it  is  placed  is  the  first  of  that  moon.  And  then  running  down  your  eye 
in  the  third  column,  tiU  you  come  to  the  same  golden  number  in  that  column, 
that  number  tells  you,  that  the  day  of  the  month  over  against  which  it  is  placed 
is  the  paschal  term,  that  is,  the  fourteenth  day  of  that  moon  (as  by  numbering 
from  that  which  is  the  same  golden  number  in  the  first  column  you  will  find.) 
And  then  running  down  your  eye  from  thence  in  the  fourth  column  (which  is 
the  column  of  the  dominical  letters,)  till   you  come  to  the  dominical  letter  of 


164  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

the  year,  that  letter  tells  you,  that  the  day  of  the  mont)i  over  against  which  it 
is  placed,  is  the  next  Sunday  after  the  said  paschal  term,  and  that  Sunday  is  the 
Easter  Sunday  of  the  year.  As,  for  example,  if  you  would  know  on  what  day 
Easter  falls  in  this  present  year  1716,  run  down  your  eye  in  the  first  column, 
till  you  come  to  the  number  seven  (which  is  the  golden  number  of  that  year,) 
which  being  placed  over  against  the  17th  of  March,  it  tells  you  thereby,  that 
this  17th  of  March  is  the  first  day  of  the  first  vernal  moon  of  this  year.  And 
from  thence  run  down  your  eye  in  the  third  column,  till  you  come  to  the  num- 
ber of  seven  in  that  column,  which  being  placed  over  against  the  30th  of  March, 
it  teUs  you  thereby,  that  this  is  the  fourteenth  day  of  that  moon  (as  you  Avill 
find  by  numbering  from  the  said  seventeenth  day,  which  was  the  first  of  this 
moon,)  or  the  paschal  term  of  the  year.  And  tlaen  run  down  your  eye  from 
thence  in  the  fourth  column  (which  is  the  column  of  the  dominical  letters,  till 
you  come  to  the  letter  G  (which  is  the  dominical  letter  of  the  year,)  which  be- 
ing placed  over  against  the  1st  of  April,  it  tells  you  thereby,  that  this  day  is  the 
first  Sunday  after  the  said  paschal  term,  and  therefore  is  the  Sunday  on  which 
Easter  is  to  be  solemnized  this  year.  And  so,  in  hke  manner,  if  you  would 
know  when  Easter  will  fall  in  the  year  1717,  eight  being  the  golden  number 
of  the  year,  and  placed  in  the  column  of  the  primes  over  against  the  5th  of 
April,  it  shows  that  to  be  the  first  day  of  the  first  vernal  moon  of  that  year. 
And  the  same  number  in  the  third  column,  being  placed  over  against  the  18th 
of  April,  it  shows  that  to  be  the  paschal  term  of  the  year.  And  the  letter  F 
being  the  dominical  letter  of  the  year,  and  the  next  F  after,  in  the  fourth  co- 
lumn, being  placed  over  against  the  21st  of  April,  this  shows  that  the  21st  of 
April  is  the  first  Sunday  after  the  said  paschal  term,  and  therefore  is  the  Sunday 
on  which  Easter  is  to  be  observed  in  that  year.  And  so,  by  the  like  method, 
may  be  found  out,  when  Easter,  according  to  this  form,  will  fall  in  any  year  for 
ever:  and  hereby  not  only  the  rule,  but  also  the  reason  of  the  thing,  may  be 
seen  both  together  at  the  same  time.  And  the  same  may  be  done  by  the  Calen- 
dar in  the  Common  Prayer  Book,  though  the  third  column  of  this  scheme  be 
there  wanting.  For  you  having  there  found,  by  the  method  mentioned,  the 
first  day  of  the  first  vernal  moon,  number  down  from  thence  to  the  14th  day 
after  and  there  you  have  the  paschal  term;  and  the  next  Sunday  after  (which 
you  will  know  by  the  dominical  letter  of  the  year)  is  Easter  Sunday. 

But  it  is  to  be  observed,  that  the  21st  of  March  is  not  the  true  equinox,  but 
only  that  which  was  the  true  equinox  at  the  time  of  the  Nicene  council  (which 
was  held  A.  D.  325;)  since  that  time  the  true  equinox  hath  anticipated  the  Ni- 
cene equinox  eleven  days.  For  the  Julian  solar  year,  which  we  reckon  by, 
exceeding  the  true  tropical  solar  year  eleven  minutes,  this  excess  in  one  hun- 
dred and  thirty  years  makes  a  day,  and  almost  eleven  times  one  hundred  and 
thirty  years  having  happened  since  the  time  of  that  council  to  this  present  year 
1716,  the  true  equinox  now  falls  eleven  days  before  the  Nicene  equinox.  And 
so,  in  like  manner,  it  hath  happened  to  the  primes,  that  is,  the  golden  numbers, 
or  the  numbers  of  the  nineteenth  years'  cycle  of  the  moon,  in  the  first  column 
of  the  calendar  in  our  Common  Prayer  Book.  For  they  are  placed  there  to 
show,  that  the  days  of  the  months  over  against  which  they  stand  in  that  calen- 
dar, are  the  new  moons  in  those  years  in  which  they  are  the  golden  numbers, 
and  they  truly  did  so  at  the  time  of  the  council  of  Nice.  But  in  every  one  of 
the  nineteenth  years'  cycles  of  the  golden  numbers,  called  the  cycles  of  the 
moon,  the  Julian  solar  reckoning  exceeding  the  true  lunar  reckoning  an  hour 
and  almost  a  half,  this  hour  and  a  half  in  three  hundred  and  four  years  making 
a  day,  and  four  times  three  hundred  and  four  years  and  above  half  three  hun- 
dred and  four  years  more,  having  now  passed  since  that  council,  this  hath  caused 
that  the  true  new  moons  now  happen  four  days  and  a  half  before  the  new 
moons  marked  by  the  primes  in  the  said  calendar  of  our  Common  Prayer  Book. 
And  therefore,  if  you  would  have  the  true  equinox  by  that  calendar,  you  must 
deduct  as  many  days  from  the  21st  of  March  as  there  hath  been  the  number  of 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  165 

one  hundred  and  thirty  years  since  the  council  of  Nice,  and  that  will  bring  you 
back  to  the  true  time  of  the  equinox  in  this  or  any  other  year  wherein  it  shall 
be  sought  for.  And  so,  in  like  manner,  if  you  would  have  the  true  time  of  the 
new  moon  by  the  same  calendar  in  every  month,  you  must  deduct  as  many  days 
from  the  days  of  the  month  which  the  primes  mark  out  for  the  new  moons,  as 
there  are  the  number  of  three  hundred  and  four  years  in  the  number  of  years 
which  are  now,  from  the  time  of  the  said  council,  elapsed,  that  is,  four  days  and 
a  half;  and  this  will  lead  you  back  to  the  true  time  of  the  new  moon  in  any 
month  of  the  year  wherein  you  shall  seek  to  know  it.  As,  for  example,  in  this 
year  1716,  the  number  seven  (which  is  the  golden  number  of  the  year,)  as  placed 
in  the  column  of  the  primes  in  the  month  of  June,  points  out  the  l-3th  day  of 
the  month  for  the  new  moon;  deduct  from  it  four  days  and  a  half,  and  that  will 
carry  you  back  to  the  8th  of  June,  which  is  the  true  new  moon;  and  so,  like- 
wise, in  this  method,  you  may  know  by  the  same  calendar  on  what  day  the  new 
moon  shall  happen  in  any  month  or  year  for  ever.  And  thus  far  the  explica- 
tion of  the  Jewish  cycle  of  eighty-four  years:  and  the  account  of  that  controversy 
about  it,  which  was  raised  in  this  land  among  our  English  ancestors,  hath  led 
me,  I  fear,  into  too  long  a  digression.     To  return,  therefore,  to  our  history. 

An.  161.  Judas  Maccabccus  6.] — Nicanor,  having  received  orders  from  Deme- 
trius again  to  renew  the  war  against  the  Jews,  as  hath  been  above  mentioned,' 
came  with  his  forces  to  Jerusalem,  and  there  thought  by  craft  and  treachery  to 
have  gotten  Judas  into  his  power.  For,  having  invited  him  to  a  conference, 
Judas  relying  on  the  late  peace,  complied  with  him  herein,  and  came  to  the 
place  appointed;  but,  finding  that  an  ambush  was  there  laid  treacherously  to 
take  him,  he  fled  from  his  presence:  and  after  this  all  confidence  was  broken, 
and  the  war  was  again  begun  between  them.  The  first  action  hereof  was  at 
Capharsalama;  in  which  Nicanor  having  lost  five  thousand  of  his  men,  retreated 
with  the  rest  to  Jerusalem;  where,  being  much  enraged  by  reason  of  the  defeat,^ 
he  first  vented  his  wrath  on  Razis,  an  eminent  and  honourable  senator  of  the 
Jewish  senate,  called  the  Sanhedrin.  For,  finding  that  he  was  much  honoured 
and  beloved  by  the  Jews,  not  only  by  reason  of  his  steady  and  constant  perse- 
verance in  his  religion  through  the  worst  of  times,  but  also  because  of  the  good 
and  kind  offices  which  he  was  ready  on  all  occasions  to  do  his  people,  Nicanor 
thought  it  would  be  an  act  of  great  displeasure  and  despite  to  the  Jews  to  have 
him  cut  off;  and  therefore  sent  out  a  party  of  five  hundred  men  to  take  him,  with 
intent  to  put  him  to  death.  But  Razis,  being  at  a  castle  of  his  which  he  had  in 
the  country,  there  defended  himself  against  them  for  some  time  with  great 
valour:  but  at  length,  finding  he  could  hold  out  no  longer,  he  fell  upon  his  own 
sword;  but,  the  wound  not  killing  him,  he  cast  himself  headlong  over  the  battle- 
ments of  the  turret  whereon  he  fought;  and,  finding  himself  alive  after  that  also, 
he  thrust  his  hand  into  his  wound;  and  pulling  out  his  bowels,  cast  them  upon 
the  assailants,  and  so  died.  The  Jews  for  this  reckoned  him  a  martyr;  but  St. 
Austin,^  in  his  epistle  to  Dulcitius,  condemns  the  fact  as  self-murder,  and  there 
gives  reasons  for  it  that  cannot  be  answered. 

After  this  Nicanor''  went  up  into  the  mountain  of  the  temple,  and  there  de- 
manded that  Judas  and  his  host  should  be  delivered  to  him,  threatening  that, 
unless  this  were  done,  he  would,  on  his  return,  pull  down  the  altar,  and  burn 
the  temple,  and,  instead  of  it,  build  a  temple  to  Bacchus  in  the  same  place;  and 
at  the  same  time  spoke  many  other  blasphemous  words,  both  against  the  temple 
and  the  God  of  Israel  that  was  worshipped  in  it;  which  sent  all  that  wished  well 
to  Zion  to  their  prayers  against  him,  and  they  were  heard  with  thorough  effect. 
For,  immediately  after,*  Nicanor  marching  out  with  his  forces  against  Judas, 
and  coming  to  a  battle  with  him,  was  slain  on  the  first  onset;  whereon  the  whole 
army  cast  away  their  arms  and  fled;  and  all  the  country  rising  upon  them  as 

1  1  Maccab.  vii.  27—32.    Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  17.  2  2  Maccab.  xiv.  37—46. 

3  Epist.  61.    Mide  etiani  eundem  in  lib.  seciindo  contra  Gaudentium. 

4  1  Maccab.  vii.  33— 8.    2 Maccab.  xiv.  31— 36.    Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c.  17. 

5  1  Maccab.  vii.  34.— 50.    2  Maccab.  xv.  1—36.    Josephus,  ibid. 


166  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

they  endeavoured  to  escape,  cut  them  all  off  to  a  man,  there  not  being  of  his 
whole  army,  which  consisted  of  thirty-five  thousand  men,  as  much  as  one  left 
to  carry  the  news  of  this  defeat  to  Antioch.  Judas  and  his  forces,  returning  from 
the  pursuit  again  to  the  field  of  battle,  took  the  spoils  of  the  slain,  and  having 
found  the  body  of  Nicanor,  they  cut  off  his  head,  and  also  his  right  hand,  which 
he  had  stretched  out  so  proudly  in  his  threatenings  against  the  temple,  and  hanged 
them  up  upon  one  of  the  towers  of  Jerusalem.  This  victory  was  obtained  on 
the  thirteenth  of  the  Jewish  month  Adar;  and,  it  being  a  day  of  great  deliver- 
ance to  Israel,  they  rejoiced  greatly  in  it,  and  ordained  that  it  should  ever  after 
be  observed  as  an  anniversary  day  of  thanksgiving,  in  commemoration  of  this 
mercy;  and  they  so  keep  it  even  to  this  present  time,  by  the  name  of  the  day 
of  Nicanor.     And  here  endeth  the  history  of  the  second  book  of  Maccabees. 

Judas,  having  some  respite  after  this  victory,'  sent  an  embassy  to  the  Ro- 
mans; for  having  heard  of  their  power,  prowess,  and  policy,  he  was  desirous  of 
making  a  league  with  them,  hoping  thereby  to  receive  some  protection  and  re- 
lief against  the  oppression  of  the  Syrians:  and  therefore,  for  this  end,  he  made 
choice  of  Jason,  the  son  of  Eleazar,  and  Eupolemus,  the  son  of  that  John,*  who, 
in  a  like  embassy  to  Seleucus  Philopater,  obtained  from  him  a  grant  of  all  those 
privileges  for  the  Jews  which  Antiochus  Epiphanes  would  have  afterward  abol- 
ished, and  sent  him  to  Rome,  where  they  were  kindly  received  by  the  senate, 
and  a  decree  was  made,  that  the  Jews  should  be  acknowledged  as  friends  and 
allies  of  the  Romans,  and  a  league  of  mutual  defence  he  thenceforth  established 
between  them.  And  a  letter  was  written  from  them  to  Demetrius,'  requiring 
him  to  desist  from  any  more  vexing  the  Jews,  and  threatening  him  with  war  if 
he  should  not  comply  herewith.  But,  before  this  letter  was  delivered,  or  the 
ambassadors  returned  with  the  decree  of  the  senate  to  Jerusalem,  Judas  was 
dead. 

For  Demetrius,  having  received  an  account  of  the  defeat  and  death  of  Nica- 
nor,'' sent  Bacchides,  with  Alcimus,  the  second  time  into  Judea,  at  the  head  of 
a  very  potent  army,  made  up  of  the  prime  forces  and  flower  of  his  militia. 
Judas,  on  the  coming  of  this  army  into  Judea,  had  no  more  than  three  thousand 
men  with  him  to  oppose  them;  who,  being  terrified  with  the  strength  and  num- 
ber of  the  enemy,  deserted  their  general,  all  to  eight  hundred  men:  yet  with 
these  few,  Judas,  out  of  an  over  excess  of  valovu-  and  confidence,  dared  engage 
the  numerous  army  of  the  adversary;  but,  being  overborne  by  their  numbers, 
was  slain  in  the  conflict;  for  which  all  Judah  and  Jerusalem  made  great  lamen- 
tation; and  Jonathan  and  Simon,  his  brothers,  taking  up  his  dead  body,  buried 
him  honourably  at  Modin,  in  the  sepulchre  of  his  forefathers. 

The  apostates,  and  others  who  were  ill  affected  to  the  true  interest  and  peace 
of  their  country,  took  the  advantage  of  this  loss  to  lift  up  their  heads  again, ^  and 
act  according  to  their  evil  inclinations  in  all  parts  of  the  land,  and  hereby  created 
great  disturbances  in  it.  And,  moreover,  a  very  grievous  famine  happened  at 
the  same  time,  and  the  prevailing  faction  having  gotten  most  of  the  provisions 
of  the  land  into  their  power,  this  caused  great  revoltings  among  the  people,  that 
so  thereby  they  might  come  at  bread.  And  by  this  means  Alcimus  and  his  party 
greatly  increasing  in  strength,  got  the  whole  land  into  their  power;  and  thereon 
the  government  being  in  all  places  put  into  the  hands  of  wicked  men,  great  in- 
quisition and  search  was  made  for  the  friends  and  adherents  of  the  Maccabeans; 
and  such  of  them  as  could  be  taken,  being  brought  to  Bacchides,  were  put  to 
death  with  all  manner  of  cruelty  and  indignity:  by  reason  whereof  there  was 
sore  affliction  and  great  distress  in  Israel,  such  as  had  not  been  from  the  days 
of  the  prophets  that  returned  from  the  Babylonish  captivity  to  that  time,  not  ex- 

1  Maccab.  viii.    Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  1'2.  c.  17.  2  2  Maccah.  iv.  II. 

3  1  Maccab.  viii.  41,  42.  Justin,  lib.  36.  c.  '3.  The  words  of  Justin  in  this  place  are:  "A  Demetrio  cum 
defecissent  Juila-i,  amicitia  Romanoriini  petita,  primi  oiniiiuui  ex  orientalibus  libertatem  receperunt,  facile 
tunc  Romanis  de  alieno  largientibus;"  i.  e.  The  Jews,  when  they  revolted  from  Demetrius,  having  souelit 
the  friendship  of  the  Romans,  were  tlie  first  of  the  nations  of  the  east  that  regained  their  liberty,  the  Romans 
at  that  time  easily  giving  toothers  of  that  which  was  not  their  own. 

4  1  Maccab.  i.\.  1—22.     Joseph,  lib.  12,  c.  19.  5  Ibid.  23—27.     Ibid.  lib.  13.  c.  I. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAIMENT.  167 

cepting  even  the  persecuting  times  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes.  Wliereon,  for 
the  remedy  of  this  great  evil  and  misery,'  all  that  wished  well  to  Zion  flocked 
to  Jonathan,  and  made  him  their  captain:  and  he  thereon  taking  the  government 
upon  him,  rose  up  in  the  place  of  Judas,  his  brother,  and  got  forces  together  to 
resist  the  enemy;  which  Bacchides  hearing  of,  endeavoured  to  have  gotten  him 
into  his  power,  that  he  might  put  him  to  death:  whereon  Jonathan,  and  Simon 
his  brother,  with  those  that  were  with  him,  fled  into  the  wilderness  of  Tekoa, 
and  there  encamped  near  the  river  of  Jordon,  where  being  surrounded  with  a 
morass  on  one  side,  and  the  river  on  the  other,  they  could  not  be  easily  come 
at.  But,  that  they  might  the  better  secure  their  goods  and  baggage  from  all  the 
events  of  war,  they  sent  all  their  carriages  under  the  conduct  of  John,^  the 
brother  of  Jonathan  and  Simon,  to  their  friends  the  Nabathreans,  to  be  deposited 
with  them,  till  they  should  be  in  a  better  condition  again  to  receive  them.  But, 
while  John  was  on  his  way  thither,  the  Jambrians,  a  tribe  of  the,  Arabs  then 
living  at  Medaba,  formerly  a  city  of  the  Moabites,  issued  out  from  thence  upon 
him,  and,  having  slain  him,  and  those  that  were  with  him,  took  all  that  they  had, 
and  carried  it  away  for  a  prey. 

Not  long  after,  Jonathan  and  Simon, ^  understanding  that  a  great  marrigige 
was  to  be  solemnized  at  Medaba,  between  one  of  the  chief  men  of  the  Jam- 
brians and  a  daughter  of  one  of  the  prime  nobles  of  Canaan,  and,  having  gotten 
notice  of  the  day,  when  the  bride  was  to  be  conducted  home  to  her  bride- 
groom, waylaid  them  in  the  mountains;  from  whence  having  a  full  sight  of  the 
bride's  being  cg.rried  on  with  great  pomp  and  attendance,  and  the  bridegroom's 
marching  out  with  like  pomp  to  meet  and  receive  her,  as  soon  as  they  per- 
ceived both  companies  were  joined  together,  they  rose  up  against  them  from 
the  place  where  they  lay  in  ambush,  and  slew  them  all,  excepting  only  some 
few  that  escaped  by  flying  to  the  mountains,  and  took  all  their  spoils;  and, 
having  thus  revenged  the  death  of  their  brother,  returned  again  to  their  former 
camp.  Of  which  Bacchides''  having  received  intelligence,  marched  thither 
against  them,  and,  having  made  himself  master  of  the  pass  that  led  to  their  en- 
campment, assaulted  them  in  it  on  the  Sabbath-day,  expecting  then  to  find  no 
resistance  from  them,  because  of  the  religious  veneration  which,  he  understood, 
they  had  for  that  day.  But  Jonathan,  reminding  his  people  of  the  determina- 
tion that  was  made  in  this  case  in  the  time  of  Mattathias,  his  father,  exhorted 
them  valiantly  to  resist  the  enemy,  when  thus  pressed  to  it  by  necessity,  not- 
withstanding it  was  the  sabbath-day;  and  all  accordingly  complied  herewith, 
and,  in  defence  of  themselves,  slew  of  the  assailants  about  one  thousand  men; 
but,  finding  that  they  must  at  length  be  overpowered  by  their  numbers,  they 
cast  themselves  into  the  River  Jordan,  and  sw^am  over  to  the  other  side,  and  so 
escaped.  For  Bacchides,  pursuing  them  no  farther,  returned  again  to  Jerusa- 
lem, where  having  given  order  for  the  fortifying  of  several  cities  and  strong 
holds  throughout  Judea,  in  places  best  convenient  for  it,  he  put  strong  garrisons 
in  them,  that  he  might  thereby  the  better  keep  the  country  in  subjection,  and 
the  easier  suppress  all  those  of  the  contrary  party  that  should  rise  up  against 
him.  And  especially  he  took  care  to  well  repair  and  fortify  the  fortress  of 
Mount  Acra  in  Jerusalem,  and,  having  fully  furnished  it  with  men  and  provi- 
sions, he  took  of  the  children  of  the  chief  men  of  the  country,  and  put  them 
into  it,  ordering  them  there  to  be  kept  as  hostages  for  the  fidelity  of  their  fathers 
and  friends;  and  so  ended  the  year. 

An.  160.  Jonathan  1.] — In  the  next  year  after  died  Alcimus,^  the  great  troubler 
of  Israel.  For,  after  having,  by  the  power  of  Bacchides,  fully  established  himself 
in  the  pontificate,  he  set  himself  to  make  several  alterations  for  the  corrupting 
of  the  then  well  settled  state  of  the  Jewish  religion,  in  order  to  the  bringing  of 
it  to  a  nearer  agreement  with  the  heathen.  And  whereas,  round  the  sanctuary, 
there  was  built,  by  the  order  of  the  latter  prophets  Haggai  and  Zechariah,  a  low 

I  1  Maccab.  ix.  28—33.    Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  J.  2  Ibid.  35,  36.    Ibid. 

3Ibid.  37— 41.    Ibid.  4  Ibid.  43— 53.     Ibid.  5  Ibid,  54— 5G. 


168  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

wall  or  enclosure  called  the  Chel,^  to  serve  for  the  separating  of  the  holy  part  of 
the  mountain  of  the  house  from  the  unholy;  and  the  rule  was,  that  within  this 
no  uncircumcised  person  was  ever  to  enter;  Alcimus,  in  order  to  take  away  this 
distinction,  and  give  the  Gentile  equal  liberty  with  the  Jews  to  pass  into  the 
inner  courts  of  the  temple,  ordered  this  wall  of  partition  to  be  pulled  down. 
But,  while  it  was  doing,  he  was  smitten  by  the  hand  of  God  with  a  palsy,  and 
suddenly  died  of  it. 

When  Bacchides^  saw  that  Alcimus  was  dead,  for  whose  sake  he  came  into 
Judea,  he  returned  again  to  Antioch;  and  the  land  had  quiet  from  all  molesta- 
tion of  the  Syrians  for  two  years.  It  is  most  likely  Demetrius  had  by  this  time 
received  the  letters  that  were  sent  to  him  from  the  Romans  in  behalf  of  the 
Jews,  and  thereupon  gave  Bacchides  orders  to  surcease  his  A'exations  of  that 
people;  and  that  it  was  in  obedience  to  those  orders,  that,  on  the  death  of  Alci- 
mus, he  took  that  occasion  to  leave  that  country. 

For  Demetrius,^  about  this  time  labouring  all  he  could  to  get  the  Romans  to 
favour  him,  was  now  more  than  ordinary  cautious  not  to  give  them  any  offence; 
and  therefore  was  the  more  ready  to  comply  with  any  thing  they  should  desire. 
It  hath  been  before  related  in  what  manner  he  fled  from  Rome,  when  he  was  a 
hostage  there,  and  how,  contrary  to  the  mind  of  the  senate,  he  seized  Syria, 
and  slew  Antiochus  Eupator,  whom  they  had  confirmed  in  that  kingdom,  and 
there  reigned  in  his  stead;  for  which  reason  they  being  much  displeased  with 
him,  had  not  as  yet  saluted  him  king,  nor  renewed  the  league  with  him  which 
they  had  made  with  his  predecessors.  This  Demetrius  was  very  solicitous  to 
have  done;  and,  in  order  thereto,  was  at  this  time  making  use  of  all  manner  of 
methods  to  gain  their  favour:  and  therefore,  hearing  that  the  Romans  had  then 
three  ambassadors  at  the  court  of  Ariarathes,  king  of  Cappadocia,  he  sent  Me- 
nochares,  one  of  his  prime  ministers,  thither  to  treat  with  them  about  this  mat- 
ter; and,  on  his  return,  finding,  by  the  report  which  he  made  him  of  what  had 
passed  in  this  treaty,  that  the  good  offices  of  these  ambassadors  were  absolutely 
necessary  for  the  gaining  of  his  point,  he  sent  again  to  them,  first  into  Pam- 
phylia,  and  after  that  again  to  Rhodes,  promising  every  thing  they  should  desire, 
and  never  leaving  soliciting  and  pressing  them,  till  at  length,  by  their  interpo- 
sition, all  was  granted  him  that  he  solicited  for;  and  the  Romans  acknowledged 
him  for  king  of  Syria,  and  renewed  the  leagues  of  his  predecessors  with  him. 

An.  159.  Jonathan  2.] — Whereon  the  next  year  after,''  he  sent  the  same  Me- 
nochares,  with  others,  in  a  solemn  embassy  to  Rome,  for  the  farther  cultivating 
of  their  friendship  with  him.  They  carried  thither  a  crown  of  gold,  of  the  value 
of  ten  thousand  gold  pieces  of  money,  for  a  present  to  the  senate,  in  acknow- 
ledgment of  the  kind  and  free  entertainment  he  had  received  from  them,  while 
he  was  a  hostage  at  Rome  with  them.  And  they  also  brought  with  them  Lep- 
tines  and  Isocrates  to  be  delivered  into  their  hands,  for  the  death  of  Octavius. 
It  hath  been  above  related,  how  this  Leptines  slew  Octavius,  at  Laodicea  in 
Syria,  while  he  was  in  that  country,  on  an  embassy  from  the  Romans.  Isocrates 
was  a  talkative  Greek,  and  by  profession  a  grammarian;  he  being  then  in  Syria 
when  this  murder  was  committed,  undertook  on  all  occasions,  to  speak  in  the 
justification  of  it;  for  which  reason,  being  taken  into  custody,  he  grew  dis- 
tracted, and  so  continued  ever  after.  But  there  was  no  occasion  of  seizing  Lep- 
tines; he  freely  offered  himself  to  go  to  Rome,  there  to  answer  for  the  fact,  and 
accordingly,  without  any  constraint,  accompanied  the  ambassadors  thither:  and, 
although  he  constantly  owned  the  fact,  yet  at  the  same  time,  he  as  confidently 
assured  himself,  he  should  suffer  no  hurt  from  the  Romans  for  it;  and  so  it  ac- 
cordingly happened.  As  to  the  ambassadors,  the  senate  received  them  with 
due  respect,  and  kindly  accepted  of  the  present  they  brought,  but  would  not 
meddle  with  the  persons.  The  taking  vengeance  of  these  two  men,  they  thought, 
was  too  small  a  satisfaction  for  the  murder  of  their  ambassador;  and  therefore, 

1  See  Lightfoot  of  the  Temple,  c.  17.  2  1  Maccab.  ix.  57.  3  Polyb.  Legal.  120.  p.  952. 

4  Ibid.  122.  p.  954,  955.    Appian.  in  Syriacis.    Diodor.  Sic.  Legal.  25. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  169 

they  kept  that  matter  still  upon  the  same  foot,  reserving  to  themselves  the  far- 
ther inquiry  into  it,  and  the  demand  from  the  whole  nation  of  the  Syrians  (on 
whom  in  general  they  charged  the  guilt)  of  such  satisfaction,  as,  on  a  full  and 
thorough  cognizance  of  the  cause,  should  be  judged  adequate  to  it. 

About  this  time  Holophemes,'  the  pretended  elder  brother  of  Ariarathes,  king 
of  Cappadocia,  laying  claim  to  that  kingdom,  came  to  Demetrius  to  solicit  his 
help  for  the  recovering  of  it.  Ariarathes,  the  father,  had  to  his  wife  Antiochis, 
the  daughter  of  Antiochus  the  Great,  king  of  Syria.  She  having  lived  some  years 
without  children,*  and  therefore  believing  that  she  should  never  have  any,  to 
help  the  matter,  feigned  herself  to  be  with  child,  and  thereon  pretended  to  be 
delivered  first  of  one  son,  and  afterward  again  of  another,  by  the  same  trick,  she 
thus  brought  in  two  supposititious  children  to  be  heirs  of  the  royal  family;  the 
first  of  which  was  called  Ariarathes,  and  the  other  Holophernes.  By  which  it 
appears,  that  the  bringing  in  of  false  births  for  the  inheriting  of  crowns  is  not  a 
new  thing  in  the  world.  But  after,  the  queen  proving  truly  to  be  with  child, 
and  being  delivered,  without  fraud,  first  of  one  daughter,  and  next  of  another, 
and  in  the  last  place  of  a  son,  she  confessed  the  whole  deceit.  Whereon,  that 
the  false  sons  might  not  be  heirs,  to  the  wrong  of  the  true,  they  were  sent  away 
into  foreign  parts,  the  eldest  of  them  to  Rome,  and  the  other,  which  was  this 
Holophernes,  into  Ionia,  with  sums  of  money  sufficient  there  to  educate  and 
maintain  them.  And  the  true  son,  at  first  called  Pvlithridates,  thenceforth  taking 
his  father's  name,  was  declared  his  true  heir;  and  accordingly,  after  his  death, 
succeeded  him  in  the  kingdom.  And  this  is  that  Ariarathes,  king  of  Cappa- 
docia, of  whom  we  now  speak,  and  against  whom  Holophernes  made  the  claim 
I  have  mentioned.  Demetrius  had  not  long  before  offered  him  his  sister  Laodice 
in  marriage;^  but  she  having  been  widow  to  Perseus  king  of  Macedon,  an 
enemy  to  the  Romans,  and  Demetrius  himself  not  being  yet  in  good  grace  with 
them,  Ariarathes  feared  he  might,  by  this  match,  give  them  offence;  and  there- 
fore rejected  the  offer.  This  Demetrius  resented;  and,  while  he  was  under  these 
resentments,  Holophernes  came  to  him:  and  therefore,  having  easily  obtained 
his  assistance,  by  the  strength  and  power  thereof,"*  he  expelled  Ariarathes, 
though  assisted  by  Eumenes,  king  of  Pergamus,  and  reigned  in  his  stead.  But, 
by  his  rapine,'*  cruelty,  and  other  maleadministrations,  he  soon  made  himself 
odious  to  all  the  people  of  his  kingdom. 

This  assistance,  which  Eumenes  gave  Ariarathes,  was  one  of  the  last  acts  of 
his  life;  for  he  died  soon  after,"  having  reigned  at  Pergamus  thirty-eight  years. 
By  his  will,  he  bequeathed  his  kingdom  to  Attains  his  brother,''  who  accordingly 
succeeded  him  in  it.  He  had  a  son'  by  Stratonice  his  queen,  sister  to  Ariara- 
thes, the  king  of  Cappadocia  last  mentioned;  but  he,  being  an  infant  at  the  time 
of  his  father's  death,  was  then  incapable  of  administering  the  government;  and 
therefore  Eumenes  rather  chose  to  put  Attalus  into  the  present  possession  of  the 
crown,  reserving  to  his  son  the  next  succession  after  him.  And  Attalus  de- 
ceived not  his  expectations  herein;  for,  after  his  brother's  death,  he  married  his 
wife,  and  took  care  of  his  son,  and  left  him  his  kingdom  at  his  death,  after  he 
had  reigned  in  it  twenty  years,  preferring  him  herein  to  his  own  sons,  for  the 
sake  of  that  trust  which  his  brother  had  reposed  in  him,  as  will  be  hereafter 
related  in  its  proper  place. 

1  Polyb.  lib.  3.  p.  161.     Appian.  in  Syriacis.    Justin,  lib.  35.  c.  1.     Epit.  Livii,  lib.  47. 

2  Diodor.Sic.  lib.  31.  apud  Photium  in  Biblioth.cod.  244.  p.  1160. 

3  Justin,  lib.  35.  c.  11.     Diodor.  Sic.  Lcgat.  24. 

4  Justin,  ibid.     Polyb.  lib.  3.  p.  161.     Livii,  Epit.  lib.  47.     Appian.  in  Syriacis. 

5  Diodor.  Sic.  in  Excerptis  Valesii,  p.  335.  337.  Polybius,  as  cited  by  Athensus  (lib.  10.  p.  440,)  tells  us, 
"  that  Holophernes,  kin;?  of  Cappadocia,  held  his  kingdom  but  a  short  time,  because  he  neglected  the  lawsof 
his  country,  and  brought  in  the  drunken  songs  and  the  disorderly  intemperance  of  the  Bacchanals. 

6  Strabo,  lib.  13.  p.  624.  He  here  saith,  that  Eumenes  reigned  forty-nine  years;  but  this  is  a  manifest  error 
in  the  copy  from  whence  the  hook  was  printed.  For,  reckoning  the  years  which  are  said  in  the  Roman  history 
to  have  elapsed  from  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Eumenes  to  the  end  of  the  Pergamenian  kingdom,  and 
deducting  from  them  the  years  which  Attains  his  brother,  and  after  him  Attalus  his  son  (in  whose  death  that 
kingdom  ceased,)  reigned,  according  to  Strabo,  in  Pergamus  after  him,  there  will  remain  6nly  thirty-nine 
years  for  the  reign  of  Eumenes;  in  the  beginning  of  the  last  of  which  he  died,  having  reigned  full  thirty- 
eight  years,  and  entered  only  on  the  beginning  of  the  thirty-ninth. 

7  Strabo,  ibid.     Plutarch,  in  libro,  :ripi  *ia.«J:\*i.-«,. 

Vol.  n.— 22 


170  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

An.  158.  Jonathan  3.] — Jonathan  having  had  two  years'  quiet,  and  thereby 
brought  his  afFairs  to  some  settlement  in  Judea,  the  adverse  faction,'  being  here- 
by excited  with  envy  against  him,  sent  to  the  Syrian  court  at  Antioch,  and 
there  procured  that  Bacchides  was  again  ordered  into  that  land  with  a  great 
army.  The  authors  of  this  mischief  proposed  to  seize  Jonathan,  and  all  those 
of  his  party,  in  one  and  the  same  night,  throughout  the  land,  as  soon  as  the 
army  should  arrive  to  back  them  in  the  enterprise;  and  aU  things  were  accord- 
ingly laid  in  order  to  it.  And  therefore  Bacchides,  on  his  entering  the  borders 
of  Judea,  sent  them  letters  to  appoint  the  time  for  the  executing  of  the  plot  in 
the  manner  as  had  been  concerted  between  them.  But,  the  design  being  dis- 
covered, Jonathan  got  his  forces  together,  seized  fifty  of  the  conspirators,'*  and, 
having  put  them  to  death,  thereby  quelled  all  the  rest;  and  so  the  whole  mis- 
chief that  was  intended  against  him,  was  totally  quashed  and  defeated.  But, 
not  being  strong  enough  to  stand  against  so  great  a  force  as  Bacchides  brought 
against  him,  he  retired  to  Bethbasi,^  a  place  strongly  situated  in  the  wilderness, 
and,  having  well  repaired  its  former  fortifications,  and  furnished  it  with  all  things 
necessary,  he  there  proposed  to  make  defence  against  the  enemy.  Whereon 
Bacchides  mai'ched  thither  with  all  his  army  to  besiege  him,  and  called  thither 
to  him  aU  the  Jews  that  were  in  the  Syrian  interest  to  assist  him  herein.  On 
his  approach,  Jonathan  left  Simon  his  brother  with  one  part  of  his  tbrces  to  de- 
fend the  place,  and  he  with  the  other  part  took  the  field  to  harass  the  adversary 
abroad;  and  accordingly  he  did  cut  off  several  of  their  parties  as  they  went  out 
to  forage,  smote  and  destroyed  others  that  adhered  to  them,  and  sometimes  made 
impressions  upon  the  outskirts  of  those  tliat  lay  at  the  siege,  to  the  disturbing 
and  disordering  of  the  whole  army.  And  at  the  same  time  Simon  as  valiantly  did 
his  part  in  Bethbasi,  strenuously  defending  himself  therein,  making  frequent 
sallies,  and  burning  the  engines  of  war  provided  against  the  place.  By  which 
success  of  the  two  brothers,''  Bacchides,  being  made  weary  of  the  war,  grew 
very  angry  with  those  who  had  been  the  authors  of  bringing  him  into  it;  and, 
having  put  several  of  them  to  death,  purposed  to  raise  the  siege,  and  depart  the 
country;  of  which  Jonathan  having  notice,  took  hold  of  the  opportunity  to  send 
messages  to  him  for  an  accommodation;  which  Bacchides  gladly  receiving, 
made  peace  with  Jonathan  and  his  party;  and  all  prisoners  being  thereon  re- 
stored on  both  sides,  Bacchides  swore  that  he  would  never  more  do  any  harm 
to  the  Jews,  as  long  as  he  should  live;  which  he  accordingly  made  good:  for  as 
soon  as  the  peace  was  ratified  and  executed  on  both  sides,  he  departed,  and 
never  afterward  came  any  more  into  that  country.  Whereon  Jonathan  settled 
in  peace  at  Michmash,  a  town  lying  to  the  north  of  Jerusalem,*  at  the  distance 
of  nine  miles  from  it,  and  there  governed  Israel  according  to  the  law,  cut  off  all 
that  apostatized  from  it,  and  restored  again  justice  and  righteousness  in  the  land, 
and  reformed,  as  far  as  he  could,  all  that  was  amiss  either  in  church  or  state. 

An.  157.  Jonathan  4.] — Ariarathes  being  driven  out  of  his  kingdom  of  Cap- 
padocia  by  Demetrius  and  Holophernes,  in  the  manner  as  hath  been  above  re- 
lated,® came  to  Rome  for  relief.  And  thither  also  came  ambassadors  from  De- 
metrius and  Holophernes,  to  justify  what  they  had  done  against  him:  who  being 
able  speakers,  and  making  their  appearance  with  great  splendour  and  show  of 
riches,  as  coming  from  princes  in  possession  of  their  kingdoms,  easily  overbore, 
by  the  power  of  their  oratory,  and  the  power  of  their  interest,  a  poor  exiled 
prince,  who  had  no  one  else  to  speak  for  him,  or  any  other  interest  to  support 
him  in  his  cause,  save  only  the  justness  of  it;  and  therefore  they  obtained  the 
determination  of  the  senate  on  their  side  against  him.  However,  seeing  Aria- 
rathes had  been  formerly  declared,''  and  often  owned  as  a  friend  and  ally  of  the 

1  IMaccab.  \x.  58 — Gl.     Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  1. 

2  Josephus  relates  the  matter,  as  if  Bacchides  had  put  these  fifty  men  to  death  out  of  anger  for  the  disap- 
pointment; but,  according  to  the  first  book  of  Maccabees,  it  can  be  understood  no  otherwise  than  as  I  have 
here  related  it. 

3  1  Maccab.  ix.  02—68,  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  1.  4  Ibid.  69— 73.  Ibid.  c.  1,  2. 
5  Eusebiuset  Hieronymus.  6  Polyb.  Legal.  126.  p. 958. 
7  Appian.  in  Syriacis.    Zonaras  ex  Dione.    Livii,  Epit.  lib.  47. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  171 

Momans,  they  would  not  wholly  dispossess  him,  but  ordered  him  and  Holo- 
phernes  to  reign  together.  But  this  partnership  did  not  last  long:  for  Holo- 
phernes  having,  by  his  many  maleadministrations,  utterly  alienated  the  affec- 
tions of  the  Cappadocians  from  him,  they  were  all  ready  to  declare  against  him 
for  Ariarathes  on  the  first  occasion  that  should  offer.  Of  which  Attains,  king 
of  Pergamus,  being  fully  informed,'  sent  Ariarathes  such  assistance  as  enabled* 
him  to  drive  Holophernes  out  of  the  country,  and  again  reinstate  himself  in  the 
possession  of  the  whole  kingdom.  Hereon  Holophernes  retreated  to  Antioch, 
carrying  thither  with  him  a  treasure  sufficient  to  support  him.  For,  before  this 
turn  of  his  affairs,  suspecting  that  which  happened,  he  got  together  a  great  sum 
of  money, ^  to  the  value  of  four  hundred  talents  of  silver,  and  deposited  it  with 
the  Prienians,^  among  whom  he  had  been  bred,  as  a  reserve  for  all  events.  This 
money,  Ariarathes,  after  the  recovery  of  his  kingdom,  demanded  of  the  Prieni- 
ans,  as  that  which  of  right  belonged  to  him,  because  raised  out  of  the  revenues 
of  his  crown.  But  the  Prienians  being  of  old  famous  for  their  justice,  resolved 
to  make  good  that  character  on  this  occasion;  and  therefore  would  not  be  in- 
■duced  by  any  solicitations  or  threats  to  pay  him  the  money;  but,  though  they 
suffered  much,  both  from  Attalus  as  well  as  from  Ariarathes,  for  the  refusal, 
continued  true  to  their  trust,  and  restored  the  whole  sum  to  Holophernes;  and 
with  this  money  he  might  have  lived  in  plenty  and  ease  at  Antioch,  could  any 
thing  less  than  reigning  there  have  contented  him. 

An.  156.  Jonathan  5.]— Ptolemy  Physcon,  king  of  Libya  and  Cyrene,  having, 
by  his  ill  and  cruel  management  of  the  government,  and  his  very  wicked  and 
vicious  conduct,  justly  incurred  the  general  dislike  and  odium  of  his  subjects;  it 
happened  that  some  of  them,"*  lying  in  wait  for  him,  fell  upon  him,  and  wounded 
him  in  several  places,  thinking  to  have  slain  him.  This  he  charged  upon  King 
Philometor  his  brother;  and,  as  soon  as  he  was  recovered,  he  went  again  to 
Rome  with  his  complaint  against  him,  showing  the  senate  the  scars  of  his 
wounds,  and  accusing  him  of  having  employed  the  assassins  from  whom  he  re- 
ceived them.  And,  although  King  Philometor  was  a  person  of  so  great  benignity 
and  good  nature,^  that  of  all  men  living  he  was  the  most  unlikely  ever  to  have 
given  the  least  countenance  to  such  a  fact,  yet  the  senate,  by  reason  of  the  dis- 
gust which  they  had  conceived  against  him  for  his  not  submitting  to  their  decree 
about  Cyprus,  yielded  so  easy  an  ear  to  this  false  accusation,  that,  taking  it  all 
to  be  true,  they  wotild  not  so  much  as  hear  what  the  ambassadors  of  Philometor 
had  to  say  on  the  other  side,  for  the  refutation  of  this  charge;  but  ordered  them 
forthwith  to  be  gone  from  Rome,  and  then  sent  five  ambassadors  to  conduct 
Physcon  to  Cyprus,  and  put  him  in  possession  of  that  island,  and  wrote  letters 
to  all  their  allies  in  those  parts,  to  furnish  him  with  forces  for  this  purpose. 

An.  155.  Jonathan  6.] — By  which  means  Physcon,  having  gotten  together  an 
army  which  he  thought  sufficient  for  the  compassing  of  his  design,  landed  with 
them  on  the  island  for  the  possessing  of  himself  of  it;  but,  being  there  encountered 
by  Philometor, •*  he  was  vanquished  in  battle,  and  forced  into  Lapitho,  a  city  in  that 
island;  where  being  pursued,  shut  up,  and  besieged,  he  was  at  length  taken  pri- 
soner in  the  place,  and  delivered  into  the  hands  of  Philometor,  who,  out  of  his 
great  clemency,  dealt  much  better  with  him  than  he  deserved.  For  although 
his  demerits  were  such  as  might  justly  have  provoked  from  him  the  utmost  se- 
verities, yet  he  remitted  all;  and  not  only  pardoned  him,  when  his  offences 
against  him  were  such  as  every  body  else  wt>uld  have  judged  unpardonable,  but 
also  restored  to  him  Libya  and  Cyrene,  and  added  some  other  territories  to  them, 

1  Polyb.  in  Excerptis  Valesii,  p.  169.    Zonarasex  Dione.  2  Ibid.  p.  171—173. 

3  Priene  was  a  city  of  Ionia,  situated  on  the  north  side  of  the  River  Mceander,  over  agaiTist  Myus.  It  was 
the  city  of  Bias  the  "philosopher,  and  from  the  justice  there  practised  in  his  time,  Justitia  Priencnsis  became 
a  proverb.    Strabo,  lib.  14.  p.  636.  4  Polyb.  Legal.  132.  p.  961. 

5  Polyb.  in  Excerptis  Valesii,  p.  197,  gives  this  character  of  him, — "  That  he  was  a  prince  of  so  much  cle- 
mency and  benignity,  that  he  did  never  put  to  death  any  of  his  nobles,  or  so  much  as  any  one  citizen  of  Alex- 
andria, during  all  his  reign."  And  althouch  his  brother  had  many  times  provnl<ed  him  by  offences,  in  the 
highest  degree  deserving  of  death,  yet  he  always  pardoned  him,  and  treated  him  at  no  time  otherwise  than 
With  the  affection  of  a  kind  brother. 

6  Polyb.  in  Excerptis  Valesii,  p.  197.    Diodor.  Sic.  in  Excerptis  Valesii,  p.  334—337. 


172  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

to  compensate  for  his  detaining  Cyprus  from  him;  and  hereby  the  war  between 
the  two  brothers  was  wholly  ended,  and  never  after  again  revived;  the  Romans 
being  ashamed,  it  seems,  any  more  to  oppose  themselves  against  so  generous  a 
clemency:  for  there  is  no  more  mention  from  this  time  of  their  any  farther  in- 
terposal in  this  matter. 

Philoraetor,  having  thus  finished  the  Cyprian  war  against  his  brother,  left  the 
command  of  that  island,  on  his  return  to  Alexandria,  to  Archias,  one  of  the 
chief  of  his  confidants.  But  he  was  deceived  in  the  man:  for  he  had  not  been 
long  in  this  trust,  ere  he  agreed  with  Demetrius,'  king  of  Syria,  for  five  hundred 
talents,  to  betray  the  island  to  him.  But  discovery  being  made  hereof,  he 
hanged  himself,  to  avoid  the  punishment  which  that  treachery  deserved.  He 
had  formerly  with  great  fidelity  adhered  to  his  master,  when  he  was  driven  out 
of  his  kingdom,  and  accompanied  him  to  Rome,''  when  he  went  thither  for  help 
in  his  distress.  But  though  his  fidehty  was  of  proof  in  that  case,  it  was  not  so 
in  this  other:  for,  being  a  greedy  man,  he  could  not  hold  out  against  money;  and 
therefore  sold  himself  for  the  sum  I  have  mentioned,  and  perished  in  the  bargain. 

An.  154.  Jonathan  7.] — Demetrius,  giving  himself  wholly  up  to  luxury  and 
ease,  lived  at  this  time  a  very  odd  and  slothful  life.  For,  having  built  him  a 
castle  near  Antioch,^  and  strongly  fortified  it  with  four  towers,  he  there  shut 
himself  up,  and,  casting  off  all  care  of  the  public,  devoted  himself  wholly  to  his 
ease  and  his  pleasures;  the  chief  of  which  last  was  drinking,  which  he  indulged 
to  that  excess,  that  he  was  usually  drunk  for  the  major  part  of  every  day  that  he 
there  lived.^  Whereby  it  came  to  pass,  that  no  petitions  being  admitted,  no 
grievances  redressed,  nor  any  justice  duly  administered,  the  whole  business  of 
the  government  was  at  a  stand;  which  justly  giving  disgust  to  all  his  subjects, 
they  entered  into  a  conspiracy  for  the  deposing  of  him.  And  Holophernes,  then 
living  at  Antioch,  joined  with  them  in  it  against  his  benefactor,*  hoping,  on  the 
success  thereof,  to  ascend  his  throne,  and  there  reign  in  his  stead.  Of  which 
discovery  being  made,  Holophernes  was  thereon  clapped  up  in  prison.  For 
Demetrius  thought  fit  not  to  put  him  to  death,  that  he  might  still  have  him  in 
reserve  to  let  loose  upon  Ariarathes,  as  future  occasions  should  require.  How- 
ever, notwithstanding  this  detection,  the  conspiracy  still  went  on.  For  Ptolemy, 
being  disgusted  by  Demetrius's  late  attempt  upon  Cyprus,  and  Attains  and 
Ariarathes  being  alike  provoked  by  the  wars  which  he  had  made  upon  them  on 
the  behalf  of  Holophernes,  they  all  three  joined  together  for  the  encouraging  of 
the  conspirators  against  him,  and  employed  Heraclides  to  suborn  one  to  take  on 
him  the  pretence  of  being  son  to  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  and  under  that  title  to 
claim  the  crown  of  Syria.  This  Heraclides  was,  as  I  have  before  related,'  a 
great  favourite  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  and  his  treasurer  in  the  province  of 
Babylon,  while  Timarchus  his  brother,  another  like  favourite  of  that  king's,  was 
governor  of  it.  But,  on  the  coming  of  Demetrius  to  the  crown,  these  two  bro- 
thers being  found  to  have  been  guilty  of  great  misdemeanours,  Timarchus  was 
put  to  death;  but  Heraclides,  makmg  his  escape  out  of  the  kingdom,  took  up  his 
residence  at  Rhodes;  where,  being  put  on  work  to  form  this  plot,^  and  having 
accordingly  found  out,  in  that  place,  a  youth  of  very  mean  and  obscure  condi- 
tion, called  Balas,  that  was  every  way  fit  for  the  purpose,  he  dressed  him  up, 
and  throughly  instructed  him  for  the  acting  of  his  part  in  it. 

An.  153.  Jonathan  8.] — And  when  he  had  thus  exactly  formed  him  for  the 
imposture,  he  first  procured  him  to  be  owned  by  the  three  kings  above  men- 
tioned, and  then  carried  him  to  Rome, ^taking  along  with  him  Laodice,  who  was 
truly  the  daughter  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  thereby  to  give  the  better  colour  to 
the  fraud;  and,  on  his  arrival  thitlier,  by  his  craft  and  sedulous  solicitation,  gained 

1  Polyb.  in  Excerptis  Valesii,  p.  170.  2  Diodor.  Sic.  in  Excerptis  Valesii,  p.  322. 

3  Jo-spph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  3.  4  Athen.  lib.  10.  p.  440.  5  Justin,  lib.  35.  c.  1. 

6  Part  2.  book  3,  under  the  year  175,  and  booli  4,  under  the  year  102. 

7  That  Balas  was  of  Rhodes,  is  said  by  Sulpitius  Severns,  lib.  2.  c.  22.  That  he  was  an  impostor,  is  said  by 
all.  Vide  Livii  epitoraen,  lib.  52.  Appian.  in  Syriacis.  Athenaeum,  lib.  5.  p.  211.  Polyb.  Legat.  140.  p.  968. 
<et  Justin,  lib.  35.  c.  1.  8  Polyb.  Legat.  138.  p.  966. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  173 

him  to  be  owned  there  also;  and  procured  from  the  senate  a  decree  in  his  be- 
half,' not  only  to  permit  him  to  return  into  Syria,  for  the  recovery  of  that  king- 
dom, but  likewise  to  have  their  assistance  in  order  to  it.  For  the  senators, 
though  they  plainly  enough  discerned  all  to  be  fiction  and  imposture  that  was 
alleged  on  the  behalf  of  Balas,  yet,  out  of  disgust  to  Demetrius,  they  struck  in 
with  it,  and  made  this  decree  in  favour  of  the  impostor;  by  virtue  whereof  he 
raised  forces,  and  with  them  sailing  to  Ptolemais  in  Palestine,"^  seized  that  city; 
and  there,  by  the  name  of  Alexander,  the  son  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  took 
upon  him  to  be  king  of  Syria;  and  great  numbers,  out  of  their  disaffection  to 
Demetrius,  flocked  thither  to  him. 

This  brought  Demetrius  out  of  his  castle,  to  provide  for  his  defence;  in  order 
whereto,^  he  ffot  all  the  forces  tog-ether  that  he  could,  and  Alexander  armed  as 
fast  on  his  part:  and  the  assistance  of  Jonathan  being  like  to  carry  great  weight 
with  it  to  that  side  he  should  declare  for,  both  courted  his  friendship.  And  first,'' 
a  letter  was  wrote  to  him  from  Demetrius,  constituting  him  the  king's  general  in 
Judea,  and  authorizing  him  to  raise  forces,  and  provide  them  with  ai-ms  to  come 
to  his  assistance;  and  commandino;  that  the  hostages,  which  were  in  the  for- 
tress  at  Jerusalem,  should  be  delivered  to  him.  Jonathan,  on  the  receiving  of 
this  letter,  went  up  to  Jerusalem,  and  caused  it  there  to  be  read  in  the  hearing 
of  those  in  the  fortress,  and  then,  by  virtue  of  it,  demanded  the  hostages;  which 
they  accordingly  delivered  to  him.  For,  finding  him  invested  with  such  authority 
from  the  king,  they  were  afraid,  and  durst  not  withstand  him  in  this  matter.  And 
therefore  all  the  hostages  which  Bacchides  had  taken  of  the  Jews,  and  shut  up 
in  that  fortress  for  the  securing  of  the  fidelity  of  their  fathers  and  friends  to  the 
Syrian  interest,  being  restored  to  those  from  whom  they  were  taken,  and  the 
restraint  put  upon  them  hereby  again  removed,  great  numbers  flocked  to  Jona- 
than, for  the  strengthening  of  him,  whereby  he  grew  to  such  power,  that  those 
forces  which  Bacchides  had  placed  in  garrisons  all  over  the  country,"  finding 
themselves  not  strong  enough  to  hold  out  against  him,  left  their  fortresses  and 
fled  away;  only  Bethsura  and  the  fortress  at  Jerusalem  still  held  out.  For  the 
garrison  soldiers,  in  both  these  two  places,  being  most  of  them  apostate  Jews, 
they  had  no  where  else  to  fly  to:  and  therefore,  in  this  desperate  case,  had  no- 
thing else  to  depend  upon,  but,  by  standing  out,  to  defend  themselves  to  the  ut- 
most. Hereon  Jonathan,  settling  at  Jerusalem,  began  to  repair  the  city,  and  new 
fortify  it  on  every  side,  and  caused  the  wall  round  the  mountain  of  the  temple, 
which  had  been  pulled  down  by  Antiochus  Eupator,  to  be  again  rebuilt. 

Alexander,  hearing  what  Demetrius  had  done  to  gain  Jonathan  on  his  side,® 
sent  also  his  proposals  to  him;  whereby  he  granted  to  him  that  he  should  be 
high-priest  of  the  Jews,  and  be  called  the  king's  friend;^  and  he  sent  him  a  pur- 
ple robe,^  and  a  crown  of  gold,  as  ensigns  of  the  great  dignity  which  he  thereby 
invested  him  with  (none  but  princes  and  nobles  of  the  first  rank  being  allowed 
in  those  days  to  be  clothed  in  purple.)  Of  which  Demetrius  having  received 
notice,"  resolved  to  outbid  Alexander,  for  the  gaining  of  so  valuable  an  ally; 
and  therefore  sent  a  second  message  to  Jonathan,  offering  all  that  Alexander 
did,  with  the  addition  of  many  other  extraordinary  grants  and  privileges,  both 
to  him  and  all  his  people,  in  case  he  would  declare  for  him,  and  come  to  his 
assistance.  But,  it  being  remembered  how  bitter  an  enemy  he  had  been  to  all 
that  adhered  to  the  true  Jewish  interest,  and  how  much  ruin  and  oppression  he 
had  brought  upon  that  whole  nation,  they  durst  not  confide  in  him;  but  looking 
on  all  his  offers  to  be  only  such  as  were  extorted  from  him  by  the  necessity  of 
his  affairs,  and  which  he  would  all  immediately  contravene  and  revoke  when- 

1  Polyb.  Legal.  140.  p.9C3.  2  1  Maccab.  x.  1.     Jnspph.  Antiq.  lib,  13.  c.  3.  3  1  Maccab.  x.  2. 

4  Ibid.  3—9.     Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  4.  5  1  Maccab.  x.  10 — 14.     Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  4. 

6  Ibid.  15-20.     Ibid.  c.  5. 

7  Those  th.it  were  the  nobles  under  the  Macedonian  kings  were  called  the  king's  friends,  in  like  manner  as 
with  us  all  that  are  of  the  nobility  are  called  the  king's  cousins. 

8  To  wear  a  purple  robe  among  the  Macedonians,  was  a  mark  of  high  nobility;  and  it  was  also  the  same 
among  other  nations:  hence pwr;)«ra/i  signifies  such  as  are  noble. 

9  1  Maccab,  1.21—47.     Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  5. 


174  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OP 

ever  his  fortunes  should  be  again  restored,  they  resolved  rather  to  enter  into  a 
league  with  Alexander.  And  therefore  Jonathan,'  accepting  of  his  grant  of  the 
high-priests's  office,  and  having  also  for  it  the  consent  of  all  the  people,  did  on 
the  feast  of  tabernacles,  which  soon  after  ensued,  put  on  the  pontifical  robe,  and 
then  officiated  as  high-priest,  after  that  office,  from  the  death  of  Alcimus,  had 
been  now  vacant  seven  years.  And  from  this  time  the  office  of  high-priest  of 
the  Jews  became  settled  in  the  family  of  the  Asmonseans,  and  continued  in  it 
for  several  descents,  till  the  time  of  Herod,''  wno  changed  it  from  an  office  of 
an  inheritance  to  that  of  arbitrar}""  will  and  pleasure:  for,  from  that  time,  those 
that  were  in  power  did  put  in  and  put  out  the  high-priests  as  they  thought  fit, 
till  at  length  the  office  was  extinguished  in  the  destruction  of  the  temple  by  the 
Romans.  From  the  time  of  the  return  from  the  Babylonish  captivity,  the  office 
of  high-priest  of  the  Jews  had  been  in  the  family  of  Jozadack,  and  was  trans- 
mitted down  in  it,  by  lineal  descent,  to  Onias,  the  third  of  the  name  that  was 
in  that  office;  who  being  outed  of  it  by  the  fraud  of  Jason  his  brother,  and  he 
again  by  the  like  fraud  of  Menelaus,  another  of  those  brothers,  Alcimus  was 
next,  -after  the  death  of  Menelaus,  put  into  this  office  by  the  command  of  the 
king  of  Syria.  Josephus  tells  us,  that  he  was  not  of  the  pontifical  family,  by 
which  he  means  no  more  than  that  he  was  not  of  the  descendants  of  Josadack, 
though  of  the  family  of  Aaron.  For  that  he  is  said  to  hef  and  that  was  enough 
to  qualify  him  for  the  office,  every  descendant  of  Aaron  being  equally  capable 
of  it.  Whether  the  Asmonseans  were  of  that  race  of  Josadack  or  not,  is  not 
any  where  said.  Only  this  is  certain,  that  they  were  of  the  course  of  Joarib,* 
which  was  the  first  class  of  the  sons  of  Aaron.^  And  therefore,  on  the  failure 
of  the  former  pontifical  family  (which  had  then  happened  on  the  flight  of  Onias, 
the  son  of  Onias,  into  Egypt,)  they  had  the  best  right  next  to  succeed.  And 
with  this  right  Jonathan  took  the  office,  when  nominated  to  it  by  the  king  then 
reigning  in  Syria,  and  also  elected  thereto  by  the  general  suffrage  of  all  the 
people  of  the  land. 

^n.  152.  Jonathan  9.] — Both  kings  having  with  their  armies  taken  the  field, 
Demetrius,  who  wanted  neither  courage  nor  understanding  when  out  of  his 
drunken  fits,  in  the  first  battle  had  the  victory;®  but  he  gained  no  advantage  by 
it:  for  Alexander,  being  speedily  recruited  by  the  three  kings  that  first  set  him 
up,"  and  strongly  supported  by  them,  and  having  also  the  Romans  and  Jona- 
than on  his  side,  was  enabled  thereby  still  to  maintain  his  cause.  And  the 
Syrians  continued,  out  of  the  aversion  they  had  to  Demetrius,  still  to  make  de- 
sertions from  him.  Whereon  Demetrius,  fearing  where  all  this  might  end,**  sent 
his  two  sons,  Demetrius  and  Antiochus  (who  both  afterward  reigned  in  Syria,) 
to  Cnidus,  and  there  committed  them,  with  a  great  treasure,  to  the  care  of  a 
friend  of  his  which  he  had  in  that  city,  that  so,  in  case  the  worst  should  happen 
to  him  in  this  war,  they  might  there  be  secured  out  of  the  reach  of  any  fatal 
stroke  from  it;  and  be  reserved  for  such  future  turn  of  affairs  as  fortune  should 
afterward  offer  in  their  favour. 

An.  151.  Jonathan  10.] — About  this  time  there  appeared  another  impostor, 
one  Andriscus  of  Adramyttium  in  Mysia,"  a  young  man  of  as  mean  condition 
in  that  place  as  Alexander  had  been  at  Rhodes;  who,  thinking  to  play  the  same 
game  for  the  kingdom  of  Macedon,  that  the  other  had  for  the  kingdom  of  Sy- 
ria, pretended  to  be  son  to  King  Perseus  who  last  reigned  in  Macedon;  and 
taking  on  him  the  name  of  Philip,  by  virtue  of  this  title  claimed  to  reign  in 
that  country;  but  finding  his  pretence  at  that  time  to  be  but  Httle  regarded 
there,  he  applied  himself  to  Demetrius  at  Antioch;  hoping,  that  since  the  Ro- 
mans had  encouraged  one  imposture  against  him,  he  might  the  easier  be  induced 
to  encourage  another  against  them.  But  Demetrius,  seeing  plainly  through  the 
falseness  of  this  pretence,  caused  him  to  be  seized  and  sent  to  Rome.     This  he 

1  3  Maccab.  x.  21.     Joseph.  Antiq   lib.  13.  c.  5. 

■2  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  r.  M.    Eupeb.  Demonstrationes  Evangelica,  lib.  8.  3  1  Maccab.  vii.  14. 

4  Ibid.  ii.  J.  5  1  Chron.  .\.\iv.  7.  6  Justin,  lib.  35  c.  1.  7  Ibid. 

8  Livii  Epit.  lib.  52.    Juitin.  ibid.  c.  2.  9  Epit.  Livii,  lib,  48,  49. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  175 

did,  either  that  he  thought  thereby  to  ingratiate  himself  with  the  Romans,  or 
else  rather  that  he  would  not  countenance  a  fraud,  which  was  the  same  with 
that  which  he  was  then  suffering  under.  But,  on  this  impostor's  being  deliver- 
ed at  Rome,  the  Romans  despising  and  neglecting  him,'  he  made  his  escape 
thence  into  Macedonia,  where  he  kindled  such  a  war  as  cost  the  Romans  the 
expense  of  a  great  deal  of  time,  and  also  a  great  deal  of  blood  and  treasure 
again  to  quench  it. 

Jin.  150.  Jonathan  11.] — In  the  interim,  the  two  contenders  for  the  crown  of 
Syria,  having  drawn  together  all  their  forces,^  committed  the  determination  of 
their  cause  to  a  decisive  battle.  In  the  first  onset  Demetrius's  left  wing  put  the 
opposite  wing  of  the  enemy  to  flight;  but,  pursuing  them  too  far  (a  fault  in  war 
which  hath  lost  many  victories,  and  yet  is  still  committed,)  by  the  time  they 
came  back,  the  right  wing  in  which  Demetrius  fought  in  person  was  overborne, 
and  he  slain  in  the  rout.  As  long  as  he  could  face  the  enemy,  he  omitted 
nothing  either  of  valour  or  conduct  for  the  obtaining  of  better  success,  but  at 
length,  in  the  retreat,  his  horse  having  plunged  him  into  a  bog,  they  that  pur- 
sued him  there  shot  at  him  with  their  arrows,  till  he  died,  after  having  reigned 
in  Syria  twelve  years. 

Alexander,  by  this  victory,  having  made  himself  master  of  the  whole  Syrian 
empire,^  sent  to  Ptolemy  king  of  Egypt,  to  desire  that  Cleopatra  his  daughter 
might  be  given  him  in  marriage;  which  Ptolemy  consenting  to,  carried  her  to 
Ptolemais,  and  there  married  her  unto  him.  Jonathan  being  invited  to  the  wed- 
ding,* went  thither,  and  was  received  with  great  favour  by  both  kings,  especial- 
ly by  Alexander;  who,  to  do  him  the  greater  honour,  caused  him  to  be  clothed 
in- purple,  and  ordered  him  to  be  enrolled  among  the  chief  of  his  friends,^  and 
to  take  place  near  him  among  the  first  princes  of  his  kingdom.  And  he  con- 
stituted him  also  general  of  his  forces  in  Judea,  and  gave  him  the  office  of  Me- 
ridarches  in  his  palace."  And,  whereas  many  that  maligned  him  came  to  Ptole- 
mais, there  to  prefer  libels  of  accusation  against  him,  Alexander  would  receive 
none  of  them,  but  caused  it  to  be  proclaimed  all  over  the  city,  that  no  one 
should  presume  to  speak  evil  of  him;  whereon  all  his  enemies  fled  from  thence, 
and  Jonathan  returned  with  honour  again  into  Judea. 

An.  149.  Jonathan  12.] — Onias,  the  son  of  Onias,  who,  on  his  being  disap- 
pointed of  the  high-priesthood  on  the  death  of  his  uncle  Menelaus,  fled  into 
Egypt  (as  hath  been  above  related,)  there  so  far  ingratiated  himself  with  King 
Ptolemy  Philometor  and  Cleopatra  his  queen,  that  he  gained  the  chief  of  their 
confidence  in  all  their  affairs:'^  for  he  was  a  great  soldier  and  a  great  politician; 
and  thereby  became  advanced  to  the  highest  post  both  in  the  army  and  in  the 
court;  and  having,  by  the  strength  of  his  interest,  introduced  another  Jew, 
called  Dositheus,  into  the  like  favour,  they  two  had  the  chief  management  of 
the  government,  during  the  latter  end  of  Philometor's  reign.  And  Onias  hav- 
ing this  power  and  interest  with  the  king,  made  use  of  it  at  this  time  to  obtain 
from  him  license  to  build  a  temple  for  the  Jews  in  Egypt,^  like  that  at  Jerusa- 
lem, with  a  grant  from  him  and  his  decendants  to  be  always  high-priests  in  it. 
For  the  obtaining  of  the  king's  consent  hereto,  he  set  forth  to  him,  that  the 
building  of  such  a  temple  for  the  Jews  in  Egypt,  would  be  for  the  interest  of 
his  crown;  that  Jerusalem  being  within  the  territories  of  the  king  of  Syria,  the 

1  Epit.  Livii,  lib.  49,  50.    L.  Florus,  lib.  2.  c.  4.    Eutropius,  lib.  4.    Velleius,  Patercul.  lib.  1. 

2  1  Maccab.  x.  48 — 56.  Justin,  lib.  35.  c.  1.  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  5.  Appian.  in  Syriacis.  Polyb.  lib. 
3.  p.  161. 

3  1  Maccab.  x.  51—58.    Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  7.  4  1  Maccab.  x.  59—66. 

5  Of  the  nobles  of  his  kingdom:  for,  under  the  Macedonians,  the  nobles  had  the  style  of  the  king's  friends. 

6  Chief  sewer,  which  is  an  office  one  of  the  electors  bear  in  the  German  empire.  Grotius  thus  e.xplains 
the  word  in  his  Comment  on  the  Maccabees,  1  Maccab.  x.  65.  xi.  27.  3  Maccab.  p.  790.  But,  in  his  Comment 
on  Matthew  xix.  28,  he  expounds  it  rather  to  denote  the  governor  of  a  tribe  or  province;  and,  if  it  be  so. 
taken  here,  and  be  understood  to  mean,  that  Jonathan  was  rather  made  governor  of  some  part  of  the  Syrian 
empire,  than  governor  and  orderer  of  the  parts  and  dishes  of  the  feast  at  the  royal  table,  perchance  this  in- 
terpretation may  reach  the  truth  nearer  than  the  other. 

7  Josephus  contra  Apionem,  lib.  2. 

8  Joseph.  Antiq.  Ub.  13.  c.  6.  et  lib.  20.  c.  8.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  7.  c.  30. 


176  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

going  of  the  Egyptian  Jews  thither  annually  to  worship  might  give  occasion 
for  the  seducing  of  them  to  the  Syrian  interest,  that  therefore  it  ought  to  be  pre- 
vented;  and  that  the  building  for  them  a  temple  in  Egypt  would  not  only  most 
effectually  do  this,  but  also  draw  many  other  Jews  thither  from  Judea,  and 
other  parts,  for  the  better  peopling  and  strengthening  of  his  kingdom.     But  his 
greatest  difficulty  was  to  reconcile  the  Jews  to  this  new  invention,  their  con- 
stant notion  having  hitherto  been,  that  Jerusalem  only  was  the  place  which  God 
had  chosen  for  his  worship,  and  that  it  was  sin  to  sacrifice  to  him  upon  any  altar 
elsewhere.     To  satisfy  them  as  to  this,  he  produced  to  them  the  prophecy  of 
Isaiah,  where  it  is  said,  "In  that  day  shall  five  cities  in  the  land  of  Egypt  speak 
the  language  of  Canaan,  and  swear  to  the  Lord  of  hosts:  one  shall  be  called  the 
city  of  destruction.     In  that  day  shall  there  be  an   altar  to  the  Lord,  in  the 
midst  of  the  land  of  Egypt,  and  a  pillar  at  the  border  thereof  to  the  Lord.'" 
And,  having  intei-preted  this  place  of  holy  scripture  (which  was  truly  meant 
only  of  the  future  state  of  the  gospel  in  that  country,)  as  if  it  respected  the 
then  present  times,  he  prevailed  with  all  of  his  nation  in  Egypt  to  understand 
it  so  too,  and  thus  served  his  purpose  by  it.    And  therefore,  having  thus  gained 
the  king,  and   also  the  Jews  that  were  in  Egypt,  to  approve  of  his  project,  he 
immediately  set  about  the  building.^     The  place  which  he  chose  for  it  was  a 
plot  of  ground  within  the  nomos  or  prefecture  of  Heliopolis,  at  the  distance  of 
twenty-four  miles  from  Memphis,  where  had  formerly  stood  an  old  temple  of 
Bubastis  (which  Avas  another  name  of  Isis,  the  great  goddess  of  the  Egyptians,) 
but  it  was  then  wholly  neglected  and  demolished;  and  therefore,  having  rid  the 
ground  of  its  ruins  and  rubbish,  he  there  built  upon  the  same  spot  his  new 
Jewish  temple.     He  made  it  exactly  according  to  the  pattern  of  that  at  Jeru- 
salem, thouo-h  not  altogether  so  high  nor  so  sumptuous;  and  there  he  placed  an 
altar  for  burnt-offerings,  an  altar  of  incense,  a  shew-bread  table,  and  all  other 
instruments  and  utensils  necessary  for  the  Jewish  service  in  the  same  manner 
as  in  the  temple  at  Jerusalem,  save  only,  that  he  had  not  there  a  golden  can- 
dlestick of  seven  branches  in  the  holy  place,  as  was  in  that  other  temple,  but^ 
instead  of  it,  had  one  great  lamp  hung  there  in  its  place  by  a  golden  chain  from- 
the  roof  of  the  house.     It  is  the  opinion  of  a  very  learned  man,^  that  he  was 
led  to  the  choice  of  the  prefecture  of  Heliopolis,  for  the  erecting  of  his  temple 
in  it,  by  the  same  prophecy  of  Isaiah  above  recited,  as  then  reading  in  the 
Hebrew  text,  the  word  hacheres  for  the  word  haheres;  as  if,  instead  of  air  haheres 
yeamer  lecechrdh,  i.  e.  "one  shall  be  called  the  city  of  destruction,"  as  in  our 
Eno-lish  translation,  the  reading  then  was  air  Imcheres  yeamer  lea^chath,  i.  e.  "one 
shall  be  called  the  city  of  the  sun,"  i.  e.  Heliopolis,  for  that  name  in  Greek  sig- 
nifieth  the  city  of  the  sun.*     And  so  much  must  be  said  for  this  conceit,  that, 
in  the  Hebrew  alphabet,  the  letter  Ch  and  the  letter  H  are  so  much  alike,  that 
they  may  by  transcribers  very  easily  be  mistaken  the  one  for  the  other,  and 
thereby  a  various  reading  be  made  in  that  place.    And  it  is  certain,  that,  in  the 
time  of  Jonathan  Ben  Uzziel,  the  Chaldee  paraphraser  of  the  prophets,  who 
lived  not  much  above  one  hundred  years  after  the  erecting  of  this  temple,  there 
was  a  doubt  whether  cheres  or  heres  was  the  true  reading  in  that  place,  though 
there  be  no  keri  cetib  at  it;  and  therefore,  in  paraphrasing  of  that  text,  he  took 
both  in,  and  renders  the  place,  "  the  city  of  the  temple  of  the  sun,  which  is  ta 
be  destroyed,  shall    be  said  to  be  one  of  them."     For  which   interpretation 
no  other    reason  can    be  given,  but    that  it  being  then    uncertain  which  of 
the    two  readings  was    the  true    one,  he    solved    the   difficulty  by  taking  in 
both.     But  the  true    reason  why  Onias  built    his  temple  in    this  place  was, 
he  had  the  government  of  this  nomos  or  prefecture  under  the  king,  and  had 
there  given  unto  him  a  large  territory,  whereon  he  built  a  city,  which  from 

I  Isaiah  xix.  18,  19.  2  Jospphus,  ibid. 

3  Josephiis  Sralieer  Animadversionibiis  ad  Chronologica  Eusebii,  tub  No.  1856.  p.  144. 

4  This  last  reading  Jerome  follows:  for  he  renders  the  place,  "civitas  solis  vocabitur  una,"  t.  e.  one  of 
them  shall  be  called  the  city  of  the  sun. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  177 

his  name  he  called  Onion,'  and  planted  all  that  territory  with  Jews;  and 
therefore  he  could  not  find  a  place  more  to  the  advantage  and  convenience 
either  of  himself  or  his  people  any  where  else  for  it.  And,  after  he  had 
thus  built  his  temple,  he  surrounded  the  area  within  which  it  stood  with  a 
high  brick  wall,  and  placed  priests  and  Levites  to  officiate  in  it;  and  from 
that  time  the  divine  service  Avas  therein  daily  carried  on  in  the  same  man- 
ner and  order  as  in  the  temple  at  Jerusalem,  till,  at  length,  after  the  de- 
struction of  Jerusalem  and  its  temple,  this  temple  also  was  first  shut  up,* 
and  afterward  wholly  demolished  and  destroyed,  with  the  city  of  Onion,  in 
which  it  stood,  by  the  command  of  Vespasian,  the  Roman  emperor,  about 
two  hundred  and  twenty-four  years  after  it  had  been  first  built. 

In  favour  of  this  temple  of  Onias,  the  Septuagint  render  the  passage  of  Isaiah, 
above  mentioned,  no/..;  atsJex  xA^JicrsT^,  i,ac.x  ^toa..?,  i.e.  "one  of  the  cities  shall  be 
called  Azedek,"  intimating  thereby,  as  if  the  original  were  neither  air  hahares, 
nor  air  hacheres,  but  air  hazzedek,  i.  e.  "the  city  of  righteousness;"  which  is  a 
plain  corrupting  of  the  text,  to  make  it  speak  for  the  honour  and  approbation  of 
the  temple  of  Onias,  which  was  there  built.  From  whence  these  two  infer- 
ences are  plainly  deducible: — 1st,  That  the  Greek  translation  of  the  Hebrew 
Scriptures,  which  we  call  the  Septuagint,  was  made  by  the  Jews  of  Egypt,  who 
worshipped  God  at  the  temple  of  Onias:  and,  2dly,  That  this  part  of  it  which 
gives  us  the  version  of  Isaiah  (and  the  same  may  be  said  as  to  the  other  pro- 
phets,) was  made  after  that  temple  was  built;  which  agrees  exactly  with  what  I 
have  above  written  of  the  original  of  this  version;  that  is,  1.  That  it  was  first 
made  for  the  use  of  the  Hellenistical  Jews  of  Alexandria.  2.  That  it  was  not 
made  all  at  the  same  time,  but  by  parts,  at  different  times,  as  they  needed  it  for 
the  use  of  their  synagogues.  3.  That  they  needed  it  for  that  use  as  soon  as  there 
was  a  necessity  for  the  reading  of  the  scriptures,  in  the  Greek  language,  in  the 
said  synagogues.  4.  That  this  necessity  began  as  soon  as  the  Greek  became  the 
common  language  of  the  Jews  in  that  place,  and  their  own  was  worn  out  and 
forgot  among  them;  which  happened  about  the  time  of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus, 
king  of  Egypt.  5.  That,  till  the  time  of  the  Maccabees,  the  law  only  having 
been  read  in  their  synagogues,  till  that  time  they  needed  none  other  of  the 
scriptures,  but  the  law  only,  to  have  been  translated  for  this  use;  and  there- 
fore, till  tlien,  no  more  of  them  than  the  law  was  put  into  the  Greek  language. 
6.  That  when  the  Jews  of  Jerusalem,  in  the  time  of  the  Maccabees  (that  is, 
of  the  three  brothers,  Judas,  Jonathan,  and  Simon,  whose  history,  under  the 
name  of  Maccabees,  is  written  in  the  apocryphal  scriptures,)  had  brought  in 
the  prophets  also  to  be  read  in  their  synagogues  on  the  occasion  I  have  above 
mentioned;  and  the  Jews  of  Alexandria,  Egypt,  Libya,  and  Cyrene,  thought  fit 
to  follow  their  example  herein:  this  made  it  necessary  for  them  to  have  the  pro- 
phets translated  into  Greek  for  this  purpose;  which  being  most  certainly  not 
done  till  after  the  time  of  the  Maccabees  (for  sooner  we  cannot  suppose  the 
usage  to  have  been  propagated  from  Jerusalem,  so  far  as  into  Egypt,  and  the 
the  thing  there  settled,)  it  must  from  hence  follow,  that  it  must  not  have  been 
done  till  after  the  building  of  Onias' s  temple  also,  that  having  been  built  in  the 
eleventh  year  of  the  government  of  Jonathan  the  second  of  those  Maccabees,  as 
I  have  here  placed  it. 

About  this  time,  there  arose  a  great  sedition  at  Alexandria  between  the  Jews 
and  the  Samaritans  of  that  city,^  the  former  holding  Jerusalem,  and  the  other 
Mount  Gerazim,  to  be  the  place  where,  according  to  the  law,  God  was  to  be 
worshipped:  they  did  run  their  contentions  about  this  point  so  high,  that  at 
length  they  came  to  open  arms.  Whereon,  for  the  quelling  of  this  disturbance, 

1  When  Antipater  and  Mithridates  were  marching  with  forces  to  the  assistance  of  Julius  Caesar  in  hia 
Alexandrian  war,  Josephus  tells  us  (Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  14,)  that  they  were  opposed  in  their  passage  by  the 
Egyptian  Jews,  who  were  c  -^iv  'Oviou  X!:yaiiivy\v  xwfxv  xxtoixouvtec,  i.  e.  "inhabitants  of  the  region,  called 
the  region  or  territory  of  Onion,"  i.  e.  of  the  city  Onion  built  by  Onias,  and  so  called  by  his  name;  which re» 
gion  or  country,  the  same  Josephus  tells  us,  Onias  planted  all  over  with  Jews. 

2  Joseph,  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  7.  c.  30.  3  Joseph.  Antii).  lib,  13.  c.  6. 

Vol.  II.— 23 


178  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

a  day  was  appointed  for  the  hearing  and  determining  of  the  dispute  before  King 
Ptolemy  and  his  council.  The  point  in  contest  was,  whether,  by  the  law  of 
Moses,  Jerusalem  oi-  Mount  Gerizim  was  the  place  where  God  was  to  be  wor- 
shipped by  Israel;  and  advocates  were  appointed  on  each  side  to  argue  and 
plead  the  cause:  wherein  the  Samaritans  failmg  of  that  proof  which  they  pre- 
tended to,  their  advocates  were  put  to  death  for  making  the  contention;  and  so 
the  whole  disorder  ceased. 

An.  148.  Jo7iathim  13.] — Alexander  Balas,  having  gotten  into  the  possession 
of  the  crown  of  Syria,  by  the  means  I  have  mentioned,  thought  now  that  he 
had  nothing  else  to  do  but  to  glut  himself  in  the  enjoyment  of  all  those  vicious 
pleasures  of  luxury,  idleness,  and  debauchery,  which  the  plenty  and  power  he 
was  then  invested  with  could  afford  him.  And  therefore  giving  himself  wholly 
up  to  them,'  and  spending  most  of  his  time  with  lewd  women,  which  he  had  in 
a  great  number  got  about  him,  he  took  no  care  at  all  of  the  government,  but  left 
it  wholly  to  the  administration  of  a  favourite  of  his,°  called  Ammonius,  who, 
managing  himself  in  it  with  great  insolence,  tyranny,  and  cruelty,  put  to  death 
Queen  Laodice,  sister  of  Demetrius  (who  had  been  wife  to  Perseus  king  of 
MacedoHj)  and  Antigonus  a  son  of  his,  that  had  been  left  behind  when  the  other 
two  were  sent  to  Cnidus,  and  all  others  of  the  royal  family  that  he  could  get 
into  bis  power,  thinking  this  the  best  means  of  securing  to  his  master  the  pos- 
session of  the  crown,  which  by  fraud  and  imposture  he  had  usurped  from  them; 
whereby  he  soon  made  both  Alexander  and  himself  very  odious  to  all  the  peo- 
ple. Of  which  Demetrius,  the  son  of  Demetrius  (who  had  by  his  father  been 
sent  to  Cnidus  in  the  beginning  of  the  late  war,  and  was  now  grown  up  to  years 
of  puberty,)  having  received  notice,  thought  this  a  proper  time  for  him  to  recover 
his  right;  and  therefore,^  having,  by  the  means  of  Lasthenes  his  host,  hired  a 
band  of  Cretans,  landed  with  them  in  Cilicia,  and  there  soon  growing  to  a  great 
army  took  possession  of  all  that  country;  whereby  Alexander  being  roused  up 
from  his  sloth,  was  forced  to  leave  his  seraglio  of  concubines  which  he  had  got 
about  him,  to  look  after  his  affairs;  and  therefore,  havino-  committed  the  govern- 
ment  of  Antioch  to  Hierax,'*  and  Diodotus,  who  was  also  called  Tryphon,*  he 
took  the  field  with  as  many  forces  as  he  could  get  together,''  and,  hearing  that 
ApoUonius,  governor  of  Ccele-Syria  and  Phcenicia  had  declared  for  Demetrius, 
he  called  in  King  Ptolemy,  his  father-in-law,  to  his  assistance. 

But  the  name  of  Appollonius  often  occurring  in  the  history  of  these  times, 
before  we  proceed  farther  herein,  it  is  necessary  to  give  an  account  who  the 
persons  were  that  bore  this  name,  that  so  this  part  of  the  history  may  be  cleared 
from  that  confusion  and  obscurity  which  otherwise  it  must  lie  under.  For, 
ApoUonius  being  a  very  common  name  among  the  Syro-Macedonians  as  well  as 
the  Greeks,  it  was  not  always  the  same  person  whom  we  find  mentioned  by 
this  name  in  the  occurrences  of  those  times.  The  first  that  we  meet  with  of 
this  name  in  the  history  of  the  Maccabees,  is  ApoUonius  the  son  of  Thraseas,'^ 
who  was  governor  of  Ccele-Syria  and  Phcenicia  under  Sisleucus  Philopater, 
when  Heliodorus  came  to  Jerusalem  to  rob  the  temple,  and  afterward,  by  his 
authority  in  that  province,®  supported  Simon,  the  governor  of  the  temple  of  Je- 
rusalem, against  Onias  the  high-priest.  Tlie  same  was  also  chief  minister  of 
state  to  the  said  Kino-  Seleucus.  But,  on  the  coming:  of  his  brother  Antiochus 
Epiphanes  to  the  crown  after  him,  this  ApoUonius  being  some  way  obnoxious  to 
him,  left  Syria,  and  retired  to  Miletus.^  At  the  same  time,  while  he  resided  at 
Miletus,  he  had  a  son  of  the  same  name  at  Rome,'"  there  bred  up  and  residing 
with  Demetrius,  the  son  of  Seleucus  Philopater,  who  was  then  a  hostage  in  that 
place.  This  Appollonius,  being  a  prime  favourite  and  confidant  of  Demetrius's, 
was,  on  his  recovering  the  crown  of  Syria,  made  governor  of  Coele-Syria  and 
Phcenicia,  the  same  government  which  his  father  was  in  under  Seleucus  Philo- 

1  Livii  Epitome,  lib.  50     AthensBus,  lib.  5.    Justin,  lib.  35.  c.  2.  2  Joseph,  lib.  13.  c.  8.    Livius,  ibid. 

3  1  Maccab.  X.  07.     Josepli.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  8.     Justin,  lib.  35.  c.  2. 

4  Diodorus  Siculus  in  Excerptis  Valesii,  p.  346.  5  1  Maccab.  xi.  39.    Joseph.  Anti<i.  lib.  13.  c.  9. 

6  Joseph,  ibid.  c.  8.  7  2  Mac  iii.  5.         8  Ibid.  iv.  4.         9  Polyb.  Legat.  114.  p.  944, 945.         10  Ibid. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  179 

pater.  And  this  I  take  to  be  the  ApoUonius,  who  being  continued  in  the  same 
government  by  Alexander/  now  revolted  from  him  to  embrace  the  interest  of 
Demetrius,  the  son  of  his  old  master.  Another  ApoUonius  is  spoken  of  as  fa- 
vourite and  chief  minister  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes;^  but  he,  being  said  to  be  the 
son  of  Menestheus,  is  sufficiently  distinguished  by  that  character  from  the  other 
two  above  mentioned.  He  went  ambassador,^  from  Antiochus  first  to  Rome,^ 
and  afterward  to  Ptolemy  Philometor  king  of  Egypt/  and  him  I  take  to  be  the 
same  who  in  the  history  of  the  Maccabees  is  said  to  be  over  the  tribute,*  and 
who,  on  Antiochus's  return  from  his  last  expedition  into  Egypt,  was  sent  with 
a  detachment  of  twenty-two  thousand  men  to  destroy  Jerusalem,  and  build  that 
fortress  or  citadel  on  Mount  Acre,  which  held  the  Jews  there  by  the  throat  for 
many  years  after.  Besides  these,  there  are  two  other  Apollonius's  mentioned 
in  the  history  of  the  Maccabees;  the  first,"  who  being  governor  of  Samaria  in 
"the  time  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  was  slain  in  battle  by  Judas  Maccabceus; 
and  the  other  called  the  son  of  Gennseus,''  who  being  governor  of  some  toparchy 
in  Palestine  under  Antiochus  Eupator,  then  signalized  himself  by  being  a  great 
enemy  to  the  Jews. 

Appollonius  having  embraced  the  party  of  Demetrius,  as  I  have  mentioned, 
his  first  attempt  was  to  reduce  Jonathan,  who  held  firm  to  the  interest  of  Alexan- 
der, according  to  the  league  which  he  had  made  with  him.  And  therefore  having 
drawn  together  a  great  army,'^  he  encamped  with  it  at  Jamnia,  and  from  thence 
sent  to  Jonathan  a  proud  braggadocio  message,  to  challenge  him  to  come  to 
battle  with  him;  whereon  Jonathan,  marching  out  of  Jerusalem  with  ten  thou- 
sand men,  took  Joppa,  in  the  sight  of  ApoUonius  and  his  army;  and  after  this, 
joining  battle  with  him,  vanquished  him  in  the  open  field,  and  pursued  his  bro- 
ken forces  to  Azotus,  and,  having  taken  that  town,  set  it  on  fire,  and  burnt  it  to 
the  ground,  with  the  temple  of  Dagon  that  was  in  it,  consuming  all  those  with 
it  that  fled  thither  to  save  themselves;  so  that  there  perished  that  daj^  of  the 
enemy's  force,  what  by  the  sword,  and  what  by  fire,  about  eight  thousand  men. 
After  this,  treating  other  towns  of  the  enemy  in  the  country  round  after  the 
same  manner,  he  returned  to  Jerusalem  with  their  spoils.  Whereon  Alexander,' 
hearing  of  this  victory  gained  in  his  interest,  sent  to  Jonathan  a  buckle  of  gold, 
such  as  used  only  to  be  given  those  to  wear  who  were  of  the  royal  family;  and 
he  gave  him  also  the  city  of  Ecron,  with  the  territory  thereto  belonging,  and  or- 
dered him  to  be  put  in  possession  of  it. 

An.  147.  Jonathan  14.] — About  this  time  flourished  Hipparchus  of  Nicsea  in 
Bithynia,'"  the  most  celebrated  astronomer  of  all  the  ancients.  He  gave  himself 
up  to  this  study  for  thirty-four  years,  making,  through  all  that  time,  continual 
observations  of  the  positions  and  motions  of  the  heavenly  bodies,  which  are 
still  preserved  in  the  works  of  Ptolemy  the  astronomer.  These  observations  he 
began  in  the  year  before  Christ  162,  and  ended  them  Anno  128,  soon  after 
which  year  we  suppose  he  died.  The  Jews  called  him  Abrachus,"  and  his  name 
is  of  great  renown  among  them,  and  that  very  deservedly:  for  Rabbi  Samuel, 
Rabbi  Adda,  and  Rabbi  Hillel,  the  authors  of  that  form  of  the  year  which  they 
now  use,  were  mostly  beholden  to  him  for  the  observations  and  calculations  by 
which  they  made  it. 

An.  146.  Jonathan  15.] — Ptolemy  Philometor,  having  been  called  to  the  as- 
sistance of  his  son-in-law,  Alexander  king  of  Syria,'^  marched  into  Palestine 
with  a  great  army  for  this  purpose;  and  all  the  cities,  as  he  passed,  opening 
their  gates  to  him,  as  being  ordered  by  Alexander  so  to  do,  he  left  of  his  sol- 
diers in  each  of  them  to  strengthen  their  garrisons.  At  Joppa  Jonathan  met 
him,"  and  although  many  complaints  were  made  against  him  about  the  devasta- 
tions made  by  him  in  those  parts,  after  his  late  victory  over  ApoUonius,  yet  he 

1  IMaccab.  x.  69.  2  2  Maccab.  iv.  21.  3  Livius,  lib.  42.  c.  6.  4  2  Maccab.  iv.  21. 

5  IMaccab. i.  29.    2  Maccab.  v.  24.  6  1  Maccab.  iii.  10.     Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  12.  c. 7.  10. 

7  2 Maccab.  xii.2.  8  1  Maccab.  x.69— 87.     Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  8.  9  1  Maccab.  x.  88,  89s 

10  Ptolemsei  magna  Syntaxis,  lib.  3.  c.2.    Plinius,  lib.  2.  c.  2S.  11  David  Ganz,  sub.  anno  3S34 

12  1  Maccab.  x\.  1—5.    Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  8.  13  Ibid.  6, 7.    I*id, 


180  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

would  take  no  notice  of  any  of  them,  but  Jonathan  was  received  very  kindly 
by  him,  and  marched  on  with  him  to  Ptolemais.  On  Ptolemy's  coming  thither,' 
discovery  was  made  of  snares  that  were  laid  for  his  life;  for  Ammonius,"  who 
managed  all  affairs  under  Alexander,  fearing,  that  Ptolemy  came  with  so  great  a 
power,  rather  to  serve  his  own  interest,  by  seizing  Syria  to  himself,  than  to  suc- 
cour Alexander,  or  else  having  received  intelligence  that  this  was  really  his  in- 
tent, formed  a  design  of  having  him  cut  off  on  his  coming  to  Ptolemais,  which 
Ptolemy  having  gotten  full  discovery  of,  marched  forward  to  demand  the  traitor 
to  be  delivered  to  him;  and  Jonathan  attended  on  him  as  far  as  the  River  Eleu- 
therus  in  Syria.  From  thence  Ptolemy  marched  to  Seleucia  on  the  Orontes/ 
where  finding  that  Alexander  would  not  deliver  up  Ammonius  to  him,  he  con- 
cluded him  to  be  a  party  to  the  treason;  and  therefore  taking  his  daughter  from 
him,  he  gave  her  to  Demetrius,  and  made  a  league  with  him,  for  the  restoring 
of  him  to  his  father's  kingdom.  Hereon  the  Antiochians/  who  bore  great  ha- 
tred to  Ammonius,  thinking  this  a  fit  time  for  the  executing  of  their  resentments 
upon  him,  rose  in  a  tumult  against  him,  and  having  slain  him  as  he  endeavoured 
to  escape  in  woman's  clothes,  declared  against  Alexander,  and  opened  their 
gates  to  Ptolemy,  and  would  have  made  him  their  king;^  but  he  declaring  him- 
self contented  with  his  own  dominions,**  instead  of  accepting  this  offer,  recom- 
mended to  them  the  restoration  of  Demetrius,  the  true  heir  (which  is  a  certain 
proof  he  had  no  design  upon  Syria  for  himself,  though  this  be  said  in  the  first 
book  of  the  Maccabees:)^  upon  which  recommendation,  Demetrius  being  receiv- 
ed into  the  city,  was  placed  on  the  throne  of  his  ancestors,  and  all  the  inhabi- 
tants of  Antioch  declared  for  him.  Whereon  Alexander,  who  was  then  in  Ci- 
licia,  coming  thence  with  all  his  forces,^  wasted  the  country  round  Antioch  with 
fire  and  sword.  This  brought  the  two  armies  to  a  battle,^  in  which  Alexander 
being  vanquished,  fled  with  only  five  hundred  horse  to  Zabdiel,  an  Arabian 
prince,  with  whom  he  had  before  intrusted  his  children.  But  he  being  there 
slain  by  those  he  most  confided  in,  his  head  was  carried  to  Ptolemy,  who  was 
much  pleased  with  the  sight  of  it;  but  his  joy  did  not  last  long;  for,  having  re- 
ceived a  dangerous  wound  in  the  battle,'"  he  died  of  it  within  a  few  days  after. 
And  thus  Alexander  king  of  Syria,  and  Ptolemy  Philometor  king  of  Egypt,  both 
ended  their  lives  together;  the  former  having  reigned  five,  and  the  other  thirty- 
five  years.  Demetrius  succeeded  in  Syria,  by  virtue  of  this  victory,  fi'om  hence 
called  himself  Nicator,  i.  e.  the  Conqueror.  But  the  succession  in  Egypt  was 
not  so  easily  determined. 

This  same  year  was  rendered  famous,  not  only  by  the  death  of  these  two 
kings,  but  also  by  the  destruction  of  two  celebrated  cities,  Carthage  and  Corinth. 
The  former  was  destroyed  by  Scipio  Africanus,  junior,''  after  a  war  of  three 
years,  Avhich  was  called  the  third  Punic  war.  And  the  other  was  taken  and 
burnt  by  L.  Mummius,'^  the  Roman  consul  for  this  year.  In  the  burning  of  this 
city,  all  their  brass  being  melted  down,  and  running  together  with  other  metals, 
this  mixture  made  the  (es  Corirdhiacum,^^  i.  e.  the  famous  Corinthian  brass  of 
the  ancients. 

At  this  same  year  ended  the  famous  history  of  Polybius,  which  he  wrote  in 
forty  books,'"  beginning  it  from  the  beginning  of  the  second  Punic  war,  and 
ending  it  at  the  end  of  the  third.  But  of  this  great  and  celebrated  work,  now 
only  five  books  remain  entire:  of  the  rest  we  have  only  fragments  and  abstracts. 
He  was  by  birth  of  Megalopolis  in  Arcadia,  and  the  son  of  Lycortas,  the  famous 
supporter  of  the  Achaen  commonwealth  in  his  time.    This  commonwealth,  much 

]  1  Maccab.  10.    Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  8.  2  Joseph,  ibid.    Livii,  lib.  50. 

3  IMaccab.  xi.  8— 12.     Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c. 8.      Livii  Epit.  lib.  52.  4  Ibid.  13.     Ibid.  5  Ibid. 

6  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  8.  7  1  Maccab.  xi.  1.  8  Ibid.  15.     Joseph.Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  8. 

9  Ibid.  15—17.     Joseph,  ibid.     Diodor.  Sic.  in  E,\cerptig  Photii,  cod.  244. 

10  Ibid.  18.     Joseph,  ibid.    Polyb.  in  Excerptis  Valesii,  p.  194.      Epit.  Livii,  lib.  52.    Strabo.  lib.  16.  p.  751. 

11  Livii  Kpit.  lib.  51.     L.  Florus,  lib.  2.  c.  IG.     Appian.  in  Libycjs.     Valleius  Patercul.  lib.  1. 

12  Ibid.  lib.  52.     Ibid.     Pausanias  in  Achaicis.     Justin,  lib.  34.  c.  2. 

13  Plinius,  lib.  34.  c.  2.     L.  Florus,  ibid. 

14  Videas  Vossiuin  de  Hist.  Grsecis,  lib.  1.  c.  19.  et  Casauboni  Epistolam  Dedicatoriam  edit,  sua?  Polyb. 
prjEmissam. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  181 

resembling  that  of  the  Dutch,  was  made  out  of  the  confederacy  of  several  states 
and  cities  of  Peloponnesus  united  together  in  one  common  league.  Aratus  first 
made  it  considerable.'  Philopoemen  brought  it  to  its  highest  perfection,'  and 
Lycortas  as  long  as  he  lived,  kept  it  up  in  the  same  state.  And  Polybius  his 
son,  who  was  a  person  very  eminent  for  all  military  and  political  knowledge, 
would  have  continued  to  have  done  the  same,  but  that  he  was  overborne  by  the 
Romans.  For  they  becoming  jealous,  what  this  growing  commonwealth  might 
at  length  come  to,  resolved  to  suppress  it,  in  order  wliereto  they  forced  from  them  a 
thousand  of  their  best  men,"  and  made  them  live  in  Italy  in  manner  of  hostages, 
but  chiefly  with  design  that  their  commonwealth,  being  deprived  of  its  principal 
men  might  sink  and  come  to  nothing  through  want  of  them.  Of  these  thousand 
hostages,  Polybius  was  one  of  the  chiefest.  While  he  was  thus  confined  he 
lived  at  Rome,  and  there  made  use  of  the  leisure  which  that  confinement  af- 
forded him  to  write  this  history.  He  had  much  of  the  favour  and  friendship 
of  Scipio  Africanus,  junior,  to  whom,  by  reason  of  his  learning  and  wisdom,  he 
was  very  dear;  and  therefore,  when  he  went  into  Africa  in  the  third  Punic  war, 
he  carried  Polybius  with  him,  and  it  was  chiefly  owing  to  the  assistance  of  his 
counsel  and  advice,  that  Scipio  ended  that  war  with  success;  and  in  that  end  of 
it,  Polybius  ended  his  history,  much  grieving,  that  at  the  same  time  ended  also 
the  Achaean  commonwealth,  in  the  destruction  of  Corinth,  and  the  subjecting 
thereon  to  the  Roman  yoke  the  rest  of  the  cities  and  states  of  which  that  com- 
monwealth did  consist.  He  lived  a  long  while  after,  for  he  reached  the  eighty- 
second  year  of  his  age.' 

Jin.  145.  Jonaihan  16.]-— Cleopatra,  queen  of  Egypt,  on  the  death  of  King 
P-hilometor,  her  brother  and  husband,  endeavoured  to  secure  the  succession  for 
her  son  which  she  had  by  him.*  But  he  being  then  young,  others  set  up  for 
Physcon  king  of  Cyrene,  the  brother  of  the  deceased,  and  sent  ambassadors  to 
call  him  to  Alexandria.  This  necessitating  Cleopatra  to  provide  for  the  defence 
of  herself  and  her  son,  Onias  and  Dositheus  came  to  her  with  an  army  of  Jews 
for  her  assistance.  But  at  that  time  Thermus,  an  ambassador  from  Rome,  being 
present  at  Alexandria,  by  his  interposal  matters  were  compromised,  on  the  terms 
that  Physcon  should  take  Cleopatra  to  wife,  and  breed  up  her  son  under  his  tui- 
tion for  the  next  succession,  and  reign  in  the  interim.  That  the  Egyptians  were 
thus  delivered  from  a  civil  war,  and  the  differences  then  among  them  on  this 
occasion  all  brought  to  a  composure  in  this  manner.  Josephus  tells  us,  was 
wholly  owing  to  the  assistance,  which  Onias  and  Dositheus  then  brought  to  the 
queen.  However,  the  perfidy  of  Physcon  made  all  this  turn  very  little  to  the 
service  or  content  of  Cleopatra.  For,  as  soon  as  he  had  married  her,  and  there- 
by got  possession  of  the  crown,  he  murdered  her  son  in  her  arms  on  the  very 
day  of  the  nuptials,  and  thereby  acted  over  again  the  same  tragedy  which  Ptole- 
my Ceraunus*  had  before  on  the  marriage  of  his  sister  Arsinoe;  and  such  inces- 
tuous conjunctions  well  deserve  such  a  curse  to  attend  them.  This  king  was 
commonly  called  Physcon,"  by  reason  of  his  great  belly;  but  the  name  which 
he  affected  to  assume  was  Euergetes,'  i.  e.  the  Benefactor:  this  the  Alexandrians 
turned  into  Kakergetes,  i.  e.  the  Malefactor,  by  reason  of  his  great  wickedness; 
for  he  was  tlie  most  wicked  and  most  cruel,*  and  also  the  most  vile  and  despica- 
ble, of  all  the  Ptolemies  that  reigned  in  Egypt.  He  began  his  reign  with  the 
mAirder  of  his  nephew,  in  the  manner  I  have  mentioned,  and  continued  it  with 
the  same  cruelty  and  wickedness  all  his  reign  after,  putting  many  others  to 
death,  almost  every  day;  som,e  upon  groundless  suspicions,  some  for  small  faults, 
and  others  for  none  at  all,  as  the  humour  took  him,  and  some  again  for  no  other 
reason,  but  that,  under  the  pretence  of  forfeiture,  he  might  take  all  that  they 

1  Plutarch,  in  Arato  et  Philopcemene. 

2  Pausanias  in  Acliaicis  et  Arcadicis.    Plutarcli.  in  Catone  Censore  et  alibi.        3  Lucianus  in  Macrobiis. 

4  Justin,  lib.  38.  c.  ?.     Josephus  contra  Apionem,  lib.  2.     Valerius  Ma.xiraus,  lib.  9.  c.  I. 

5  See  above,  part  2,  book  1,  under  the  year  2S0. 

6  Valerius  Maxiraus,  lib.  9.  c.  1.     Diodorus  Siculus  in  Excerptis  Valesii,  p.  351.  375. 

7  Athenaeus,  lib.  12.  p.  549.  et  lib.  4.  p.  184. 

*  Ibid.    Dicdorus  Siculus  in  Excerptis  Valesii,  p.  351.  375.     Justin.  lib.  38.  c.  8. 


182  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

had;  and  those  were  the  most  forward  to  call  him  to  the  crown  were  many  of 
them  the  first  that  suffered  by  him. 

And  things  went  not  much  better  in  Syria.     Demetrius,'  being  young  and 
inexperienced,  committed  the  management  of  his  affairs  to  Lasthenes,  by  Avhose 
agency  he  hired  those  Cretan  mercenaries  that  brought  him  to  the  crown;  who, 
being  a  wicked  and  rash  man,  did  soon  run  himself  into  those  maleadmipistra- 
tions,  that  alienated  from  his  master  the  affections  of  those  who  should  have 
supported  him.     And  Demetrius  himself,  being  naturally  of  an  unhappy  and 
perverse  disposition,  did  not  mend  the  matter.     The  first  false  step  he  made, 
was  toward  those  soldiers  which  Ptolemy  had  placed  in  the  maritime  towns  of 
Phoenicia  and  Syria,  for  the  strengthening  of  their  garrisons,  as  he  passed  by  them 
toward  Antioch,  in  his  late  expedition  thither.    These,  if  continued  there,  would 
have  been  a  great  strength  and  support  to  him;  but  upon  some  suggestions,  grow- 
ing jealous  of  them,  he  sent  orders  to  the  other  soldiers  garrisoned  with  them* 
to  put  them  all  to  the  sword:  which  being  accordingly  executed,  this  so  disgusted 
the  rest  of  the  Egyptian  army  that  were  in  Syria,  and  had  there  placed  him  on 
the  throne,  that  the}'-  all  left  him,  and  returned  again  into  Egypt.    After  this,  he 
proceeded  to  make  a  severe  inquisition  after  those  who  had  been  against  him  or 
his  father  in  the  late  wars,^  and  put  them  all  to  death,  as  he  could  get  them  into 
his  power.     And  then,  thinking  he  had  no  more  enemies  to  fear,  he  disbanded 
the  greatest  part  of  his  army,''  reserving  none  other  in  his  pay  but  his  Cretans, 
and  some  other  mercenaries;  whereby,  he  not  only  deprived  himself  of  those 
veterans  who  served  his  father,  and  would  have  been   his  chief  support  in  the 
throne,  but  made  them  also  his  bitterest  enemies,  by  depriving  them  of  the  only 
means  which  they  had  w^hereby  to  subsist:  the  mischief  of  which  he  severely 
felt  in  the  revolt  and  revolutions  that  after  happened. 

In  the  interim,  Jonathan  finding  all  quiet  in  Judea,  set  himself  to  besiege  the 
fortress  which  the  heathens  still  held  in  Jerusalem,^  that,  by  expelling  them 
thence,  he  might  remed}^  those  mischiefs  which  the  Jews  there  suffered  from 
them.  And  accordingly  he  beset  the  place,  with  an  army  and  engines  of  war, 
in  order  to  take  it:  of  which,  complaint  being  made  to  Demetrius,  he  came  to 
Ptolemais,  and  there  summoned  Jonathan  to  him  to  give  him  an  account  of  this 
matter.  Whereon,  ordering  the  siege  still  to  go  on,  he  went  to  Ptolemais,  taking 
with  him  some  of  the  priests  and  chief  elders  of  the  land,  and  also  many  rich 
and  valuable  presents;  by  virtue  of  which,  and  his  wise  management,  he  so 
mollified  the  king  and  ingratiated  himself  so  far  with  him  and  his  ministers,  that 
he  not  only  rejected  all  accusations  against  him,  but  also  honoured  him  with 
many  favours.  For  he  confirmed  him  in  the  high-priest's  office,  admitted  him 
into  a  chief  place  among  his  friends,  and,  on  his  request,  agreed  to  add  to  Judea 
the  three  toparchies  of  Apherema,  Lydda,  and  Ramatha,  which  formerly  be- 
longed to  Samaria;  and  to  free  the  whole  land  under  his  government  of  all  man- 
ner of  taxes,  tolls,  and  tributes,  whatsoever,  for  three  hundred  talents,  to  be  paid 
in  lieu  of  them,  and  then  returned  again  to  Antioch;  where  going  on  in  the 
same  methods  of  cruelty,®  folly,  and  rashness,  he  daily  alienated  the  people 
more  and  more  from  him,  till,  at  length,  he  made  them  all  ready  for  a  general 
defection. 

Which  being  observed  by  Diodotus,  afterward  called  Tryphon,  who  formerly 
had  served  Alexander  as  governor  of  Antioch  in  conjunction  with  Hierax,  he 
thought  this  a  fit  time  for  him  to  play  a  gaining  game  for  his  own  interest,^  aim- 
ing at  nothing  less  than,  by  the  advantage  of  these  disorders,  to  put  the  crown 
upon  his  own  head.     And  therefore  going  into  Arabia  to  Zabdiel,^  who  had  the 

1  DindonisSiculiis  in  Exrprptis  Valesii,  p.  346.  2  1  Macrab.  xi.  18.     Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  8. 

3  Diodonis  Siculus  in  E.\cerptis  Valesii,  p.  346—349.  4  1  Maccab.  xi.  38.    Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  8. 

5  Ibid.  20—47.    Joseph,  ibid.  6  Justin,  lib.  36.  c.  1. 

7  1  Maccab.  xi.  3i'.  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  9.  Appiaii.  in  Syriacis.  Epitome  Livii,  lib.  52.  Strabo,  lib. 
16.  p.  752. 

8  In  the  Oreek  original  text  of  the  first  book  of  Maccab.  xi.  39,  this  Zabdiel  is  called  'E^^^xXxouki,  from  the 
Arabic  word  almelcr.,i.e.thekivp-.  The  former  was  the  name  of  his  person,  the  other  of  his  office;  for  he  was 
king  of  that  part  of  Arabia  where  he  lived.    In  some  Greek  copies  it  is  Si/<i«Xxou«<,  as  in  Aldus's,  the  AleX' 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  183 

bringing  up  of  Antiochus,  the  son  of  Alexander,  laid  before  him  the  then  state 
of  affairs  in  Syria,  telling  him,  how  all  the  people,  and  especially  the  soldiery, 
were  disaffected  to  Demetrius,  and  that  thereby  a  favourable  opportunity  was 
offered  for  recovering  to  Antiochus  his  father's  kingdom.  And  therefore  he  de- 
sired that  the  youth  might  be  put  into  his  hands,  that  he  might  prosecute  this 
advantage  for  him.  For  this  scheme  of  treason  was,  first  to  claim  the  crown  for 
Antiochus,  and,  when  he  should  have  gotten  it,  by  virtue  of  that  claim,  then  to 
make  away  that  youth,  and  wear  it  himself;  and  so  it  afterward  accordingly  hap- 
pened. But  Zabdiel,  either  seeing  through  the  design,  or  else  disliking  the  pro- 
ject, would  not  immediately  yield  to  the  proposal,  which  detained  Tryphon  there 
many  days  farther  to  press  and  solicit  the  matter,  till  at  length,  either  by  the 
force  of  his  importunities,  or  the  force  of  his  presents,  he  brought  over  Zabdiel 
to  comply  with  him,  and  obtained  from  him  what  he  desired. 

In  the  mean  while,  Jonathan  pressed  hard  on  the  siege  of  the  fortress  at  Je- 
rusalem; but  finding  no  success  in  it,'  he  sent  an  embassy  to  Demetrius,  to  de- 
sire of  him  the  withdrawing  of  this  garrison,  which  he  could  not  expel.  Deme- 
trius, being  then  very  much  embarrassed  by  the  tumults  and  seditions  of  the 
Antiochans,  whom  he  had  provoked  to  the  utmost  aversion,  both  against  him 
and  his  government,  promised  Jonathan  that  he  would  do  this  and  much  more 
for  him,  provided  he  would  send  him  some  forces  for  his  assistance  against  the 
present  mutineers:  whereon  Jonathan  immediately  despatched  away  to  him  three 
thousand  men.  On  their  arrival,  Demetrius,  confiding  in  the  strength  of  this 
recruit,  would  have  disarmed  the  Antiochians,  and  therefore  commanded  them 
all  to  bring  in  their  arms:  which  they  refusing  to  do,  rose  all  in  a  tumult  to  the 
number  of  one  hundred  and  twent}^  thousand  men,  and  beset  the  palace,  with 
intent  to  slay  the  tyrant.  Hereon  the  Jews  coming  to  his  assistance,  fell  on 
them  with  fire  and  sword,  burning  a  great  part  of  the  city,  and  slaying  of  the 
inhabitants  about  one  hundred  thousand  persons.  This  brought  the  rest  to  pray 
for  peace;  which  being  granted  them,  the  tumult  ceased;  and  the  Jews,  having 
thus  retaliated  upon  the  Antiochans  what  they  had  formerly  suffered  from  them 
in  Judah  and  Jerusalem,  especially  in  the  time  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  re- 
turned with  vast  spoils  and  great  honour  to  their  own  country. 

But  Demetrius,^  still  going  on  with  his  same  methods  of  cruelty,  tyranny, 
and  oppression,  put  many  to  death  for  the  late  sedition,  confiscated  the  goods  of 
others,  and  drove  great  numbers  into  banishment.  Whereon  the  whole  king- 
dom being  every  where  filled  with  hatred  and  anger  against  him,  they  only 
wanted  an  opportunity  for  their  revenge  for  the  executing  of  it  upon  him  to  the 
utmost.  And  notwithstanding  his  promises  to  Jonathan,  and  the  great  obliga- 
tions which  he  owed  to  him  for  his  late  assistance,  his  conduct  toward  him  was 
no  better  than  to  all  the  rest.*  For  thinking  now  he  should  have  no  more  need 
of  him,  he  broke  the  bargain  he  had  made  with  him  at  Ptolemais,  of  freeing 
him  and  his  people  from  all  taxes,  tolls,  and  tribute,  for  three  hundred  talents, 
to  be  paid  him  for  the  redemption  of  them;  and,  notwithstanding  he  had  received 
the  money,''  demanded,  that  all  the  said  taxes,  tolls,  and  tribute,  should  be  still 
paid  in  the  utmost  rigour  as  formerly,  and  threatened  him  with  war  unless  this 
were  done;  whereby  he  alienated  the  Jews  as  much  from  him  as  he  had  all  others. 

^n.  144.  Jonathan  17.] — While  things  were  in  this  state,  Tryphon,*  having 
at  length  obtained  of  Zabdiel  to  have  Antiochus  the  son  of  Alexander  delivered 
unto  him,  came  with  him  into  Syria,  and  there  laid  claim  to  the  kingdom  for 
him:  whereon  all  the  soldiers  whom  Demetrius  had  disbanded,  and  multitudes 
of  others  whom  he  had  by  his  ill  conduct  made  his  enemies,  flocked  to  the  pre- 
tender; and,  having  declared  him  king,  marched  under  his  banner  against  De- 

andrian,  and  the  Complutensian;  and,  out  of  one  of  these  copies  the  English  version  being  made,  hence 
therein  we  read  simalcue.  But,  in  what  copy  soever  l"i^:i\/.»uxi  is  found,  it  is,  by  the  error  of  transcribera, 
for  'Ej^ubxouxi:  for,  it  is  certain,  the  latter  only  can  be  the  true  reading.  This  the  Syriacand  Jerome's  version 
justify;  and  the  word  so  written  signifieth  something,  the  other  nothing. 

1  1  Maccab.  xi.  41—52.    Joseph.  lib.  13.  c.  9.    Diodor.  Sic.  in  Excerptis  Valesii,  p.  347,  348. 

2  Diodor.  Sic.  in  Excerptis  Valesii,  p.  347,  348.  3  1  Maccab.  xi.  53.  4  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  9. 
5  1  Maccab.  xi.  54 — 56.    Epitome  Livii,  lib.  52.    Josephus,  ibid.    Appianus  in  Syriacis. 


184  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

metrius;  and,  having  vanquished  him  in  battle,  forced  him  into  Seleucia,  took 
all  his  elephants,  and  made  themselves  masters  of  Antioch,  and  there  placed 
Antiochus  upon  the  throne  of  the  kings  of  Syria,  giving  him  the  name  of  Theos, 
or  the  Divine. 

And  Jonathan,  being  provoked  by  the  ill  return  Demetrius  had  made  him  for 
his  great  services  to  him,  accepted  of  the  invitation  which  he  had  received  frgm 
the  new  king,  of  coming  into  his  interest.  For  as  soon  as  Antiochus  had  gained 
Antioch,  there  was  sent  from  him  an  embassy  to  Jonathan,'  with  letters  written 
in  his  name,  whereby  the  high-priest's  office  was  confirmed  to  him,  the  grant 
of  the  three  toparchies  renewed,  and  a  fourth  added  to  them;  and  he  was  al- 
lowed to  wear  purple,  and  the  golden  buckle,  and  to  have  place  among  the  chief 
of  the  king's  friends;  and  many  other  privileges  and  advantages  were  moreover 
added.  And  Simon  was  made  chief  commander  of  all  the  king's  forces,  from 
the  Ladder  of  Tyre  to  the  borders  of  Egypt,^  on  condition  that  these  two  bro- 
thers and  the  Jews  would  declare  for  him;  which  Jonathan  readily  consented  to, 
having  just  reason  for  it  from  the  ill  conduct  of  Demetrius  toward  him.  Whereon 
a  commission^  was  sent  him  to  raise  forces  for  the  service  of  Antiochus  through 
all  Ccele-Syria  and  Palestine;  by  virtue  whereof,  having  gotten  together  a  great 
army,*  he  marched  round  the  country,  even  as  far  as  Damascus,  to  secure  all  in 
those  parts  to  the  interest  of  Antiochus.  For  the  diverting  of  Jonathan  from 
this  purpose,*  the  forces  which  Demetrius  had  in  Coele-Syria  and  Phcenicia  drew 
together,  and  invaded  Galilee:  whereon®  Jonathan  marched  thither  to  oppose 
them,^  leaving  Simon  to  command  in  Judea.  On  his  first  coming  into  Galilee,® 
being  drawn  into  an  ambush,  he  had  like  to  have  been  overborne  by  the  enemy; 
and  most  of  his  forces  faUing  into  a  panic  fear,  fled  from  him,  excepting  a  very 
few  of  the  valiantest  of  them.  But  these  few  making  a  resolute  stand,  the  rest 
rallied,  and,  coming  on  again  to  the  fight,  won  the  victory.  And  Simon, ^  in 
the  interim,  laying  siege  to  Bethsura,  forced  it  to  a  surrender,  and  thereby  ex- 
pelled the  heathen,  who  had  long  kept  a  garrison  there,  to  the  great  annoyance 
of  all  the  country  round  it. 

Jonathan,  on  his  return  into  Judea,  finding  all  things  there  in  quiet,'"  sent 
ambassadors  to  the  Romans  to  renew  with  them  the  league  which  they  had 
made  with  Judas;  who,  being  introduced  to  the  senate,  were  received  with 
honour,  and  dismissed  with  their  full  satisfaction.  On  their  return  from  Rome, 
their  orders  were,  to  address  themselves  to  the  Lacedemonians,  and  the  other 
allies  of  the  Jews  in  those  parts,  for  the  like  renewing  of  their  leagues  with 
them;  which  they  having  accordingly  done,  they  returned  to  Jerusalem,  bring- 
ing back  with  them  full  success  in  aU  the  negotiations  on  which  they  were  sent. 

The  captains  of  Demetrius's  forces,"  whom  Jonathan  had  lately  vanquished 
in  Galilee,  having,  by  new  reinforcements,  much  increased  their  number  and 
strength,  came  the  second  time  against  him:  whereon  he  marched  out  to  meet 
them  as  far  as  Amathis,  in  the  utmost  confines  of  Canaan,  and  there  encamped 
against  them:  where,  being  informed  by  his  spies,  that  their  intent  was  to  storm 
his  camp  the  next  night,  he  took  care  to  be  in  full  readiness  to  receive  them; 
which  the  enemy  finding  on  their  approach,  they  were  so  discouraged  at  the 
disappointment,  that,  returning  to  their  camp,  and  lighting  fires  in  it  to  make  it 
believed  that  they  were  still  there,  they  marched  off  in  the  night,  and  were  got 
so  far  by  the  time  Jonathan  found  they  were  gone,  that,  though  he  immediately 
on  the  discovery  of  it  pursued  after  them,  yet  it  was  all  in  vain:  for  they  had 
passed  the  River  Eleutherus,  and  were  thereby  got  out  of  his  reach  before  he 
could  come  up  thither.  After  this  he  led  back  his  army  against  the  Arabs,  that 
were  of  Demetrius's  party,  and,  having  smitten  them,  and  taken  their  spoils^ 

1  1  Maccab.  xi.  57—59.     Joseph,  Antiq.  lib.  i3.  c.  9. 

2  The  Ladder  of  Tyre  is  a  mountain  so  called,  lying  on  the  sea-coast  between  Tyre  and  Ptolemais. 

3  Josephus,  ibid.  4  1  Maccab.  xi.  liO— 1)2.     Josephus,  ibid.  5  1  Maccab.  xi.  63. 

6  Ibid.  64.    Josephus,  ibid.  7  1  Maccab.  ct  Josephus,  ibid.  &  1  Macccab.  xi.  67—74.. 

9  Ibid.  65,  66.  xiv.  7.  33.     Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  9. 

10  I  Maccab.  xii.  1—23.    Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  9.  11  Ibid.  24—31.    Josephus,  ibid. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  185 

turned  his  course  toward  Damascus;  and  passing  over  the  country  thereabout, 
made  strict  inquiry  after  all  that  were  adversaries  to  the  interest  of  Antiochus, 
and  suppressed  them  every  where.  And,  while  he  was  thus  employed  beyond 
Jordan,  Simon  his  brother  was  not  idle  in  Judea:  for  marching  thence  into  the 
land  of  the  Philistines,  he  made  all  there  submit  to  him;  and,  having  taken 
Joppa,  he  placed  a  strong  garrison  in  it. 

After  this,  both  brothers  being  returned  to  Jerusalem,  they  called  the  great 
council  of  the  nation  together'  to  consult  about  the  repairing  and  new  fortifying 
of  Jerusalem,  and  other  strong  holds  in  Judea,  so  that  they  might  be  made  tena- 
ble against  any  enemy  that  should  come  against  them.  And  it  being  then 
agreed,  that  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  where  they  were  broken  down  or  decayed, 
should  be  repaired,  and  where  too  low  should  be  built  higher,  and  every  thing 
else  done  that  was  necessary  thoroughly  to  fortify  the  place;  all  this  was  imme- 
diately set  about,  and  carried  on  with  the  utmost  expedition.  And  at  the  same 
time  they  built  a  wall  or  mount  between  the  fortress  and  the  rest  of  the  city, 
that  the  heathen  who  were  in  garrisons  there  might  receive  no  relief  of  provi- 
sion, or  of  any  thing  else  that  way;  which  soon  reduced  them  to  great  distress, 
and  very  much  forwarded  that  necessity,  whereby  at  last  they  were  forced  to 
surrender  the  place.  Jonathan  took  on  himself  the  oversight  of  all  these  works 
at  Jerusalem;  and  while  he  was  there  thus  employed,  Simon  went  into  the 
country,  and  did  the  same  as  to  all  the  other  fortresses  and  strong  holds  that 
were  in  the  land;  and  thereby  the  whole  country  became  well  fortified  against 
any  enemy  that  should  come  to  make  war  against  it. 

Tryphon,  thinking  his  plot  for  the  making  away  of  Antiochus,*  and  seizing 
.the  crown  of  Syria  to  himself,  now  ripe  for  execution  in  all  other  particulars, 
save  only  that  he  foresaw  Jonathan  would  never  be  brought  to  bear  so  great  a 
villany,  resolved  at  any  rate  to  take  him  out  of  the  way;  and  therefore  march- 
ed with  a  great  army  toward  Judea,  in  order  to  get  him  into  his  power,  that 
so  he  might  put  him  to  death.  On  his  coming  to  Bethsan,  there  Jonathan 
met  him  with  forty  thousand  men.  Tryphon,  seeing  hiiji  at  the  head  of  so  great 
an  army,  durst  not  openly  attempt  any  thing  against  him;  but  endeavoured  to 
deceive  him  by  flattering  words,  and  a  false  appearance  of  friendship,  pretend- 
ing, that  he  came  thither  only  to  consult  with  him  about  their  common  interest, 
and  to  put  Ptolemais  into  his  hands,  which  he  intended  wholly  to  resign  to  him; 
and,  having  deceived  him  by  these  fair  pretences,  he  persuaded  him  to  send 
away  all  his  army,  except  three  thousand  men,  two  thousand  of  which  he  sent 
into  Galilee;  and,  with  the  other  thousand,  he  went  with  Tryphon  to  Ptolemais, 
expecting,  according  to  the  oath  of  that  traitor,  to  have  the  place  delivered  to 
him;  but  as  soon  as  he  and  his  company  were  got  within  the  walls,  the  gates 
were  shut  upon  them,  and  Jonathan  was  made  a  prisoner,  and  all  his  men  were 
put  to  the  sword.  And  immediately  forces  were  sent  out  to  cut  off  the  two 
thousand  also  that  were  in  Galilee;  but  they  having  notice  of  what  had  been 
done  to  Jonathan  and  his  men  at  Ptolemais,  encouraged  each  other  to  stand  to 
their  defence;  and  then,  joining  close  together,  put  themselves  in  a  posture  re- 
solutely to  fight  for  their  lives;  which  the  enemy  perceiving,  durst  not  attack 
them,  but  permitted  them  quietly  to  march  off;  and  they  all  returned  safe  to 
Jerusalem,  where  was  great  lamentation  for  what  had  happened  to  Jonathan. 
For  hereon  all  the  heathens  round  about,-*  finding  the  Jews  thus  deprived  of 
their  captain,  were  making  ready  to  destroy  them:  and  Tryphon,  drawing 
together  aU  his  forces  for  the  same  purpose,  reckoned  on  this  opportunity  utterly 
to  cut  off  and  extirpate  the  whole  nation.  Whereon  the  people  being  in  great 
fears,''  Simon  went  up  to  the  temple,  and  there  calhng  the  people  together  to 
him,  encouraged  them  to  stand  to  their  defence,^  and  offered  himself  to  fight 

1  1  Marcab.  xii.  35—38.     Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  9.  2  Ibid.  39—52.    Ibid.  10.  3  Ibid.  53. 

4  1  Maccab.  xiii.  1 — 11.    Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  11. 

5  The  outer  court  of  the  temple,  which  was  called  the  court  of  the  Gentiles,  was  the  place  where  the  peo- 
ple assembled  on  all  occasions.  It  was  called  the  court  of  the  Gentiles,  because  so  far  as  into  this  court  the 
Gentiles  of  what  nation  soever  micht  come,  but  were  not  allowed  to  pass  the  Chel  into  the  inner  court,  un- 
less they  were  circumciperi,  and  made  thorough  proselytes  to  the  whole  Jewish  law. 

Vol.  II.— il 


166  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OT 

for  them,  as  his  father  and  brothers  had  done  before  him.  Whereon  their  hearts 
being  again  raised,  and  their  drooping  spirits  revived,  they  unanimously  made 
choice  of  Simoa  to  be  their  captain  in  the  place  of  Jonathan;  and,  under  his 
conduct  and  direction,  immediately  set  themselves  hard  at  work  for  the  hnishins* 
of  the  fortifications  at  Jerusalem,  which  Jonathan  had  begun.  And  on  Try- 
phon's  approach  to  invade  the  land,  Simon'  led  forth  a  great  army  against  him; 
whereon  Tryphon  not  daring  to  engage  him  in  battle,  sent  to  him  a  deceitful 
message,  telling  him,  that  he  had  seized  Jonathan  only  because  he  owed  one 
hundred  talents  to  the  king;  that,  in  case  he  would  send  the  money  and  Jona- 
than's two  sons  to  be  hostages  for  their  father's  fidelity  to  the  king,  he  would 
set  him  again  at  liberty.  Though  Simon  well  saw  all  this  fraud  ancl  deceit,  yet 
he  complied,  to  avoid  the  ill  report  which  otherwise  might  have  been  raised 
against  him,  as  if  he  had  wilfully  caused  his  brother's  death  by  the  refusal;  and 
therefore  sent  both  the  money  and  the  young  men.  But  the  false  traitor,  ac- 
cording as  Simon  foresaw,  when  he  had  received  all  that  he  demanded,  would 
do  nothing  of  what  he  had  promised,  but  still  detained  Jonathan  in  chains:  and, 
after  having  gotten  together  more  forces,  he  came  again  to  invade  the  land,^ 
with  intent  utterly  to  destroy  it.  But  Simon,  coasting  him  wherever  he  march- 
ed, opposed  and  baffled  him  in  all  his  designs.  At  this  time  the  heathen  garri- 
son in  the  fortress  at  Jerusalem,  being  much  distressed  by  reason  of  the  block- 
ade laid  at  it,  first  by  Jonathan,  and  now  continued  by  Simon,  pressed  haa-d  for 
relief;  and  Tryphon,  having  accordingly  formed  a  design  of  sending  relief  to 
them,  ordered  out  all  his  horse  one  night  for  the  executing  of  it.  But  they  had 
not  marched  far,  ere  there  fell  so  great  a  snow,  as  not  only  made  their  farther 
proceeding  on  this  enterprise  impracticable,  but  also  forced  Tryphon  and  all  his 
army  next  day  to  decamp  and  begone,  as  being  able  no  longer  to  bear  abroad 
in  the  field  the  severity  of  the  season.  On  his  retreat  from  thence  to  his  winter- 
quarters,  coming  to  Bascama  in  the  land  of  Gilead,  he  there  put  Jonathan  to 
death.  And  after  that,  thinking  he  had  no  one  else  to  fear  for  the  obstructing 
of  him  in  the  ultimate  execution  of  his  designs,^  he  caused  Antiochus  to  be  se- 
cretly put  to  death,  giving  out  that  he  died  of  the  stone;  and  then,  assuming 
the  crown,  declared  himself  king  of  Syria  in  his  stead. 

An.  143.  Simon  1.] — When  Simon  heard  of  his  brother's  death,  and  that  they 
had  buried  him  at  Bascama,  he  sent  thither  and  fetched  his  bones  from  thence,'* 
and  buried  them  in  the  sepulchre  of  his  father  at  Modin,  over  which  he  after- 
ward erected  a  very  famous  monument,  of  a  great  height,  all  built  of  white 
marble,  curiously  wrought  and  polished;  near  which  he  placed  seven  pyramid's, 
two  for  his  father  and  mother,  four  for  his  four  brothers,  and  the  seventh  for 
himself,  and  then  encompassed  the  whole  with  a  stately  portico  supported  by 
marble  pillars,  each  of  a  whole  piece.  All  which  was  a  very  excellent  work; 
and  being  erected  on  an  eminence,  was  seen  far  off  at  sea,  and  was  taken  notice 
of  as  a  remarkable  sea-mark  on  that  coast,  whereby  seafaring  men  who  sailed 
that  way  directed  their  course.  Josephus  tells  us,"*  that  it  was  remaining  entire 
in  his  time,  and  then  looked  on  as  a  curious  and  very  excellent  piece  of  archi- 
tecture; and  Eusebius  also  speaks  of  it  as  still  in  being  in  his  time,^  which  was 
above  two  hundred  years  after  the  time  of  Josephus. 

Tryphon,  having  usurped  the  crown  of  Syria,  would  gladly  have  himself  ac- 
knowledged king  by  the  Romans,^  as  thinking  this  would  add  great  reputation 
both  to  himself  and  his  affairs;  and  therefore  sent  a  splendid  embassy  to  them, 
with  the  present  of  a  golden  image  of  victory,  to  the  value  of  ten  thousand  pieces 
of  gold,  hoping  to  obtain,  both  for  the  sake  of  so  valuable  a  gift,  and  the  good 

J  2  Maccab.  xiii.  12—10.     Joseph.  Aiitiq.  lib.  13.  c.  11.  2  1  Maccab.  xiii.  20—24. 

3  1  Maccab.  xiii.  31,  32.  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  1.3.  c.  12.  Epit.  Livii,  lib.  55.  Justin,  lib.  36.  c.  I.  The 
Ti-ords  of  Josephus  concerning  the  death  of  Antiochus  are,  That  it  was  given  out  ">«  x-''p'c^Oi«-''"'s  a^oSaioi, 
i.  e.  as  if  he  died  while  under  the  hands  of  the  chirurgeon  for  cure;  for  so  the  word  ■x,'-'f''C'f=''  is  used  in 
Hippocrates:  and  hivy  telling  us  that  his  pretended  disease  was  the  stone,  it  may  from  hence  be  inferred, 
that  what  was  given  out  was,  that  he  died  under  the  hands  of  the  chirurgeon  cutting  him  for  the  stone. 

4  1  Maccab.  .xiii.  25-30.    Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  11.  5  In  Libello  !r<p'  t»w  tojtixcuv  'Ovo/6«Ttt>v. 
6  Diodor.  Sic.  Lcgat.  31. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  187 

omen  of  victory  which  the  image  carried  with  it,  to  be  owned  by  them  as  king 
o{  Syria.  But  the  Romans,  cunningly  eluding  his  expectations,  received  the 
image,  and  ordered  to  be  engraven  on  it  the  name  of  Antiochus,  whom  Tryphon 
had  lately  mm-dered,  as  if  he  had  been  the  donor  of  it. 

But  the  ambassadors  of  Simon  were  there  received  with  much  more  respect. 
For  as  soon  as  Jonathan  was  dead,  and  Simon  admitted  to  be  his  successor,  both 
in  the  high-priesthood  and  government  of  the  land,  he  sent  ambassadors  to  no- 
tify it  to  the  Romans  and  other  allies.  The  Romans  were  very  sorry  at  the  death 
of  Jonathan;'  but  when  they  heard  that  Simon  was  in  his  place,  this  was  well 
pleasing  to  them.  And  therefore,  when  his  ambassadors  approached  Rome,  they 
sent  out  to  meet  them,^  and  received  them  with  honour,^  and  readily  renewed 
all  their  former  leagues  made  with  his  predecessors;  which  being  written  in  ta- 
bles of  brass,  were  carried  to  Jerusalem,  and  there  read  before  all  the  people. 
And  the  same  ambassadors,  on  their  return  from  Rome/  went  also  to  the  Lace- 
demonians, and  other  allies  of  the  Jews,  and  in  the  name  of  Simon  renewed  in 
like  manner  all  former  leagues  with  them,  and  returned  with  authentic  instru- 
ments hereof  to  Jerusalem. 

Sarpedon,^  one  of  Demetrius's  captains,  coming  into  Phoenicia  with  an  army, 
a  battle  happened  between  him  and  the  forces  which  Tryphon  had  in  those 
parts.  This  battle  was  fought  near  the  walls  of  Ptolemais,  in  which  Sarpedon 
being  vanquis^hed,  he  retreated  into  the  inland  country.  But  the  Tryphonians, 
on  their  return  from  the  pursuit,  marching  back  to  Ptolemais,  on  the  beach  of 
the  sea,  a  sudden  tide  coming  upon  them,  overwhelmed  a  great  number  of  their 
men,  and  then  going  back  again  with  as  sudden  an  ebb,  as  it  had  come  on  with 
a, flow,  left  the  dead  bodies  on  the  strand,  with  a  great  quantity  of  fish  mingled 
with  them;  whereon,  Sarpedon's  men  again  returning,  took  up  the  fish,  and,  by 
way  of  thanksgiving  for  them,  and  the  destruction  that  had  befallen  the  enemy, 
offered  sacrifices  to  Neptune  before  the  very  gates  of  Ptolemais,  in  the  same 
place  where  the  battle  had  been  before  fought. 

But  while  Demetrius's  soldiers  were  thus  fighting''  for  him  in  the  field,  he  lay 
idle  at  Laodicea,  glutting  himself  with  all  the  vile  pleasures  of  luxury  and  lewd- 
ness, without  being  made  wiser  by  his  calamities,  or  seeming  at  all  to  be  sensi- 
ble of  them.  However,  Tryphon  having  given  sufficient  reason  for  the  Jews  ut- 
terly to  renounce  him  and  his  party,  Simon''  sent  a  crown  of  gold  to  Demetrius, 
and  ambassadors  to  treat  with  him  about  terms  of  peace  and  alliance;  who  having 
obtained  from  that  prince  a  grant  of  confirmation  of  the  high-priesthood  and  prin- 
cipality to  Simon,  and  a  release  of  all  taxes,  tolls,  and  tributes,  with  an  oblivion 
of  all  past  acts  of  hostilit}-  on  the  condition  of  the  Jews  joining  with  him  against 
Tryphon,  they  returned  to  Jerusalem  with  letters  under  the  royal  signature,  con- 
taining the  same;  which  being  accepted  of  and  confirmed  by  all  the  people  of 
the  Jews,  by  virtue  hereof  Simon  was  made  sovereign  prince  of  the  Jews,  and 
the  land  freed  from  all  foreign  yoke.  And  therefore  the  Jews  from  this  time, 
instead  of  dating  their  instruments  and  contracts  by  the  years  of  the  Syrian  kings, 
as  they  had  hitherto  done,  thenceforth  dated  them  by  the  years  of  Simon  and 
his  successors. 

Simon  having  thus  obtained  the  independent  sovereignty  of  the  land,®  made 
a  progress  through  it  to  see  to  and  provide  for  its  security,  repairing  the  fortifica- 
tions in  those  cities  and  places  where  they  were  decayed,  and  making  new  ones 
in  those  where  they  were  wanting,  and  this  he  especially  did  at  Bethsura  and 
Joppa.  The  former  he  made  a  place  of  arms,  and  put  a  strong  garrison  in  it; 
and  the  latter  being  the  nearest  maritime  town  to  Jerusalem,  though  at  the  dis- 
tance of  forty  miles  from  it,^  he  made  it  the  sea-port  to  that  city,  and  all  Judea, 
it  being  the  fittest  place  on  all  that  coast  for  the  carrying  on  of  their  trade  through 
it  to  all  the  isles  and  countries  in  the  Mediterranean;  and  it  served  them  for  this 

1  1  Maccab.  xiv.  lo,  J7.        2  Ibid.  40.    Gr.  x-r„vT>:<rxv.  3  1  Maccab.  xiv.  18,  19.        4  Ibid.  xiv.  20— 2X 

5  Strabo,  lib.  16.  p.  753.    Athenaeus,  lib.  8.  p.  333.  C  Diodor.  Sic.  in  Excerptis  Valesii,  p.  353. 

7  1  Maccab.  xiii.  34—42.  xiv.  38--11.    Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  11.  8  Ibid.  33,  xiv,  7.  33. 

S  1  Maccab.  xiv.  5.  34. 


188  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

purpose  for  many  ages  after,  as  it  still  doth  the  inhabitants  of  that  country  even ' 
to  this  day,  and  it  is  there  still  known  by  the  same  name. 

And  whereas  Gazara,'  on  the  death  of  Jonathan  had  revolted,  he  laid  siege  to 
the  place;  and  having  reduced  it,  he  cast  out  all  the  heathens  out  of  the  city,  and 
planted  it  wholly  with  Jews;  and  having  well  fortified  it,  built  a  house  there  for 
himself,  wherein  he  might^lodge  when  his  affairs  should  call  him  to  that  place. 

Jin.  14*2.  Simon  '2.] — The  heathen  in  the  fortress  at  Jerusalem  since  Jona- 
than's building  of  the  wall  against  them,  which  did  cut  them  off  from  all 
communication  with  the  rest  of  the  city,  being  much  distressed  for  want  of 
provisions  and  all  other  necessaries,^  were  thereby  at  length  brought  to  that 
necessity  as  forced  them  to  surrender  the  place  and  depart  the  land;  whereon 
Simon  took  possession  of  it,  and  thereby  delivered  Israel  from  a  great  griev- 
ance, that  garrison  having  been  a  terrible  thorn  in  their  side  ever  since  Anti- 
ochus  Epiphanes  first  placed  it  there.  And,  that  they  might  no  more  in  like 
manner  be  annoyed  from  that  place,'  Simon  demolished  not  only  the  fortress, 
but  also  the  hill  itself  on  which  it  stood;  for  it  overtopping,  and  thereby  com- 
manding the  mountain  of  the  temple,  if  any  other  enemy  should  at  any  time 
after  seize  that  place,  they  might  from  thence  cause  them  the  same  mischief. 
And  therefore,  Simon  having  called  the  people  together,  and  fully  laid  before 
them  what  they  had  suffered  from  that  place,  and  what  they  might  again  suffer, 
should  it  at  any  time  after  again  fall  into  the  hands  of  an  enemy,  proposed  to 
them  the  digging  down  of  the  mountain  itself  to  the  level  of  the  mountain  of 
the  temple,  that  so  there  might  not  be  left  a  possibility  of  any  more  annoying 
the  temple  from  that  place;  which  they  all  readily  consenting  to,  immediately 
did  set  about  the  work,  and  carried  it  on  with  great  assiduity,  all  taking  their 
turns  in  it,  till  at  length,  after  three  years'  constant  labour  employed  herein, 
they  fully  finished  all  that  was  intended.  And,  while  this  was  doing,*  Simon 
new  fortified  the  mountain  of  the  temple,  repairing  the  outer  wall,  and  making 
it  stronger  than  it  was  before,  and  provided  habitations  within  it,  both  for  him- 
self and  company;  and  there  he  afterward  dwelt;  and  most  likely  his  house 
stood  where  the  castle  Antonia  was  afterward  built. 

Simon^  finding  his  son  John,  afterward  called  Hyrcanus,  to  be  a  valliant 
man  and  very  expert  in  all  military  affairs,  he  made  him  general  of  all  the 
forces  of  Judea,  and  sent  him  to  live  at  Gazara,  that  being  a  border  which  most 
wanted  his  presence;  and  Joppa  being  in  the  neighbourhood,  perchance  to  be 
nigh  that  place,  for  the  supervising  of  those  works  that  were  there  carrying  on 
by  his  order,  for  the  making  of  it  a  convenient  sea-port  for  all  Judea,  might  be 
another  reason  why  he  appointed  him  to  have  his  residence  in  that  place. 

An.  141.  Simon  3.] — Demetrius  was  at  length  roused  up  from  his  sloth,  by 
many  messages  out  of  the  east  inviting  him  thither:  for  the  Parthians,*  having 
now  overrun  in  a  manner  all  the  east,  and  subjugated  to  them  all  the  countries 
of  Asia,  from  the  River  Indus  to  the  Euphrates,  those  that  were  of  the  Mace- 
donian race  in  those  countries,  not  bearing  this  usurpation,  nor  that  pride  and 
insolence  with  which  those  new  masters  ruled  over  them,  earnestly  invited 
Demetrius  by  repeated  embassies  to  come  into  those  parts,  promising  him  a 
general  revolt  from  the  Parthians,  and  such  assistance  of  forces  against  them  as 
should  enable  him  absolutely  to  suppress  those  usurpers,  and  recover  again  all 
the  provinces  of  the  east  to  his  empire.     With  which  hopes,  Demetrius,  being 

1  1  Mac.  xiii.  43 — 18.  Here,  in  the  Greek  original,  as  well  as  our  English  version,  it  is  Gaza  (v.  43;)  but, 
beyond  all  doubt,  it  is  here  put  for  Gazara  by  the  error  of  transcribers;  for  the  taking  ofGazara  is  spoken  of 
among  the  good  works  of  Simon,  1  Maccab.  xiv.  7.  34;  and  also  by  Josephus,  lib.  13.  c.  11;  but  nothing  is  said 
in  either  of  these  histories  of  Simon's  taking  of  Gaza.  And  Gazara  is  often  mentioned  in  them,  as  in  the 
hands  of  Simon,  but  Gaza  never  (e.\cept  alone  in  this  place.)  This  city  of  Gazara  is  the  same  with  the  an- 
cient Gezer,  so  often  mentioned  in  the  scriptures  of  the  Old  Testament.  And  here,  most  likely,  it  was  that 
Simon  built  him  a  house  (1  Maccab.  xiii.  48,)  and  that  this  was  the  house  wherein  John  his  son  dwelt,  when 
he  sent  him  to  reside  at  Gazara,  and  there  command  his  forces  in  those  parts.  Strabo  calls  this  city  Gadaris, 
and  placolh  it  near  Azotus  (as  the  author  of  the  first  book  of  Maccabees  doth,  xiv.  34.)  and  saith  of  it,  that 
the  Jews  had  taken  possession  of  it,  lib.  16.  p.  759. 

2  1  Maccab.  xiii.  49—52.  3  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  11.  4  1  Maccab.  xiii.  52.  5  Ibid.  53. 

«  Justin,  lib.  3G.  c.  I.  et  lib.  38.  c.  9.  1  Mac.  xiv.  1—3.  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  9.  el  12.  Orosius,  lib.  5.c.  4. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  189 

excited  to  undertake  this  expedition,  marched  over  the  Euphrates,  leaving  Try- 
phon  in  possession  of  the  greater  part  of  Syria  behind  him:  for  he  reckoned, 
that,  after  he  should  have  made  himself  master  of  the  east,  he  should  have  such 
-an  augmentation  of  power  as  would  best  enable  him  to  suppress  that  rebel  on 
his  return.  As  soon  as  he  came  eastward,  the  Elymaeans,  the  Persians,  and  the 
Bactrians  declared  for  him;  and,  by  their  assistance,  he  overthrew  the  Parthians 
in  many  conflicts.  But  at  last,  under  the  show  of  a  treaty  of  peace,  being  drawn 
into  a  snare,  he  was  taken  prisoner,  and  all  his  army  cut  in  pieces;  and  hereby 
the  Parthian  empire  became  established  with  that  greatness  of  power  and  firm- 
ness of  stability,  as  to  make  it  last  for  several  ages  after  to  the  terror  of  all 
within  their  reach,  even  to  the  rivalling  of  the  Romans  themselves  in  the 
strength  of  their  arms,  and  the  prowess  and  fame  of  their  military  exploits. 

The  king  that  reigned  in  Parthia  at  this  time  was  Mithridates,'  the  son  of 
Priapatius,  a  very  valiant  and  wise  prince.  How  Arsaces  first  founded  the  king- 
dom of  the  Parthians,  and  how^  Arsaces  his  son  after  settled  and  established  it 
by  a  treaty  of  peace  with  Antiochus  the  Great,  hath  been  already  related.^  The 
son  and  successor  of  the  second  Arsaces  was  Priapatius,'  called  also  Arsaces 
(that  being  the  family  name  of  all  the  kings  of  this  race.)  He  havmg  reigned 
fifteen  years,  left  the  crown,  at  his  death,  to  Phrahates  his  eldest  son;'  after 
whose  death  succeeded  this  Mithridates  his  brother,'  the  Parthian  king,  into 
"whose  hands  Demetrius  fell.  He  was  therefore,  from  Arsaces,  the  first  founder 
of  that  kingdom,  the  fourth  in  descent,  and  the  fifth  in  succession  of  reigning, 
and  not  the  sixth,  as  Orosius  saith."  He  having  subdued  the  Medes,  the  Ely- 
maeans, the  Persians,  and  the  Bactrians,*  extended  his  dominions  into  India, 
beyond  the  boundaries  of  Alexander's  conquests;  and,  having  vanquished  De- 
metrius finally  secured  Babylonia  and  Mesopotamia  also  to  his  empire;'^  so  that 
thenceforth  he  had  Euphrates  on  the  west,  as  well  as  the  Ganges  on  the  east, 
for  the  limits  of  his  empire. 

After  Mithridates  had  thus  gotten  Demetrius  into  his  power,  he  carried  him 
round  the  revolted  provinces,'  and  exposed  him  every  where  to  their  view,  that 
they,  by  seeing  the  prince  whom  they  confided  in  reduced  to  this  ignominious 
•and  low  condition,  might  be  the  easier  brought  to  submit  again  to  their  former 
yoke.  But,  when  this  show  was  over,  he  allowed  him  a  maintenance  suitable 
to  the  state  of  a  king,  and  sending  him  into  Hyrcania  to  reside,**  gave  him  Rho- 
daguna,  one  of  his  daughters,  in  marriage.  However,  he  kept  him  still  in  cap- 
tivity, though  with  as  much  freedom  as  was  consistent  with  a  captive  state,  and, 
at  his  death,  left  him  in  this  condition  to  Phrahates  his  son,^  who  succeeded  him 
in  the  kmgdom.  It  is  particularly  related  of  Mithridates,  that,  having  conquered 
several  nations,'"  he  gathered  from  every  one  of  them  whatsoever  he  found  best 
in  their  constitutions,  and  then,  out  of  the  whole  collection,  made  a  body  of 
most  wholesome  laws  for  the  government  of  his  empire. 

In  a  general  congregation  of  the  priests  and  elders,"  and  all  the  people  of  the 
Jews  assembled  together  at  Jerusalem,  it  was  agreed,  by  the  unanimous  consent 
of  all  present,  that  the  supreme  government  of  the  nation,  as  well  as  the  high- 
priesthood,  should  be  conferred  on  Simon,  and  settled  both  upon  him  and  his 
posterity  after  him.  This  had  before  been  personally  settled  on  Simon  by  the 
grant  of  Demetrius  the  Syrian  king,  and  the  same  was  now  granted  also  by  the 
whole  nation  of  the  Jews,  and  the  settlement  made,  not  only  on  the  person  of 
Simon,  but  upon  him  and  his  descendants  for  ever.  And  a  public  act  or  instru- 
ment in  writing  was  made  hereof,  wherein  it  being  recited  what  good  deeds  Si- 
mon and  hh  family  had  done  for  the  people  of  the  Jews,  they,  in  acknowledge- 
ment hereof,  constituted  him  their  prince,  as  well  as  their  high-priest,  and 
granted  both  dignities  to  him  and  his  posterity  after  him;  a  copy  of  which  act 

1  Justin,  lib.  41.  c.  5,  6.    Diod.  Sic.  in  Excerptis  Valesii,  p.  359,  360. 

2  Part  2,  book  2,  under  the  year  208.  3  Justin.  lib.  41.  c.  5.  4  Lib.  5.  c.  4. 

5  Diodor.  Sic.  in  Excerptis  Valesii,  p.  359,  360.     Orosius,  lib.  5.  c.  4.        6  Orosius,  ibid.  Justin,  lib.  41.  c.  6. 
7  Ibid.  36.  c.  1.  8  Justin,  ibid,  et  lib.  38.  c.  9.  9  Ibid,  et  lib.  42.  c.  1. 

10  Diodor.  Sic.  in  Excerptis  Valesii,  p.  3C1  U  1  Maccab.  .viv.26 — 49. 


190  CONNEXION  OF  THE  fflSTORY  OF 

they  ordered  to  be  engraven  on  tables  of  brass,  and  hung  up  in  the  sanctuary, 
and  laid  up  the  original  in  the  sacred  archives  belonging  to  the  treasury  of  the 
temple.  And  from  that  time  Simon  took  on  him  the  state,  style,  and  authority 
of  prince,  as  well  as  high-priest  of  the  Jews,  and  all  public  acts  thenceforth 
went  in  his  name.  And  after  him  both  these  dignities  descended  together  to 
his  posterity,  and  continued  among  them  thus  united  together  for  several  de- 
scents, they  being  at  the  same  time  sovereign  pontiffs  and  sovereign  princes  of 
the  Jewish  nation.  This  act  bore  date  on  the  eighteenth  day  of  the  month  Elul 
(which  was  the  sixth  of  their  months,)  in  the  172d  year  of  the  era  of  the  Se- 
kucid?e,  and  the  third  of  Simon's  pontificate. 

At  this  time,  the  Jews  tell  us,  Simeon  Ben  Shetach,'  and  Jehudah  Ben  Tab- 
bai,  were  the  rectors  and  chief  teachers  of  the  divinity  school  at  Jerusalem; 
the  first  of  which,  they  say,  was  president,  and  the  other  vice-president  of  the 
Sanhedrin.  Of  these  several  fables  are  told  in  the  Talmud,  which  are  not  worth 
troubling  the  reader  with. 

An.  140.  ■Simon  4.] — Queen  Cleopatra,  on  her  husband's  captivity  in  Parthia,' 
shut  up  herself  with  her  children  in  Seleucia,  on  the  Orontes,  and  there  many 
of  Tryphon's  soldiers  revolted  to  her.  For,  being  naturally  of  a  brutish  and 
cruel  temper,  he  had  artfully  concealed  this,  under  the  cloak  of  affability  and 
good  temper,  as  long  as  he  was  courting  the  favour  of  the  people,  for  the  carry- 
ing on  of  his  ambitious  designs.  But,  when  he  was  possessed  of  the  crown, 
and  Demetrius  made  a  prisoner  in  Parthia,  he  cast  off  all  guard  and  restraint, 
which  tin  then  he  had  put  upon  his  inclinations,  and  let  himself  loose  to  his 
own  natural  disposition,  which  being  such  as  many  about  him  could  not  bear, 
this  caused  many  desertions  from  him  to  Cleopatra.  But  still  her  party  alone 
was  not  strong  enough  to  support  her;  and  therefore,  fearing  lest  the  people  of 
Seleucia  would  rather  give  her  up  to  Tryphon  than  suffer  a  siege  for  her  sake, 
she  sent  to  Antiochus  Sidetes,^  the  brother  of  Demetrius,  to  join  his  interest  with 
hers,  offering  him  the  crown  and  herself  in  marriage  on  this  condition;  for, 
hearing  of  the  marriage  of  Demetrius  with  Rhodaguna  in  Parthia,  and  being 
greatly  provoked  thereby,  she  cast  off  all  regard  for  him,"*  and  resolved  to  seek 
a  new  interest  for  her  support,  by  disposing  of  herself  in  marriage  elsewhere; 
and,  not  seeing  where  she  could  do  this  more  to  her  advantage  than  to  the  next 
heir  of  the  crown,  she  therefore  sent  for  him,  and  made  him  her  husband. 

This  Antiochus  was  second  son  to  Demetrius  Soter,*  and,  on  the  wars  which 
that  prince  had  with  Alexander  Balas,  w'as  sent  to  Cnidus  with  his  brother  De- 
metrius, the  now  captive  king  of  Syria,  to  be  there  kept  out  of  harm's  way,  as 
hath  been  already  related.  He  seems  to  have  still  continued  in  those  parts  after 
his  brother's  recovering  the  crown.  For  he  is  said  to  have  been  at  Rhodes 
when  Demetrius  was  taken  prisoner;''  and  therefore,  no  doubt,  in  that  place  it 
was  that  Cleopatra's  message  found  him.  For  he  having,  on  the  receiving  of 
it,  accepted  the  offer,  and  thereon  taken  upon  him  the  style  and  title  of  king 
of  Syria,"  he  wrote  a  letter  to  Simon,  dated  from  the  Isles  of  the  Sea,  and  most 
likely  this  was  from  Rhodes,  since  he  is  said  to  have  been  there  so  lately  be- 
fore as  at  the  time  of  the  first  news  of  his  brother's  captivity. 

The  substance  of  his  letter  to  Simon  was,**  to  complain  of  the  unjust  usurpa- 
tion of  Tryphon,  and  to  let  him  know  that  he  was  preparing  to  come  into  Syria, 
to  take  vengeance  of  that  usurper,  and  recover  his  father's  kingdom;  and  there- 
fore, to  gain  him  over  to  his  interest,  makes  him  many  grants,  and  promiseth 
him  many  more,  when  he  should  be  fully  settled  in  the  throne,  as  may  be  seen 
in  that  letter,  1  Maccab.  xv.  2 — 9. 

An.  13y.  Simon  5.] — And  accordingly,  in  the  beginning  of  the  next  year,' 
he  landed  in  S3fria,  with  an  army  of  mercenaries,  w^hom  he  had  hired  in  Greece, 
Lesser  Asia,  and  the  Isles;  and  having  married  Cleopatra,  joined  her  forces  to 

1  Juchnsin  Shalshcleth  Haccabbala.    Zcmacli  David.  2  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  12. 

3  Joseph.  Anliq.  lib.  13.  c.  1'2.    Appian.  in  Syriacis.    Justin,  lib.  36.  c.  1.  4  Appian.  ibid. 

5  Justin,  ibid.     Appian.  in  t'viiacis.  6  Appian.  ibid.  7  1  Maccab.  xv.  1, 

8  Ibid.  2— !».  ■  9  Ibid.  10.    Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  12. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  191 

his  own,  and  marched  against  Tryphon.  Whereon  most  of  the  usurper's 
forces,'  now  weary  of  his  tyranny,  went  over  from  him  to  Antiochus,  which 
augmented  his  army  to  the  number  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  foot 
and  eight  thousand  horse.  This  being  a  power  Trj^phon  could  not  keep  the 
field  against,  he  retreated  to  Dora,  a  city  near  Ptolemais  in  Phoenicia,  where, 
being  besieged  by  Antiochus,  with  all  his  forces,  both  by  sea  and  land,  and  find- 
ing the  place  not  capable  of  holding  out  against  so  great  a  power,  he  made  his 
escape  by  sea  to  Orthosia,  another  maritime  town  in  Phoenicia,  from  whence 
flying  to  Apamia,  his  own  native  city,  he  was  there  taken  and  put  to  death. 
And  hereby  an  end  being  put  to  his  usurpation,  Antiochus  became  fully  pos- 
sessed of  his  father's  throne,  and  sat  in  it  nine  years.  He  being  much  given 
to  hunting,-  had  the  name  Sidetes  (i.  e.  the  Hunter)  given  unto  him,  from  zi- 
dah,  a  word  of  that  signification  in  the  Syriac  language. 

Simon  being  instated  in  the  sovereign  command  of  Judea  by  the  general 
consent  of  all  that  nation,  in  the  manner  as  above  related,  thought  it  would  be 
of  great  advantage  to  him,  for  his  firmer  establishment  in  it,  to  get  himself  ac- 
knowledged what  they  had  made  him  by  the  Romans,  and  to  have  all  their 
former  leagues  and  alliances  renewed  with  him,  under  the  style  and  title  which 
he  then  bore  of  high-priest  and  prince  of  the  Jews.  And  therefore  he  sent 
another  embassy  to  them  for  this  purpose,^  with  a  present  of  a  large  shield  of 
gold,  weighing  one  thousand  minse,  which,  according  to  the  lowest  computa- 
tion of  an  Attic  mina,  amounted  to  the  value  of  fifty  thousand  pounds  of  our 
present  sterling  money.  Both  the  present  and  embassy  were  very  acceptable 
to  the  senate;  and  therefore  they  not  only  renewed  their  league  and  alliance 
with  Simon  and  his  people,  in  the  manner  he  desired,  but  also  ordered,  that 
Lucius  Cornehus  Piso,  one  of  the  consuls,  should  write  letters  to  Ptolemy  king 
of  Egypt,  Attains  king  of  Pergamus,  Ariarathes  king  of  Cappadocia,  Deme- 
trius king  of  Syria,  and  Mithridates  king  of  Parthia,  and  to  all  the  cities  and 
states  of  Greece,  Lesser  Asia,  and  the  isles  that  were  in  alliance  with  them,  to 
let  them  know  that  the  Jews  were  their  friends  and  allies,  and  that  therefore 
they  should  not  attempt  any  thing  to  their  damage,  or  protect  any  traitors  or 
fugitives  of  that  nation  against  them,  but  should  deliver  up  to  Simon,  the  high- 
priest  and  prince  of  the  Jews,  all  such  traitors  and  fugitives  as  should  flee  unto 
them,  whenever  demanded  by  him. 

The  letters  to  the  Syrian  king  were  directed  to  Demetrius,  though  then  a 
prisoner  in  Parthia,  because  neither  Tryphon  nor  Antiochus  Sidetes,  who  were 
then  contending  for  the  crown  at  the  time  when  these  letters  were  written, 
were  either  of  them  acknowledged  as  king  by  the  Romans.  And  therefore, 
when  these  letters  were  brought  into  Syria,  they  were  of  no  benefit  to  Simon 
or  the  Jews;  for  Antiochus,  having  no  regard  to  them,  as  not  being  written  to 
him,  as  soon  as  he  had  driven  Tryphon  out  of  the  field,  took  the  first  opportu- 
nity to  quarrel  with  Simon.  For  although  Simon'*  sent  to  Antiochus,  while  he 
was  besieging  Tryphon  at  Dora,  two  thousand  chosen  men  for  his  assistance, 
with  gold,  and  silver,  and  arms,  and  other  instruments  and  engines  of  war,  he 
would  not  receive  any  of  them,  but,  rescinding  all  that  he  had  formerly  granted 
or  promised,  sent  Athenobius,  one  of  his  friends,  to  him,  to  demand  the  resto- 
ration of  Gazara,  Joppa,  and  the  fortress  of  Jerusalem,  with  several  other  places 
then  held  by  Simon,  which  he  claimed  as  belonging  to  the  kingdom  of  Syria, 
or  else  five  hundred  talents  in  lieu  of  them,  and  five  hundred  talents  more  for 
the  damages  that  were  done  by  the  Jews  within  the  borders  of  his  other  do- 
minions. On  Athenobius's  coming  to  Jerusalem  with  this  message,*  Simon's 
answer  was,  that  for  Gazara  and  Joppa  he  was  content  to  pay  the  king  one  hun- 
dred talents;  but  as  to  all  the  rest,  he  told  him,  it  was  the  inheritance  of  their 
forefathers,  which  they  had  for  a  time  been  wrongfully  deprived  of,  and  that, 
having  now  again  gotten  possession  of  it,  they  were  resolved  to  keep  it.     This 

1  1  Maccab.  13.  14.     Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  12.     Appianus  in  Syriacis.  2  Plutarch,  in  Problem. 

3  1  Maccab.  xiv,  24.  xv.  25.  4  Ibid.  xv.  26—32.  1  Maccab.  xv.  32—36. 


192  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

answer  very  much  angering  Athenobius,  he,  without  replying  any  thing  theretaj 
returned  in  great  wrath  to  the  king,  and  made  report  to  him  of  what  Simon  had 
said,  and  also  of  what  he  had  seen  of  the  pomp  and  grandeur  in  which  he 
lived.  For,  being  now  sovereign  prince  of  the  Jews,  he  was  served  in  much 
plate  of  gold  and  silver,  had  many  attendants,  and  in  all  things  else  appeared 
in  the  same  manner  of  splendour  and  glory  as  other  princes  did.  At  all  which 
the  king  being  very  much  offended,  resolved  on  a  war  against  him;  and  there- 
fore,' having  made  Cendebseus,  one  of  his  nobles,  captain  and  governor  of  the 
sea-coasts  of  Palestine,  he  sent  him  with  one  part  of  his  army  to  tight  against 
Simon,  and,  in  the  mean  time,  he,  with  the  other,  pursued  after  Tryphon,  till 
he  had  taken  and  slain  him  in  the  manner  as  I  have  mentioned 

Cendebaeus  forthwith  marched  with  his  forces  into  the  parts  near  Jamnia  and 
Joppa;'  and  having  there,  according  to  the  orders  which  he  had  received  from^ 
the  king,  fortified  Kedron,  he  placed  a  strong  party  of  his  army  in  it,  and  from 
thence  began  to  make  inroads  upon  the  Jews,  and  to  kill  and  plunder,  and  com- 
mit all  manner  of  hostihties  in  their  land.  Whereon  John,^  the  son  of  Simon, 
who  lived  at  Gazara  in  the  neighbourhood,  went  from  thence  to  Jerusalem  to 
acquaint  his  father  of  these  particulars.  By  which  Simon  perceiving  that  the 
intention  of  Antiochus  was  to  make  war  upon  him,  got  together  an  army  of 
twenty  thousand  foot,  with  a  proportionable  number  of  horse.  And  because  he 
himself  being  now  broken  with  age,  could  no  more  bear  the  fatigues  of  war,  he 
committed  the  command  of  them  to  Judas  and  John,  his  sons,  and  sent  them 
forth  to  tight  the  enemy.  The  first  night  after  they  took  the  field,  they  en- 
camped at  Modin,  the  original  seat  of  their  family,  and  from  thence,  the  next 
day  after,  marched  out  against  Cendebseus.  This  soon  brought  it  to  a  battle  be- 
tween them;  in  which  Cendebaeus  being  overthrown,  lost  two  thousand  of  his 
men,  and  the  rest  fled,  part  to  Kedron  and  part  to  other  strong  holds  near  the 
field  of  battle,  and  part  to  Azotus.  Judas,  being  wounded  in  the  fight,  waa- 
forced  to  stay  behind.  But  John  followed  the  pursuit  till  he  came  to  Azotus,. 
and,  having  there  taken  their  fortresses  and  towers  of  defence,  burnt  them  with 
fire.  After  this,  the  two  brothers,  having  driven  the  Syrians  out  of  those  parts, 
and  settled  all  matters  there  in  quiet,  returned  in  triumph  to  Jerusalem. 

Jin.  138.  Simon  6.] — Ptolemy  Physcon  had  now  reigned  in  Egypt  seven  years, 
during  all  which  time  we  find  nothing  else  recorded  of  him  but  his  monstrous^ 
vices  and  his  detestable  cruelties,*  scarce  any  other  prince  having  been  more 
brutal  in  his  lusts,  or  more  barbarous  and  bloody  in  the  government  of  his  peo- 
ple. And,  besides,  in  all  his  other  conduct,  he  appeared  very  despicable  and 
foolish,  usually  both  doing  and  saying  very  childish  and  ridiculous  things  in 
public  as  well  as  in  private:  whereby  he  incurred,  to  a  great  degree,  the  con- 
tempt, as  well  as  the  hatred  and  detestation  of  his  people.  And  that  he  kept 
the  crown  upon  his  head,  under  so  general  an  odium  and  aversion  of  his  sub- 
jects, was  wholly  owing  to  Hierax  his  chief  minister.^  He  was  by  birth  of 
Antioch,  and  the  same  who,  in  the  reign  of  Alexander  Balas,  had,  in  joint  com- 
mission with  Diodotus  (afterward  called  Tryphon,)  the  government  of  that  city 
committed  to  him.  On  the  turn  of  affairs  that  afterward  happened  in  Syria,  he 
retired  into  Egypt,  and  there  falUng  into  the  service  of  Ptolemy  Physcon,  be- 
came the  chief  commander  of  his  armies,  and  the  chief  manager  of  all  his  other 
affairs;  and  being  a  very  valiant  and  wise  man,  he,  by  taking  care  of  well  pay^ 
ing  the  soldiers,  and  balancing,  by  his  good  and  wise  ministration,  and  male- 
administration  of  his  master,  and  remedying  and  preventing  as  many  of  them 
as  he  was  able,  had  hitherto  the  success  to  keep  all  things  quiet  in  that  kingdom. 

This  year,  as  great  a  monster  of  cruelty  began  his  reign  at  Pergarnus,  Attains 
Philometor,^  the  son  of  Eumenes,  who  succeeded  Attains  his  uncle  in  that  king- 
dom.    He  being  a  minor  at  the  death  of  his  father,  the  tuition  of  him,  with  the 

1  1  Maccah.  38,  :tO.     Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  13.  2  Ibid.  40,  41.     Ibid.  3  Ibid.  xvi.  1—10.     Ibid. 

4  Justin,  lib.  3H.  c.  8.    Diodorus  Siculus,  in  Excerptis  Valesii.  p.  361.     Athenseus,  lib.  4.  p.  184.    Valerius 
Maximus,  lib.  9.  c.  ],  2. 
3  Diodorus  Sieulus,  ibid.  6  Stiabo,  lib.  13.  p.  624.    Justin,  lib.  36.  c.  4. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  193 

crown,  was  left  to  Attalus  the  uncle,  who  so  faithfully  discharged  his  trust,  that 
he  not  only  carefully  bred  up  the  pupil,  but,  on  his  death,  which  happened  this 
year,  left  the  crown  to  him,'  passing  by  the  children  which  he  had  of  his  own. 
For  he  looked  on  the  crown  as  left  him  by  his  brother,  to  be  no  more  than  a 
depositum  intrusted  with  him  for  his  nephew;  and  therefore  he  accordingly  re- 
stored it  to  him  in  the  next  succession,  which  is  a  procedure  very  rarely  prac- 
tised, where  a  crown  is  the  thing  in  possession.  Another  instance  of  such  a 
restoration  is  scarce  any  where  else  to  be  found  in  history;  princes  being  usually 
no  less  solicitous  to  preserve  their  crowns  to  their  posterity,  than  to  themselves. 
But  this  turned  to  the  great  plague  and  calamity  of  the  whole  kingdom;  for  this 
Attalus  Philometor,  being  more  than  half  a  madman,  managed  his  government 
accordingly  in  a  very  wild,  irrational,  and  pernicious  manner.  For  he  had 
scarce  been  warm  in  his  throne,^  ere  he  stained  it  all  over  with  the  blood  of  his 
nearest  relations,  and  other  the  best  friends  of  his  family;  putting  to  death  most 
of  those  who,  with  the  greatest  fidelity,  had  served  his  father  and  his  uncle; 
pretending  against  some  of  them,  that  they  had  by  evil  arts  caused  the  death 
of  Stratonice  his  mother,  who  deceased  an  old  woman;  and  against  others,  that 
they  caused,  by  the  like  evil  arts,  the  death  of  Berenice,  his  wife,  who  died  of 
an  incurable  disease  which  she  happened  to  fall  into.  And  others  he  put  to 
death  upon  vain  and  groundless  suspicions,  cutting  off  with  them  their  wives 
and  children,  and  all  their  whole  families.  These  executions,^  he  did  by  the 
hands  of  his  mercenaries,  whom  he  had  hired  out  of  the  most  cruel  and  savage 
of  the  barbarous  nations,  they  only  being  fit  instruments  for  such  bloody  and 
abominable  work.  After  he  had  thus,  in  a  wild  and  mad  fury,  cut  off  the  best 
men  in  his  kingdom,  he  withdrew  from  the  public  view,*  appearing  no  more 
abroad  among  the  people,  nor  was  he  any  more  seen  at  home,  entertaining  him- 
self either  in  banquets,  or  public  repasts,  but  putting  on  a  sordid  apparel,  and 
letting  his  beard  grow  to  a  great  length,  without  trimming  it,  behaved  himself 
in  the  same  manner  as  those  used  to  do  who  were  under  arraignment  for  some 
great  crime,  acting  hereby  as  if  he  had  acknowledged  himself  guilty  of  all  the 
villany  he  had  done. 

And,  going  on  after  this  rate  into  other  extravagances,  he  neglected  all  the 
affairs  of  the  government,^  and  betook  himself  to  his  garden,  there  digging  the 
ground  himself,  and  sowing  it  with  all  manner  of  poisonous  and  unwholesome 
herbs,  as  well  as  with  those  that  were  wholesome,  he  infected  the  wholesome 
with  the  juices  of  the  poisonous,  and  then  sent  them  as  especial  presents  to  his 
friends.  And  thus  he  wore  out  in  wild  and  cruel  extravagances  the  remainder 
of  his  reign;  the  best  recommendation  of  which  was,  that  it  was  very  short;  for 
it  ended  after  five  years'  time  in  his  death,  which  then  happened  in  the  manner 
as  will  be  hereafter  related  in  its  proper  place. 

Jin.  137.  Simon  7.] — Antiochus  Sidetes,  after  having  vanquished  Tryphon, 
and  wholly  broken  and  brought  under  all  that  were  of  his  party,  did  next  betake 
himself  to  recover  to  the  Syrian  empire, '^  all  such  cities  and  places  as  had  taken 
the  advantage  of  the  late  distractions  that  followed  upon  his  father's  death  to  re- 
volt from  it.  And,  having  gained  full  success  herein,  he  settled  all  things  within 
the  kingdom  of  Syria  again,  upon  the  same  bottom  on  which  they  were  before 
these  distractions  begun. 

An.  136.  Simon  8.] — But  in  Egypt  all  things  went  worse  and  worse.  For, 
whether  it  were  that  Hierax  was  dead,^  or  else,  that  the  madness  of  the  prince 
overbore  aU  the  wisdom  and  prudence  of  the  chief  minister,  we  hear  nothing 
of  him  from  this  time,  but  his  barbarous  cruelties,  and  monstrous  mismanage- 
ments, in  all  his  conduct.    Most  of  those  who  were  the  most  forward  to  call  him 

1  Plntarchiis  in  libro  ^nft  *i>.aJiX.(f  1x5  et  in  Apotheg. 

2  Justin,  ibid.    Diodor.  Sic.  in  Excerplis  Valesii,  p.  370.  3  Diodor.  Sic.  in  ExcerpUs  Valesii  n  370 

4  Justin,  lib.  36.  c.  4.  ■  .  i 

5  Ibid.  Plutarchus  in  Dpnietrio.  where  the  English  translator,  taking  him  very  unskilfully  to  mend  tho 
Greek  original,  hath  put  Ptolemy  Philometor  instead  of  Attalus  Philometor. 

6  Justin,  lib.  36.  c.  1. 

7  Athcnmus  tells  us,  that  Phy.scon  did  put  Hierai;  to  death,  lib.  6.  p.  252,  but  the  time  of  his  death  is  not  said. 

Vol.  11.-25 


194  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

to  the  crown  on  his  brother's  decease,'  and  after  that  to  support  him  in  it,  he 
causelessly  put  to  death.  Most  of  those  who  had  the  favour  of  Philoraetor  his 
brother,  or  had  been  employed  in  his  service,  he  either  slew  or  drove  into  ban- 
ishment; and,  by  his  foreign  mercenaries,  whom  he  let  loose  to  commit  all  man- 
ner of  murders  and  rapines  as  they  pleased,  he  oppressed  and  terrified  the  Alex- 
andrians to  so  great  a  degree,  that  most  of  them  fled  into  other  countries  to 
avoid  his  cruelty,  and  left  their  city  in  a  manner  desolate.  That  therefore  he 
might  not  reign  over  empty  houses  without  inhabitants,  he,  by  his  proclama- 
tions dispersed  over  the  neighbouring  countries,  invited  all  strangers  to  come 
thither  to  repeople  the  place.  Whereon  great  multitudes  flocking  thither,  he 
gave  them  the  habitations  of  those  that  were  fled;  and,  admitting  them  to  all  the 
rights,  privileges,  and  immunities  of  the  former  citizens,  he,  by  this  means, 
again  replenished  the  city. 

There  being,  among  those  that  fled  out  of  Egypt"  on  this  occasion,  many 
grammarians,  philosophers,  geometricians,  physicians,  musicians,  and  other 
masters  and  professors  of  ingenious  arts  and  sciences;  this  banishment  of  theirs 
became  the  means  of  reviving  learning  again  in  Greece,  Lesser  Asia,  and  the 
isles,  and  in  all  other  places  Avhere  they  went.  The  wars  which  followed  after 
the  death  of  Alexander,  among  those  that  succeeded  him,  had  in  a  manner  ex- 
tinguished learning  in  all  those  parts;  and  it  would  have  gone  nigh  to  have  been 
utterly  lost  amidst  the  calamities  of  those  times,  but  that  it  found  a  support  un- 
der the  patronage  of  the  Ptolemies  at  Alexandria.  For  the  first  Ptolemy  having 
there  erected  a  museum  or  college,  for  the  maintenance  and  encouragement  of 
learned  men,  and  also  a  great  library  for  their  use)  of  both  which  I  have  already 
spoken,)  this  drew  most  of  the  learned  men  of  Greece  thither.  And,  the  second 
and  third  Ptolemy  having  followed  herein  the  same  steps  of  their  predecessor. 
Alexandria  became  the  place  where  the  liberal  arts  and  sciences,  and  all  other 
parts  of  learning,  were  preserved,  and  flourished  in  those  ages,  when  they  were 
almost  dropped  every  where  else;  and  most  of  its  inhabitants  were  bred  up  in 
the  knowledge  of  some  or  other  of  them.  And  hereby  it  came  to  pass,  that, 
when  they  were  driven  into  foreign  parts,  by  the  cruelty  and  oppression  of  the 
wicked  tyrant  I  have  mentioned,  being  qualified  to  gain  themselves  a  mainte- 
nance by  teaching,  each  in  the  places  where  they  came,  the  particular  profes- 
sions they  were  skilled  in,  they  accordingly  betook  themselves  hereto,  and 
erected  schools  for  this  purpose,  in  all  the  countries  above  mentioned,  through 
which  they  were  dispersed;  and  they  being,  by  reason  of  their  poverty,  content 
to  teach  for  a  small  hire,  this  drew  great  numbers  of  scholars  to  them,  and  by 
this  means,  all  the  several  branches  of  learning  became  again  revived  in  those 
eastern  parts,  in  the  same  manner  as  they  were  in  these  latter  ages  in  the  wes- 
tern, after  the  taking  of  Constantinople  by  the  Turks.  For,  till  then,  most  of 
the  learning  of  the  west  was  in  school-divinity,  and  the  canon  law:  and,  although 
the  former  of  these  was  built  more  upon  Aristotle  than  the  holy  scriptures,  yet 
they  had  nothing  of  Aristotle  in  those  days,  but  in  a  translation  at  the  third  hand. 
The  Saracens  had  translated  the  works  of  that  philosopher  into  Arabic,  and 
from  thence  those  Christians  of  the  Latin  church,  who  learned  philosophy  from 
the  Saracens  in  Spain,  translated  them  into  Latin.  And  this  was  the  only  text 
of  that  author,  on  which,  during  the  reign  of  the  schoolmen,  all  their  comments 
on  him  were  made.  And  yet  upon  no  better  a  foundation  are  some  of  those 
decisions  in  divinity  built,  which  the  Romanists  hold  as  infallible,  than  what 
they  have  thus  borrowed  from  a  heathen  philosopher,  handed  to  them  in  a  trans- 
lation made  by  the  disciples  of  INIahomet.  But  when  Constantinople  was  taken 
by  Mahomet,  the  king  of  the  Turks,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1453,  and  the 
learned  men  who  dwelt  there,  and  in  other  parts  of  Greece,  fearing  the  cruelty 
and  the  barbarity  of  the  Turks,  fled  into  Italy,  they  brought  thither  with  them 
their  books  and  their  learning;  and  there,  first  under  the  patronage  of  the  princes 
of  that  country  (especially  of  Lorenzo  de  Medicis,  the  first  founder  of  thegreat- 

1  Justin.  lib.  38.  c.8.    Athenaeus,  lib.  4.  p.  184.  2  Athenaeus,  lib.  4.  p.  184. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  195 

ness  of  his  family,)  propagated  both.  And  this  gave  the  rise  to  all  that  learning 
in  these  western  parts,  which  hath  ever  since  grown  and  flourished  in  them. 

At  the  same  time  that  foreigners  were  flocking  to  Alexandria  for  the  repeo- 
pling  of  that  city,  there  came  thither  Publius  Scipio  Africanus,  junior,  Spurius 
Mummius,  and  L.  MeteUus,  in  an  embassy  from  the  Romans.'  It  was  the  usage 
of  that  people,  often  to  send  out  embassies  to  inspect  the  affairs  of  their  allies, 
and  to  make  up  and  compose  what  difterences  they  should  find  among  them; 
and  for  this  purpose,  this  famous  embassy,  consisting  of  three  of  the  most  emi- 
nent men  of  Rome,  was  at  this  time  sent  from  thence.  Their  commission  was 
to  pass  through  Egypt,  Syria,  Asia,  and  Greece,  to  see  and  observe  how  the 
affairs  of  each  kingdom  and  state  in  those  countries  stood,  and  to  take  an  ac- 
count how  the  leagues  they  had  made  with  the  Romans  were  kept  and  observ- 
ed; and  to  set  all  things  at  rights,  that  they  should  find  any  where  amiss  among 
them.  And  this  trust  they  every  where  discharged  so  honourably  and  justly, 
and  so  much  to  the  benefit  and  advantage  of  those  they  were  sent  to,  in  regu- 
lating their  disorders,  and  adjusting  all  differences  which  they  found  among 
them,  that  they  were  no  sooner  returned  to  Rome,  but  ambassadors  followed 
them  from  all  places  where  they  had  been,^  to  thank  the  senate  for  sending 
such  honourable  persons  to  them,  and  for  the  great  benefits  they  had  received 
from  them.  The  first  place  which  they  came  to  in  the  discharge  of  their  com- 
mission being  Alexandria  in  Egypt,  they  were  there  received  by  the  king  in 
great  state.  But  they  made  their  entrance  thither  with  so  little,  that  Scipio,^ 
who  was  then  the  greatest  man  in  Rome,  had  no  more  than  one  friend,  Panae- 
tius  the  philosopher,  and  five  servants  in  his  retinue.  And,  although  they  were, 
during  their  stay  there,  entertained  with  all  the  varieties  of  the  most  sumptuous 
fare,  yet  they  would  touch  nothing  more  of  it  than  what  was  useful,*  in  the 
most  temperate  manner,  for  the  necessary  support  of  nature,  despising  all  the 
rest,  as  that  which  corrupted  the  mind  as  well  as  the  body,  and  bred  vicious 
humours  in  both.  Such  was  the  moderation  and  temperance  of  the  Romans  at 
this  time,  and  hereby  it  was  that  they  at  length  advanced  their  state  to  so  great 
a  height-  and  in  this  height  would  they  have  still  continued,  could  they  still 
have  retained  the  same  virtues.  But,  when  their  prosperity,  and  the  great 
wealth  obtained  thereby,  became  the  occasion  that  they  degenerated  into  luxury 
and  corruption  of  manners,  they  drew  decay  and  ruin  as  fast  upon  them  as  they 
had  before  victory  and  prosperity,  till  at  length  they  were  undone  by  it.  So 
that  the  poet  said  justly  of  them. 

Saevior  armis 


Luxuria  incubuit,  victumque  ulciscitur  orbem." 

Juv.  Sat.  6.  ver.  29. 
Luxury  came  on  more  cruel  than  our  arms, 
And  did  revenge  the  vanquished  world  with  its  charms. 

When  the  ambassadors  had  taken  a  full  view  of  Alexandria,  and  the  state  of 
aflfairs  in  that  city,  they  sailed  up  the  Nile  to  see  Memphis  and  other  parts  of 
Egypt;^  whereby  having  thoroughly  informed  themselves  of  the  great  number 
of  cities,^  and  the  vast  multitude  of  inhabitants  that  were  in  that  country,  and 
also  of  the  strength  of  its  situation,  the  fertility  of  its  soil,  and  the  many  other 
excellencies  and  advantages  of  it,  they  observed  it  to  be  a  country  that  wanted 
nothing  for  its  being  made  a  very  potent  and  formidable  kingdom,  but  a  prince 
of  capacity  and  application  sufficient  to  form  it  thereto.  And  therefore,  no  doubt, 
it  was  to  their  great  satisfaction  that  they  found  the  present  king  thoroughly 
destitute  of  every  qualification  that  was  necessary  for  such  an  undertaking. 
For  nothing  could  appear  more  despicable,'  than  he  did  to  them  in  every  inter- 

1  Justin,  lib.  38.  c.  8.    Cicero,  in  Somnio  Scipionis,  c.  2.     Athena-iis,  lib.  fi.  p.  273.  et  lib.  12.  p.  549.     Vale- 
rius Ma-fimiis.  lib.  4.  c.  3.  s.  13.     Dioilor.  Sic.  Le?at.  .?2. 

2  Diodor.  Sic.  Legal.  .'12.  3  Athenffius,  lib.  6.  p.  273.  4  Diod.  Sic.  Lopat.  32.  5  Ibid. 

6  Egypt,  in  the  time  of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  had  in  it  thirty-three  thousand  three  hundred  and  thirty-nine 
cities.    Theocrit.  Idyl.  17. 

7  Justin.  lib.3S.  c.  8. 


196  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

view  they  had  with  him.  Of  his  cruelty,  barbarity,  luxury,  and  other  vile  and 
vicious  dispositions  which  he  was  addicted  to,  I  have  in  part  already  spoken, 
and  there  will  be  occasions  hereafter  to  give  more  instances  of  them.  And  the 
deformities  of  his  body  were  no  less  than  those  of  his  soul.  For  he  was  of  a 
most  deformed  countenance,'  of  a  short  stature,  and  such  a  monstrous  and  pro- 
minent belly  therewith,  as  no  man  was  able  to  encompass  with  both  his  arms; 
so  that,  by  reason  of  this  load  of  flesh,  acquired  by  his  luxury,  he  was  so  un- 
wieldly,  that  he  never  stepped  abroad  without  a  staff  to  lean  on.  And  over 
this  vile  carcass  he  wore  a  garment  so  thin  and  transparent,'^  that  there  were 
seen  through  it,  not  only  all  the  deformities  of  his  body,  but  also  those  parts 
which  it  is  one  of  the  main  ends  of  garments  modestly  to  cover  and  conceal. 
From  this  deformed  monster  the  ambassadors  passed  over  to  Cyprus,  and  from 
thence  proceeded  to  execute  their  commission  in  all  the  other  countries  to 
which  they  were  sent. 

An.  135.  John  Hyrcnnus  1.] — In  the  month  of  Shebat  (which  was  in  the  lat- 
ter end  of  the  Jewish  year,  and  in  the  beginning  of  the  Julian,^)  Simon,  making 
a  progress  through  the  cities  of  Judah,  to  take  care  for  the  well  ordering  of  aU 
things  in  them,  came  to  Jericho,  having  then  two  of  his  sons,  Judas  and  Mat- 
tathias,  there  in  company  with  him,  Ptolemy,  the  son  of  Abubus,  who  had  mar- 
ried one  of  his  daughters,  being  governor  of  the  place  under  him,  invited  him 
to  the  castle  which  he  had  built  in  the  neighbourhood,  to  partake  of  an  enter- 
tainment he  had  there  provided  for  him.  Simon  and  his  sons,  suspecting  no 
evil  from  so  near  a  relation,  accepted  of  the  invitation,  and  went  thither.  But 
the  perfidious  wretch,  having  laid  a  design  for  the  usurping  of  the  government 
of  Judea  to  himself,  and  concerted  the  matter  with  Antiochus  Sidetes,  king  of 
Syria,  for  the  accomplishing  of  it,  wickedly  plotted  the  destruction  of  Simon 
and  his  sons:  and  therefore,  having  hid  men  in  the  castle,  where  the  entertain- 
ment was  made,  when  his  guests  had  well  drunk  he  brought  forth  these  murder- 
ers upon  them,  and  assassinated  them  all  three  while  they  were  sitting  at  his 
banquet,  and  all  those  that  attended  upon  them;  and,  thinking  immediately 
hereupon  to  make  himself  master  of  the  whole  land,  sent  a  party  to  Gazara, 
where  John  resided,  to  slay  him  also;  and  wrote  letters  to  the  commanders  of 
the  army  that  had  their  station  in  those  parts,  to  come  over  to  him,  proffering 
them  gold  and  silver,  and  other  rewards,  to  draw  them  into  his  designs.  But 
John,  having  received  notice  of  what  had  been  done  at  Jericho,  before  this 
party  could  reach  Gazara,  he  was  there  provided  for  them;  and  therefore  fell 
on  them,  and  cut  them  all  off,  as  soon  as  they  approached  the  place;  and  then, 
hastening  to  Jerusalem,  secured  that  city,  and  the  mountain  of  the  temple, 
against  those  whom  the  traitor  had  sent  to  seize  both.  And,  being  thereupon 
declared  high-priest  and  prince  of  the  Jews,  in  the  place  of  his  father  Simon, 
he  took  care  every  where  to  provide  for  the  security  of  the  country,  and  the 
peace  of  all  those  that  dwelt  in  it.  Whereon  Ptolemy,  being  defeated  of  all 
those  plots  which  he  had  laid  for  the  compassing  of  his  designs,  had  nothing 
now  left  to  do,  but  to  send  to  Antiochus  to  come  with  an  army  for  the  accom- 
plishing of  them  by  open  force;  without  which  being  no  longer  able  to  support 
himself  against  John  in  Judea  he  fled  to  Zeno,  surnamed  Cotyla,  who  was  then 
tyrant  of  Philadelphia,  and  there  waited  till  Antiochus  should  arrive.  What 
became  of  him  afterward  is  uncertain.  For,  although  Antiochus  came  at  his 
call  into  Judea,  and  a  bitter  war  thereon  ensued,  yet,  after  his  flight  to  Zeno, 
no  more  mention  is  made  of  him.  Although  the  treason  might  be  acceptable 
enough  to  that  king,  because  of  the  fair  prospect  that  was  given  him,  by  the 
advantage  of  it,  again  to  recover  Judea  to  his  crown,  yet  he  could  not  but  abhor 
such  an  execrable  traitor,  and  perchance  dealt  with  him  according  to  what  his 
wickedness  deserved.  But  here  ending  the  history  of  the  Maccabees,  as  con- 
tained in  the  apocryphal  books  of  scripture  known  by  that  name,  I  shall  here 
also  end  this  fourth  book  of  my  present  work. 

I  Athcnsus,  lib.  12.  p.  510.  2  .Tustin.  lib.  38.  c.  8.  3  1  Maccab.  xvi.  14—22.    Joseph,  lib.  13.  c.  14. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  197 


BOOK  V. 


An.  135.  John  Hyrcamis  1.] — Antiochus  Sidetes,  king  of  Syria,'  having 
received  from  Ptolemy,  the  son  of  Abubus,  the  account  which  he  had  sent  him 
of  the  death  of  Simon  and  his  sons,  made  haste  to  take  the  advantage  of  it,  for 
the  reducing  of  Judea  again  under  the  Syrian  empire;  and  therefore  forthwith 
marched  thitherward  with  a  great  army,  and  having  overrun  the  country,  and 
driven  Hyrcanus  out  of  the  field,  shut  him  up  and  all  his  forces  with  him  in 
Jerusalem,  and  there  besieged  him  with  his  whole  army,  divided  into  seven 
camps,  whereby  he  enclosed  him  all  round;  and,  to  do  this  the  more  effectually, 
he  caused  two  large  and  deep  ditches  to  be  drawn  round  the  city,  one  of  cir- 
cumvallation,  and  the  other  of  contravallation:  so  that,  by  reason  hereof,  none 
could  come  out  from  the  besieged  to  make  their  escape,  or  any  get  into  them  to 
bring  them  relief.  And  therefore,  when  Hyrcanus,  to  rid  himself  of  unprofit- 
able mouths,  which  consumed  the  stores  of  the  besieged,  without  helping  them 
in  the  defence  of  the  place,  put  all  such  as  were  useless  for  the  w^ars  out  of  the 
city;  they  could  not  pass  the  ditch  that  enclosed  them,  but  were  pent  up  be- 
tween that  and  the  walls  of  the  city,  and  were  there  forced  to  abide;  till  at 
length  Hyrcanus  found  it  necessary,  for  the  saving  of  them  from  perishing  by 
famine,  to  receive  them  in  again.  This  siege  continued  tiil  about  the  time  of 
the  beginning  of  autumn;  the  besiegers  all  this  while  daily  making  their  assaults, 
and  the  besieged  as  valiantly  defending  themselves  against  them,  always  re- 
pulsing the  enemy,  and  often  making  sallies  upon  them,  and,  in  these  sallies, 
sometimes  burning  their  engines,  and  destroying  their  works;  and  thus  it  went 
on  till  the  time  of  the  Jews'  feast  of  tabernacles,  which  was  always  held  in  the 
middle  of  the  first  autumnal  moon.  On  the  approach  of  that  holy  time,  Hyr- 
canus sent  to  Antiochus  to  pray  a  truce  during  the  festival;  which  he  not  only 
readily  granted,  but  also  sent  beasts,  and  other  things  necessary  for  the  sacrifices 
then  to  be  offered;  which  giving  Hyrcanus  an  instance  of  the  equity  and  be- 
nignity, as  well  as  of  the  piety  of  that  prince,  this  encouraged  him  to  send  to 
him  again  for  terms  of  peace;  which  message  being  complied  with,  a  treaty 
thereon  commenced,  in  which  Hyrcanus  having  yielded,  that  the  besieged  should 
deliver  up  their  arms,  that  Jerusalem  should  be  dismantled,  and  that  tribute 
should  be  paid  the  king  for  Joppa,  and  the  other  towns  held  by  the  Jews  out  of 
Judea,  peace  was  made  upon  these  terms.  It  was  demanded  also  by  Antiochus, 
that  the  fortress  at  Jerusalem  should  be  rebuilt,  and  a  garrison  again  received 
into  it;  but  this  Hyrcanus  would  not  consent  to,  remembering  the  damage  and 
mischief  which  the  Jews  had  received  from  the  former  garrison  in  that  place; 
but  rather  chose  to  pay  the  king  five  hundred  talents  to  buy  it  off.  Whereon 
such  of  those  terms  as  were  capable  of  an  immediate  execution  being  accord- 
ingly executed,  and  hostages  given  for  the  performance  of  the  rest  (one  of 
which  was  a  brother  of  Hyrcanus,)  the  siege  was  raised,  and  peace  again  re- 
stored to  the  whole  land.  This  was  done  in  the  ninth  month  after  the  death 
of  Simon. 

When  Hyrcanus  sent  to  Antiochus  for  peace,"  he  was  brought  almost  to  the 
last  extremity,  through  want  of  provisions,  all  the  stores  of  the  city  being  in  a 
manner  spent  and  exhausted;  which  being  well  known  in  the  camp  of  the  be- 
siegers, those  that  w^ere  about  Antiochus  pressed  him  hard  to  make  use  of  this 
opportunity  for  the  destroying  and  utterly  extirpating  the  whole  nation  of  the 
Jews.  They  urged  against  them,  that  they  had  been  driven  out  of  Egypt  as 
an  impious  people,  hated  by  God  and  man;  that  they  treated  all  mankind  be- 
sides themselves  as  enemies,  refusing  communication  with  all  excepting  those 
of  their  own  sect,  neither  eating  nor  drinking,  nor  freely  conversing  with  any 

1  1  Maccab.  xvi.  18.    Joseph  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  16. 

2  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  16,    Diodor.  Sic.  lib.  34.  eclog.  1.  p.901.  et  apud  Photium  in  Bjblioih.  cod.  244. 
p.  1150. 


198  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

other,  nor  worshipping  any  of  the  same  gods  with  them,  but  using  laws,  cus- 
toms, and  a  religion  quite  different  from  all  other  nations;  and  that  therefore 
they  deserved  that  all  other  nations  should  treat  them  with  the  same  aversion 
and  hatred,  and  cut  them  all  off  and  destroy  them,  as  declared  enemies  to  all 
mankind.  And  Diodorus  Siculus,  as  well  as  Josephus,'  tell  us,  that  it  was 
wholly  owing  to  the  generosity  and  clemency  of  Antiochus,  that  the  whole  na- 
tion of  the  Jews  were  not  at  this  time  totally  cut  off,  and  utterly  destroyed,  but 
had  peace  granted  unto  them  upon  the  terms  above  mentioned. 

Of  the  five  hundred  talents  which,  by  the  terms  of  this  peace,  were  to  be 
paid  to  Antiochus,  three  hundred  were  laid  down  in  present;^  for  the  payment 
of  the  other  two  hundred,  time  was  allowed.  Josephus  tells  us,^  that  Hyrcanus, 
to  find  money  for  this  and  other  occasions  of  the  government,  broke  up  the  se- 
pulchre of  David,  and  took  from  thence  three  thousand  talents;  and  the  like 
he  afterward  tells  us  of  Herod,^  as  if  he  also  had  robbed  the  same  sepulchre, 
and  taken  great  treasures  from  it:  but  both  these  stories  are  very  improbable. 
David  had  been  now  dead  near  nine  hundred  years;  and  what  is  told  of  this 
matter,  supposeth  this  treasure  to  have  been  buried  up  with  him  all  this  time; 
it  supposeth,  that  as  often  as  the  city  of  Jerusalem,  the  palace,  and  the  temple 
had,  during  the  reigns  of  the  kings  of  Judah,  been  plundered  of  all  their  wealth 
and  treasure-  by  prevailing  enemies  (as  they  had  often  been;'')  this  dead  stock 
stiU  remained  safe  from  all  rifle  or  violation;  it  supposeth,  that,  as  often  as  those 
kings  were  forced  to  take  aU  the  treasure  that  could  be  found  in  the  house  of 
the  Lord,^  as  well  as  in  their  own,  to  relieve  the  exigencies  of  the  state,  they 
never  meddled  with  this  treasure  in  David's  grave,  there  uselessly  buried  with 
the  dead;  it  supposeth,  that,  when  one  of  the  worst  of  their  kings  plundered 
the  temple  of  its  sacred  vessels,''  and  cut  them  in  pieces,  to  melt  them  down 
into  money  for  his  common  occasions;  and  when  one  of  the  best  of  them  was 
forced  to  cut  off  the  gold  with  which  the  gates  and  pillars  of  the  temple  were 
overlaid,^  to  buy  off  a  destroying  enemy,  this  useless  treasure  still  continued 
unmeddled  with  in  both  these  cases:  nay,  farther,  it  supposeth,  that,  when  Ne- 
buchadnezzar* destroyed  both  the  city  and  the  temple  of  Jerusalem,  and  both 
thereon  lay  in  rubbish  a  great  many  years,  this  treasure  in  David's  sepulchre 
during  all  this  time  did  under  this  rubbish  lie  secure  and  untouched:  and  also, 
that  when  Antiochus  Epiphanes  destroyed  this  city,^  and  robbed  the  temple  of 
all  he  could  find  in  it,  still  David's  sepulchre,  and  the  treasure  buried  in  it 
(though  while  it  was  thus  buried  wholly  useless  and  unprofitable  for  the  service 
either  of  God  or  man,)  still  escaped  all  manner  of  violation  as  in  all  former 
times,  and  was  never  touched  nor  meddled  with  till  Hyrcanus  laid  his  hands 
upon  it;  all  which  suppositions  seem  utterly  improbable,  and  beyond  all  belief. 
What  the  manner  of  the  sepulchres  of  David  and  the  kings  of  his  lineage  was, 
I  have  already  described.'"  They  were  vaults  cut  out  of  a  marble  rock,  one 
within  another,  where  there  was  earth  to  bury  up  or  cover  any  hidden  treasure, 
but  whatsoever  was  there  laid,  must  have  lain  open  to  the  view  of  every  one 
that  entered  into  them.  If  there  were  any  foundation  of  truth  in  this  matter 
I  can  only  resolve  it  into  this,  that  several  rich  men  who  feared  Herod's  rapa- 
city hid  their  treasures  in  those  vaults,  thinking  that  they  would  be  there  best 
secured  from  it;  and  that  this  crafty  tyrant,  having  gotten  notice  of  it,  seized 
what  was  there  deposited,  as  if  it  had  been  King  David's  treasure,  and  then 
trumped  up  this  story  of  Hyrcanus  to  screen  himself  from  censure,  by  the 
example  of  so  good  and  great  a  man;  but  it  is  most  likely,  that  both  parts  of 
the  story  are  a  mere  fiction,  picked  up  by  Josephus  without  any  ground  of  truth, 
as  are  also  some  other  particulars  in  his  history. 

In  this  first  year  of  Hyrcanus,''  Matthias  Aphhas,  a  priest  of  the  course  of 

1  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  IG.  2  Ibid.  3  Ibid. 

4  1  Kings  xiv.  25.    2  Kings  xiv.  14.    2Chron.  xu.  9.  xxi.  17.  xxv.  24. 

5  Ibid.  XV.  18.    2Kingsxii.  18.    2  Chron.  xvi.  2.  6  2  Kings  xvi.  8.  17.    2  Chron.  xxviii.  21.  24. 

7  2  Kings  xviii.  l.'i,  16.        8  Ibid.  xxv.    2  Chron.  xxxvi.    Jer.  xxxix.  lii.         9  1  Maccab.  i.    2  Maccab.  v. 
1(1  Part  1,  book  I.  U  Joseph,  in  libro  de  Vita  sua. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  199 

Joarib,  married  a  daughter  of  Jonathan,  the  late  prince  of  the  Jews,  of  whom 
was  bora  Matthias  Curtis;  of  this  Matthias  was  bom  Josephus,  who  was  the 
father  of  another  Matthias,  of  whom  was  born  Josephus  the  historian,  in  the 
first  year  of  Caligula,  the  Roman  emperor,  which  was  the  37th  of  the  vulgar 
era  from  Christ's  incai-nation. 

An.  134.  John  Hyrcanus  %'] — Scipio  Africanus,  junior,  going  to  the  war  of 
Numantium  in  Spain,  Antiochus  Sidetes'  sent  thither  to  him  very  valuable  and 
magnificent  presents;  which  he  received  publickly  while  he  was  sitting  on  his 
tribunal,  in  the  sight  of  the  whole  army,  and  ordered  them  to  be  delivered  into 
the  hands  of  the  questor,^  for  the  public  charges  of  the  war,  it  being  the  tem- 
per of  the  Romans  at  this  time  to  do  and  receive  all  they  could  for  the  interest 
of  the  commonwealth,  without  taking  or  reserving  any  thing  to  themselves,  but 
the  honour  of  faithfully  serving  it  to  the  utmost  of  their  power;  and  as  long  as 
this  temper  lasted,  they  prospered  in  all  their  undertakings;  but  afterward, 
when  this  pubUc  spirit  became  turned  all  into  self-interest,  and  none  served  the 
public,  but  to  serve  themselves  by  plundering  it,  every  thing  then  went  back- 
ward with  them  as  fast  as  it  had  gone  forward  with  them  before,  till  they  were 
soon  after  swallowed  up,  first  in  tyranny,  and  afterward  in  ruin. 

An.  133.  John  Hyrcanus  3.] — Attains,  king  of  Pergamus,  going  on  in  his  wild 
freaks,^  took  a  fancy  of  employing  himself  in  the  trade  of  a  founder,  and  pro- 
jecting to  make  a  brazen  monument  for  his  mother;  while  he  laboured  in  melt- 
ing and  working  the  brass  in  a  hot  summer's  day,  he  contracted  a  fever,  of 
which  he  died  on  the  seventh  day  after:  whereby  his  people  had  the  happiness 
of  being  delivered  from  a  horrid  tyrant.  At  his  death  he  left  a  will,  whereby 
he  made  the  Romans  heirs  of  all  his  goods;'*  by  virtue  whereof  they  seized  his 
kingdom,  reckoning  that  among  his  goods,  and  reduced  it  into  the  form  of  a 
province,  which  was  called  the  Proper  Asia;'*  but  Aristonicus  the  next  heir  did 
not  tamely  submit  hereto.  He  was  the  son  of  Eumenes,  and  the  brother  of 
Attalus,  though  by  another  mother,  by  virtue  whereof,^  claiming  the  crown  as 
his  inheritance,  he  got  together  an  army,  and  took  possession  of  it;  and  it  cost 
the  Romans  the  death  of  one  of  their  consuls,'  the  loss  of  an  army  with  him, 
and  a  four  years'  war,  before  they  could  reduce  him  and  his  party,  and  tho- 
roughly settle  themselves  in  the  possession  of  the  country.  And  here  ended 
the  Pergamenian  kingdom,  which  included  the  greatest  part  of  Lesser  Asia, 
after  it  had  continued  through  the  succession  of  six  kings. 

An.  132.  John  Hyrcanus  4.] — In  the  thirty-eighth  year  of  Ptolemy  Euergetes 
the  Second,^  alias  Physcon,  Jesus,  the  son  of  Sirach,  a  Jew  of  Jerusalem,  com- 
ing into  Egjrpt,  and  settling  there,  translated  out  of  Hebrew  into  Greek,  for  the 
use  of  the  Hellenistical  Jews,  the  book  of  Jesus  his  grandfather,  which  is  the  same 
we  now  have  among  the  apocryphal  scriptures  in  our  EngUsh  Bible,  by  the 
name  of  Ecclesiasticus.  The  ancients  call  it  n^^firo.,  that  is,  the  treasure  of  all 
virtue,  as  supposing  it  to  contain  maxims  leading  to  every  virtue.  It  was  origi- 
nally written  in  Hebrew,  by  Jesus  the  author  of  it,  about  the  time  that  Onias, 
the  second  of  that  name,  was  high-priest  at  Jerusalem,  and  translated  into- 
Greek  by  Jesus,  the  son  of  Sirach,  grandson  to  the  author.     The  Hebrew  origi- 

1  Epit.  Livii,  lib.  57. 

2  That  is,  of  the  treasury  of  the  army;  for  every  Roman  general  that  went  to  any  war,  had  always  such 
a  treasurer  sent  with  him  to  manage  the  public  charges  of  the  war.  3  Justin,  lib.  30.  c.  4. 

4  Plutarch,  in  Tiberio  Graccho.  Justin,  ibid.  Epit.  Livii,  lib.  58.  L.  Florus,  lib.  2.  c.  20,  Videas  etiam- 
Epistolain  Mithridates  Regis  Ponti  ad  Arsacem  Regeni  Parthiae  inter  Fragmenta  Salustii,  lib.  4.  in  qua  epis- 
tola  vocat  hoc  testanientum  simulatuni  et  inipium  testanientum. 

5  The  word  Asia  when  put  alone,  unless  otherwise  determined  by  the  context,  signifieth  one  of  the  four 
quarters  of  the  world.  That  part  of  it  which  lies  between  Mount  Taurus  on  the  east,  and  the  Hellespont 
on  the  west,  is  called  the  Lesser  Asia,  and  that  part  of  the  Lesser  Asia  which  fell  to  the  Romans  by  Attalus's 
will,  was  the  Proper  Asia. 

6  Justin,  lib.  36.  c.  4.  L.  Florus,  lib.  2.  c.  20.  Plutarch,  in  Q,,  Flaminio.  Strabo,  lib.  J4.  Appian.  in 
Mithridaticis  et  de  Bellis  Civilibus,  lib.  L     Epit.  Livii,  lib.  59.     Eutrop.  lib.  4. 

7  Lucinus  Crassus  was  vanquished  and  slain  in  this  war,  and  most  of  his  army  cut  off  with  him.  Florus 
et  Livius,  ibid. 

8  See  the  second  prologue  to  the  book  of  Ecclesiasticus:  where  it  is  to  be  observed,  that  the  thirty-eighth 
year  of  Ptolemy  Euersotes  II.  there  mentioned,  is  to  bo  reckoned  from  the  eleventh  year  of  Philometor, 
when  he  was  admitted  to  reign  in  co-partnership  with  him. 


200  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

nal  is  now  lost.  It  was  extant  in  the  time  of  Jerome;  for  he  tells  us/  that  he 
had  seen  it  under  the  title  of  The  Parables,  but  the  common  name  of  it  in  Greek 
was.  The  Wisdom  of  Jesus,  the  son  of  Sirach.  At  present,  the  title  in  our 
printed  Greek  copies  is.  The  Wisdom  of  Sirach,  which  is  an  abbreviation  made 
with  great  absurdity.  For  it  ascribes  the  book  to  Sirach,  who  was  neither  the 
author  nor  the  translator  of  it;  and  therefore  could  neither  way  have  any  relation 
to  it.  There  is,  indeed,  a  controversy  whether  Sirach  was  the  father  of  Jesus 
the  author  of  the  book,  or  of  Jesus  the  translator  of  it.  Or  rather,  to  reduce  it 
to  other  terms,  whether  he,  that  is  called  Jesus  the  son  of  Sirach,  were  Jesus, 
that  was  the  author  of  the  book,  or  else  Jesus  his  grandson,  that  was  the  trans- 
lator of  it.  The  matter  not  being  of  any  great  moment,  I  am  content  to  be  con- 
cluded by  the  first  prologue  premised  to  the  book  in  our  English  Bible,  in  which 
it  is  plainly  asserted,  that  Jesus,  the  author  of  the  book,  was  the  grandfather, 
Sirach  the  son,  and  Jesus,  the  translator,  the  grandson,  and  not  the  grandfather, 
that  was  called  Jesus  the  son  of  Sirach.  And  it  seems  most  likely,  that  the 
conclusion  of  the  book,  chap.  1.  ver.  27 — 29,  are  the  words  of  the  translator, 
and  so  also  the  prayer  in  the  last  chapter.  For  what  is  there  said  by  the  writer 
of  it,  of  the  danger  he  was  brought  into  of  his  life  before  the  king  on  an  un- 
just accusation,^  seems  plainly  to  point  to  the  reign  of  Ptolemy  Physcon,  whose 
cruelty  inclined  him  to  bring  any  one,  and  on  the  slightest  occasion,  into  dan- 
ger of  his  life,  that  came  under  his  power;  which  could  not  be  the  case  of  the 
grandfather,  who  lived  at  Jerusalem  three  ages  before,  when  there  was  no  such 
tyranny  in  that  place.  I  have  above  made  mention  of  the  first  preface  fixed 
before  this  book,  in  the  English  version;  this  implies,  that  there  was  a  second. 
This  second  preface  was  written  by  Jesus  the  grandson  of  the  author,  who  trans- 
lated the  book  into  the  Greek  language.  Who  was  the  composer  of  the  first  is 
not  known.  It  is  taken  out  of  the  book  entitled  Synopsis  SacrJE  Scripturfe,  which 
is  ascribed  to  Athanasius:  and,  if  it  be  not  his  (as  it  is  by  many  held  that  it  is 
not,)  yet  it  is  most  certainly  a  book  of  ancient  composure,  and  as  far  as  it  is,  so 
it  carries  authority  with  it,  though  the  author  be  not  certainly  known.  The 
Latin  version  of  this  book  of  Ecclesiasticus  hath  more  in  it  than  the  Greek,  se- 
veral particulars  being  inserted  into  it  which  are  not  in  the  other.  These  seem 
to  have  been  interpolated  by  the  first  author  of  that  version;  but  now  the  He- 
brew being  lost,  the  Greek,  which  hath  been  made  from  it  by  the  grandson  of 
the  author,  must  stand  for  the  original,  and  from  that  the  English  translation 
hath  been  made.  The  Jews  have  now  a  book  among  them,  which  they  call 
the  book  of  Ben  Sira,  i.  e.  the  book  of  the  son  of  Sira;  and  this  book  contain- 
ing a  collection  of  moral  sayings,  hence  some  would  have  it,^  that  this  Ben 
Sira,  or  son  of  Sira,  was  the  same  with  Ben  Sirach,  or  the  son  of  Sirach,  and 
his  book  the  same  with  Ecclesiasticus;^  but  whosoever  shall  compare  the  books, 
will  find,  that  there  is  no  foundation  for  this  opinion,  except  only  in  the  simiU- 
tude  of  the  names  of  the  authors  of  them. 

jln.  131.  John  Hyrcanus  5.] — Demetrius  Nicator  having  been  several  years 
detained  as  a  prisoner  in  Hyrcania  by  the  Parthians,  Antiochus  Sidetes  his  bro- 
ther,* under  pretence  of  eifecting  his  deliverance,  marched  with  a  powerful 
army  into  the  east,  against  Phrahates  the  Parthian  king.  This  army  consisted 
of  above  eighty  thousand  men,  well  appointed  for  the  war.  But  the  instruments 
of  luxury  that  accompanied  them,^  as  sutlers,  cooks,  pastry-men,  confectioners, 
scullions,  stage-players,  musicians,  whores,  &c.  were  near  four  times  their  num- 
ber, for  they  are  said  to  have  amounted  to  three  hundred  thousand  persons;'^ 
neither  was  the  practice  of  luxury  less  among  them  than  the  number  of  its 
instruments,"^  and  this  at  length  caused  the  ruin  of  the  whole  army,  and  of  the 


1  In  Prirfatione  ad  LiliroF  Solomonis,  et  in  Epist.  115.  2  Chap.  li.  ver.  (<. 

3  Huetius  Denionstrat.  Rvaiip.  prop,  4.  c.  ric  Ecclesiastico. 

4  This  honk  hath  had  sfv.'ral  editions  in  print.     See  Biixtorf's  Bibliolhrra  Rabbinica,  p.  324. 

5  Justin,  lib.  :tH.  c.  10.  (i  Ibid.     Orosins,  lib.  5.  c.  10.     Valerius  Maxinius,  lib.  9.  c.  1. 

8  Valerius  Maximus  et  Justin,  ibid.    Atheneus,  lib.  5.  p.  210.  lib.  10.  p.  dJU.  et  lib.  12.  p.  540. 


7  Justin,  ibid. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  201 

king  with  it.  However,  at  first  Antiochus  had  full  success;  for  he  overthrew 
Phrahates  in  three  battles,'  and  recovered  Babylonia  and  Media;  and  thereon 
all  the  rest  of  those  eastern  countries,  which  had  formerly  been  provinces  of 
the  Syrian  empire,  revolted  to  him,  excepting  Partliia  only;  where  Phrahates 
was  reduced  within  the  narrow  limits  of  the  first  Parthian  kingdom.  Hyrcanus, 
prince  of  the  Jews,  accompanied  Antiochus  in  this  expedition;'  and,  having  had 
his  part  in  all  the  victories  that  were  obtained,  returned  with  the  glory  of  them 
at  the  end  of  the  year. 

Jin.  130.  John  Hyrcanus  6.] — But  the  rest  of  the  army  wintered  in  the  east, 
and,  by  reason  of  the  great  numbers  of  them,  and  their  attendants,  as  amount- 
ing to  near  four  hundred  thousand  persons,  being  forced  to  disperse  all  over  the 
country,'  and  quarter  at  such  a  distance  from  each  other,  as  not  to  be  able 
readily  to  gather  together,  and  embody  for  their  mutual  defence  on  any  occa- 
sion that  should  require  it;  the  inhabitants,  whom  they  grievously  oppressed  in 
all  places  where  they  lay,  taking  the  advantage  hereof  to  be  revenged  on  them 
for  it,  conspired  with  the  Parthians  all  to  fall  upon  them  in  one  and  the  same 
day,  in  their  several  quarters,  and  there  cut  all  their  throats,  before  they  should 
be  able  to  come  together  to  help  each  other;  and  this  they  accordingly  executed. 
Hereon  Antiochus,^  with  the  forces  about  him,  hastening  to  help  the  quarters 
that  lay  next  to  him,  was  overpowered  and  slain,  and  the  rest  of  the  army  at 
the  same  time  were  in  all  those  places  where  they  lay  in  quarters,  in  the  same 
manner  fallen  upon,  and  all  cut  in  pieces,  or  made  captives,  so  that  there  scarce 
returned  a  man  into  Syria,  of  all  this  vast  number,  to  carry  thither  the  doleful 
news  of  this  terrible  overthrow.  In  the  interim,  Demetrius  was  returned  into 
Syria,  and,  on  his  brother's  death,  there  again  recovered  the  kingdom.  For 
Phrahates,  after  being  thrice  vanquished  by  Antiochus,^  had  released  him  from 
his  captivity,  and  sent  him  back  into  Syria,  hoping  that,  by  raising  troubles 
there  for  the  recovery  of  his  crown,  he  might  force  Antiochus  to  return  for  the 
suppressing  of  them.  But,  on  the  obtaining  of  this  victory,  he  sent  a  party  of 
horse  after  him,  to  bring  him  back  again;  but  Demetrius  being  aware  hereof, 
made  such  haste,  that  he  was  gotten  over  the  Euphrates  into  Syria,  before  these 
forces  could  reach  the  borders  of  that  country.  And  by  this  means  he  again 
recovered  his  kingdom,  and  made  great  rejoicing  thereon  at  the  same  time,® 
when  all  the  rest  of  Syria  was  in  great  sorrow  and  lamentation  for  the  loss  sus- 
tained in  the  east,  there  being  scarce  a  family  in  the  whole  country  which  had 
not  a  part  in  it. 

After  Phrahates  had  gained  this  victory,  he  caused  the  body  of  Antiochus  to 
be  taken  up  from  among  the  dead,^  and,  having  put  it  into  a  silver  coffin,  sent 
it  honourably  into  Syria,  to  be  there  buried  among  his  ancestors;  and  finding  a 
daughter  of  his  among  the  captives,  he  was  smitten  with  her  beauty,'  and  took 
her  to  wife. 

Being  flushed  with  success,  he  thought  of  carrying  the  war  into  Syria,**  for 
the  revenging  of  this  last  invasion  upon  him;  but,  while  he  was  preparing  for 
it,  he  found  himself  entangled  Avith  a  war  at  home  from  the  Scythians.  He  had 
called  them  into  Parthia,  to  assist  him  against  Antiochus,  but  the  work  being 
done  before  they  arrived,  he  denied  them  their  hire;  whereon  they  turned  their 
arms  against  him  whom  they  came  to  assist;  and,  to  be  revenged  on  him  for 
the  wrong  hereby  done  them,  made  war  upon  him,  and  hereby  Phrahates  was 
forced  to  keep  at  home  fqr  the  defending  of  his  own  country. 

After  the  death  of  Antiochus,  Hyrcanus  took  the  advantage  of  the  distur- 
bances and  divisions  that  thenceforth  ensued  through  the  whole  Syrian  empire, 

1  Justin,  lib.  38.  c.  10.     Jo.seph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  16.      Orosius,  lib.  5.  c.  10.  2  Josephus,  ibid. 

3  Justin,  lib.  38.  c.  10.      Diodor.  Sic.  in  Exceiptis  Valesii,  p.  374. 

4  Justin,  ibid,  et  lib.  39.  c.  1.     Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  16.     Orosius,  lib.  5.  c.  10.    Appian.  in  Syriaeis. 
Athenn;us,  lib.  10.  p.  439.    Julius  Obsequens  de  Prodigiis.    ^lianus  de  Aniinalibus,  lib.  10.  c.  34. 

5  Justin,  lib.  38.  c.  10.     Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  16. 

6  Justin,  lib.  39.  c.  1.  7  Ibid.  8  Ibid.  42.  c.  1. 

Vol.  H.— -26 


202  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

not  only  to  enlarge  his  territories  by  seizing  Medeba,'  Samega,  and  several  other 
places  in  Syria,  Phcenicia,  and  Arabia,  and  adding  them  to  his  dominions,  but 
also,  from  this  time,  to  make  himself  absolute  and  wholly  independent.  For, 
after  this,"  neither  he  nor  any  of  his  descendants  owned  any  farther  depen- 
dence on  the  kings  of  Syria,  but  thenceforth  wholly  freed  themselves  from  all 
manner  of  homage,  servitude,  or  subjection,  to  them. 

In  the  interim,  Ptolemy  Physcon,  king  of  Egypt,  went  still  on  in  the  same 
steps  of  luxury,  cruelty  and  tyranny,  continuing  to  increase  the  number  of  his 
most  flagitious  iniquities,  by  the  guilt  of  new  wickednesses  from  time  to  time 
added  to  them.  I  have  already  related,  how  having  married  Cleopatra  his  sis- 
ter, and  relict  of  his  brother,  who  had  reigned  before  him,  he  slew  her  son  in 
her  arms,  on  the  very  day  of  the  nuptials;  after  this,  taking  greater  liking  to 
Cleopatra  the  daughter,'  than  to  Cleopatra  the  mother,  he  first  deflowered  her 
by  violence,  and  after  that  married  her,  having  first  divorced  her  mother,  to 
make  room  for  her.  And  whereas,  on  his  having,  by  his  cruelty,  driven  out 
most  of  the  old  inhabitants  of  Alexandria,  he  had  repeopled  it  with  new  ones, 
w^hom  he  invited  thither  from  foreign  parts,  he  soon  made  himself,  by  the  ex- 
cesses of  his  wickedness,  as  odious  to  them  as  he  was  to  the  former  inhabitants; 
and  therefore, ■*  thinking  he  might  best  secure  himself  from  them,  by  cutting  off 
all  the  young  men,  who  were  the  strength  of  the  place,  he  caused  his  merce- 
naries to  surround  them  in  the  place  of  their  public  exercises,  when  they  were 
in  the  fullest  numbers  met  together,  and  put  them  all  to  death.  Whereon,  the 
people  being  exasperated  against  him  to  the  utmost,  all  rose  in  a  general  tu- 
mult,* and,  in  their  rage,  set  fire  to  his  palace,  with  intent  to  have  burnt  him  in 
it;  but,  having  timely  made  his  escape,  he  fled  to  Cyprus,  carrying  with  him 
Cleopatra  his  w-ife,  and  Memphitis  his  son;  and,  on  his  arrival  thither,  hearing 
that  the  people  of  Alexandria  had  put  the  government  of  the  kingdom  into  the 
hands  of  Cleopatra,  his  divorced  wife,  he  hired  an  army  of  mercenaries  to  make 
war  against  both. 

Hyrcanus,*^  having  taken  Sechem,  the  prime  seat  of  the  sect  of  the  Samari- 
tans, destroyed  their  temple  on  Mount  Gerizim,  which  had  been  there  built  by 
Sanballat.  However,  they  still  continued  to  have  an  altar  in  that  place,  and  still 
have  one  there,  on  which  they  offer  sacrifices,  according  to  the  Levitical  law, 
even  to  this  day. 

Jin.  129.  John  Hyrcnmis  7.] — Hyrcanus,  after  this,  having  conquered  the  Edo- 
mites,  or  Idumccans,^  reduced  them  to  this  necessity,  either  to  embrace  the  Jew- 
ish religion,  or  else  to  leave  the  country,  and  seek  new  dwellings  elsewhere; 
whereon,  choosing  rather  to  leave  their  idolatry  than  their  country,  they  all  be- 
came proselytes  to  the  Jewish  religion;  and  hereon  being  incorporated  into  the 
Jewish  nation,  as  well  as  into  the  Jewish  church,  they  thenceforth  became  re- 
puted as  one  and  the  same  people,  and  at  length  the  name  of  Edomites  or  Idu- 
maeans  being  swallowed  up  in  that  of  Jews  it  became  wholly  lost,  and  no  more 
heard  of.  This  abolition  of  their  name  happened  about  the  end  of  the  first  cen- 
tury after  Christ.  For,  after  that,  we  hear  no  more  mention  of  the  name  of 
Edomites  or  Idumteans,  it  being  b}^  that  time  wholly  absorbed  in  the  name  of 
Jews.  The  Rabbles,  indeed,  speak  of  Edom  and  Edomites  long  after  that  time; 
but  thereby  they  do  not  mean  Idumsa,  or  the  sons  of  Edom,  but  Rome,**  and  the 
Christians  of  the  Roman  empire.  For,  fearing  the  displeasure  of  the  Christians 
among  whom  they  lived,  for  the  avoiding  of  it,  whenever  they  speak  any  re- 

1  Josf'pli.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  17.     Strabo,  lib.  10.  p.  76. 

2  Justin,  lib.  30.  c.  1.  nijus  verba  sunt.  "  Quorum  (i.  e.  JudaEoriim)  vires  tants  fuere  ut  post  hunc  nullum 
Macedonuin  rppem  tulerint,  riomesticisqne  imperiis  usi  Syriani  inagnis  bellis  infestaverint."  And,  agreeable 
hereto,  Joseplius's  words  are  (lib.  13.  c.  17.) — '-Tliat  Hyrcanus,  after  the  death  of  AntiochusSideles,  revolted 
from  the  Maoedotiians,  and  theucefdrth.  neither  as  a  subject  or  an  ally,  had  any  more  to  do  with  them." 

3  Justin,  lib.  38.  c.  8.     Valerius  Maximus,  lib.  9.  c.  1.  4  Valerius  Ma.ximus,  lib.  9.  c.  2. 

5  Justin,  lib.  38.  c.  8.     Orosius,  lib.  .5.  c.  10.     Epit.  Livii,  lib.  59.  G  Joseph,  lib.  13.  c.  17. 

7  Joseph,  ibid.  et.  lib.  15.  c.  11.  Strabo,  lib.  Ifi.  p.  700.  Ammonius  Granimaticus  de  gimilitudine  et  Differ- 
entia quarundam  Dictionum  liafc  habet. — "  Jud.ti  sunt,  qui  a  natura  ita  fuerunt  ab  initio,  Idumai  autem 
non  fuerant  Judaei  ab  initio,  sed  Phnenices  et  SyrI,  a  Judaiis  autem  superati,  et  ut  circumciderenlur,  et  in 
unam  cum  eis  gentem  coirent,  et  eisdem  legibussubderentur  adacti,  Juda;i  sunt  nominati." 

8  Vide  Buxtorfii  Lexicon  Kabbinicum,  p.  30,  31. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  203 

proachful  thing  of  Christians,  or  their  religion,  they  usually  blend  it  under 
feigned  names,  sometimes  calling  us  Cutheans,  i.  e.  Samaritans,  and  sometimes 
Epicureans,  and  sometimes  Edomites,  and  this  last  is  the  civilcst  appellation 
they  give  us.  And  for  proselytes  to  Judaism  to  take  the  name  of  Jews,  as  well 
as  their  religion,  was  not  peculiar  to  the  Edomites  only,  it  being  usual  for  all 
others,  who  took  their  religion,  to  take  also  their  name,  and  thenceforth  be  re- 
puted as  of  the  same  nation  with  them,  as  well  as  of  the  same  religion.  Thus  it 
was  in  the  time  of  Dion  Cassius  the  historian,'  and  thus  it  hath  been  ever  since, 
even  down  to  our  age. 

But  here  it  is  to  be  noted,  that  there  were  two  sorts  of  proselytes  among  the 
Jews:'  1.  The  proselytes  of  the  gate;  and,  "2.  The  proselytes  of  justice.  The 
former  they  obliged  only  to  renounce  idolatry,  and  worship  God  according  to  the 
law  of  nature,  which  they  reduced  to  seven  articles,  called  by  them  the  seven 
preceptii  of  the  sons  of  Noah.  To  these,  they  held  all  men  were  obhged  to  con- 
form, but  not  so  as  to  the  law  of  Moses;  for  this  they  reckoned  as  a  law  made 
only  for  their  nation,  and  not  for  the  whole  world.  As  to  the  rest  of  mankind, 
if  they  kept  the  law  of  nature,  and  observed  the  precepts  above  mentioned,^ 
they  held,  that  they  performed  all  that  God  required  of  them,  and  would  by  this 
service  render  themselves  as  acceptable  to  him  as  the  Jews  by  theirs.  And 
therefore  they  allowed  all  such  to  live  with  them  in  their  land,  and  from  hence 
they  were  called  gerim  toshavim,  i.  e.  "  sojourning  proselytes:'"  and  for  the  same 
reason  they  were  called  also  gere  s/iuhar,  i.  e.  "proselytes  of  the  gate,'"  as  being 
permitted  to  dwell  with  those  of  Israel  within  the  same  gates.  The  occasion 
of  this  name  seems  to  be  taken  from  these  words  in  the  fourth  commandment, 
vegereka  bishareka,  i.  e.  "  and  the  strangers  which  are  within  thy  gates:  which 
may  as  well  be  rendered,  "  the  proselytes  which  are  within  thy  gates,"  that  is, 
the  proselytes  of  the  gate  that  dwell  with  thee;  for  the  Hebrew  word  §•«-,  a  57r«/i- 
ger,  signifieth  also  a  proselyte;  and  both,  in  this  place  in  the  fourth  command- 
ment, come  to  the  same  thing;  for  no  strangers  were  permitted  to  dwell  within 
their  gates,  unless  they  renounced  idolatry,  and  were  proselyted  so  far  as  to  the 
observance  of  the  seven  precepts  of  the  sons  of  Noah.  Though  they  were  slaves 
taken  in  war,  they  were  not  permitted  to  live  with  them  within  any  of  the  gates 
of  Israel  on  any  other  terms;  but,  on  their  refusal  thus  far  to  comply,  were  either 
given  up  to  the  sword,  or  else  sold  to  some  foreign  people.  And,  as  those  who 
were  thus  far  made  proselytes  were  admitted  to  dwell  with  them,  so  also  were 
they  admitted  into  the  temple,  there  to  worship  God;  but  were  not  allowed  to 
enter  amy  farther  than  into  the  outer  court,  called  the  court  of  the  Gentiles:  for, 
into  the  inner  courts,  which  were  within  the  enclosure  called  the  Chel,  none 
were  admitted,  but  only  such  as  were  thorough  professors  of  the  whole  Jewish 
religion:  and  therefore,  when  any  of  these  sojourning  proselytes  came  into  the 
temple,  they  always  worshipped  in  the  outer  court.  And  of  this  sort  of  prose- 
lytes Naaman  the  Syrian,  and  Cornelius  the  centurion,  are  held  to  have  been. 
The  other  sort  of  proselytes,  called  the  proselytes  of  justice,  were  such  as  took 
on  them  the  observance  of  the  whole  Jewish  law:  for,  although  the  Jews  did  not 
hold  this  necessar}^  for  such  as  were  not  of  their  nation,  yet  they  refused  none, 
but  gladly  received  all  who  would  thus  profess  their  religion;  and  they  are  re- 
marked in  our  Saviour's  time  to  have  been  very  sedulous  to  convert  all  they  could 
hereto:"*  and,  when  any  were  thus  proselyted  to  the  Jewish  religion,  they  were 
initiated  to  it  by  baptism,  sacrifice,  and  circumcision,  and  thenceforth  were  ad- 

1  Verba  ejus  sunt  'H  ^^p  Z'p«  'Iiu).!..-,  xcc.  i^jtci  'l-,uT«i-i  ^.v^/ixSaxx.:',.  'H  f;  e-T./.x.>i(ri;  .^uth  copsi  x»i  e!t< 
xKK:\i;  xvirf  .jtt-jm^  3m  t  :'.  voutux  auTai  xi^isrfp  xKK^t^vii;  -.m:  c>f/-;i.iri,  i.  e.  "  The  country  is  called  Judea,  and 
the  people  Jews.  And  this  name  is  {riven  also  to  as  many  others  as  embrace  their  religion,  though  of  other 
nations:"  lib.  3().  p.  :!7. 

2  See  concerning  these  proselytes,  Mede,  book  1,  discourses.  Hammond's  Annotations  on  Matthew  iii.  1. 
xxiii.  1.5.  nuxtorfs  Lexicon  Rabbinicnm,  p.  407 — 410.  But  the  fullest  account  of  both  these  sorts  of  prose- 
lytes is  in  Maimonides's  Yad,  from  whence  it  was  published  by  me  near  forty  years  since,  with  a  Latin  ver- 
sion, and  annotations,  under  the  tille  of  De  Jure  Pauperis  et  Peregrin i,  to  which  I  refer  learned  readers. 

3  As  to  what  these  precepts  of  the  sons  of  Noah  were,  see  Selden  de  Jure  Naturali  et  Gentium  juxta  Uis- 
ciplinum  Hebraorum,  Marshara's  (>an.  Chron.  sect  0,  and  Maimonidcs  and  Bu.xtorf  in  the  places  last  above 
cited,  Hammond's  Annotations  on  Acts  xv.  20,  and  others.  4  Matt,  xxiii.  15. 


204  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

mitted  to  all  the  rites,  ceremonies,  and  privileges,'  that  were  used  by  the  natural 
Jews.  And  in  this  manner  was  it  that  the  Edomites,  at  the  command  of  Hyr- 
canus,  were  made  proselytes  to  the  Jewish  religion;  and,  when  they  had  thus 
taken  on  them  the  religion  of  the  Jews,  they  continued  united  to  them  ever 
after,  till  at  length  the  name  of  Edomites  was  lost  in  that  of  Jews,  and  both 
people  became  consolidated  into  one  and  the  same  nation  together. 

Ptolemy  Physcon,"  while  he  lay  in  Cyprus,  fearing  lest  the  Alexandrians 
should  make  his  son,  whom  he  had  appointed  governor  of  Cyrene,  king  in  his 
stead,  sent  for  him  from  thence  to  come  to  him,  and,  on  his  arrival,  put  him  to 
death,  for  no  other  reason,  but  to  prevent  that  which,  perchance  without  any 
reason,  he  feared  as  to  this  matter.  By  which  cruel  barbarity  the  Alexandrians 
being  farther  exasperated,^  pulled  down  and  demolished  all  his  statues,  where- 
ever  erected,  in  their  city;  which  he  interpreting  to  have  been  done  at  the  in- 
stigation of  Cleopatra  his  divorced  queen,  for  the  revenging  of  it  upon  her, 
caused  Memphitis,  the  son  he  had  by  her,  a  very  hopeful  and  beautiful  prince, 
to  be  slain  before  his  face,  and  then  cutting  his  body  into  pieces,  put  them  all 
into  a  box,  with  the  head,  thereby  to  show  to  whom  they  belonged,  and  sent  it 
with  them  therein  enclosed  to  Alexandria,  by  one  of  his  guards,  ordering  him 
to  present  it  to  the  queen  on  the  day  then  approaching,  which- he  knew  was  to 
be  celebrated  with  feasting  and  festival  joy,  as  being  the  anniversary  of  her 
birth;  and  accordingly,  in  the  midst  of  the  festivity,  it  was  presented  to  her; 
which  soon  turned  all  the  rejoicing  and  mirth  of  the  festival  into  sorrow  and 
lamentation,  and  excited  in  all  present  that  horror  and  detestation  against  the 
tyrant  as  so  monstrous  and  unparalleled  a  cruelty  deserved.  And  this  dismal 
present  being  exposed  to  the  people,  gave  them  the  same  sentiments,  and  pro- 
voked them  with  the  greater  earnestness  to  arm,  for  the  keeping  so  great  a 
monster  of  cruelty  and  barbarity  from  any  more  returning  again  to  reign  over 
them:  and  accordingly,  an  army  was  raised,  under  the  command  of  Marsyas, 
whom  the  queen  had  made  her  general,  to  defend  the  country  against  him. 

Phrahates,  having  drawn  upon  him  the  war  of  the  Scythians,''  committed  an 
oversight  in  the  managing  of  it,  as  great  as  the  injustice  whereby  he  brought  it 
upon  him.  For,  to  strengthen  himself  against  these  enemies,  he  intrusted  his 
safety  into  the  hands  of  those  whom  he  had  made  more  his  enemies  than  the 
others,  that  is,  the  Grecian  mercenaries  who  followed  King  Antiochus  in  his 
late  expedition  into  those  parts  against  hiin.  For,  having  taken  prisoners  great 
numbers  of  them  in  the  late  overthrow  of  that  prince,  he,  on  the  breaking  out 
of  this  new  war,  listed  them  all  among  his  other  forces,  for  the  better  strength- 
ening of  his  army  for  it.  But,  when  they  had  thus  gotten  arms  into  their  hands, 
remembering  the  wrongs,  insolences,  and  other  ill  usages,  with  which  they  had 
been  treated  during  their  captivity,  resolved  to  make  use  of  this  opportunity  to 
be  revenged  for  them;  and  therefore,  as  soon  as  the  armies  joined  battle,  they 
went  over  to  the  Scythians,  and  by  this  conjunction  with  them,  overthrew  the 
Parthians  with  a  great  slaughter,  cutting  oif  Phrahates  himself  in  the  rout,  and 
most  of  his  army  with  him.  After  this  the  Grecians  and  Scythians  having  plun- 
dered the  country,*  contented  themselves  with  this  revenge,  and  both  returned 
again  into  their  own  countries.  On  their  departure,'  Artabanus,  the  uncle  of 
Phrahates,  took  the  croM'n  of  Parthia;  but,  being  within  a  few  days  after  slain 
in  battle  by  the  Thogarians,  another  nation  of  the  Scythian  race,  he  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Mithridates,  who,  by  the  greatness  of  his  actions,  afterward  acquired 
the  name  of  Mithridates  the  Great. 

^n.  P28.  John  Hyrcnnus  8.] — Ptolemy  Physcon,  having  gotten  together  an 
army,®  sent  it  against  the  Alexandrians,  under  the  command  of  Hegelochus  his 

1  IiitermarriaKPs  must  be  cxrpptefl:  fir  from  these  some  niitions  were  excluded  forever,  and  others  till 
after  some  poiicrntions;  and  particularly,  the  Edomites  were  till  the  third  generation,  See  what  iiath  been 
said  of  thic,  part  1.  book  (i,  under  the  year  4.38. 

2  Justin,  lib.  38.  c.  8. 

3  Justin,  ibid.  Diodorua  Sieulus  in  E.\cerptis  Valesii,  p.  374.  Valerius  Maximus.  lib.  9.  c.  2.  Livii 
Epit.  lib.  59. 

4  Justin,  lib.  42. c.  J.  .5  Ibid.  c.  0.  C  DiodorusSiculusin  Excerptis  Valesii,  p.  370. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  205 

general;  and  thereon  a  battle  ensuing  between  him  and  Marsyas,  the  general 
of  the  Alexandrians,  Hegelochus  got  the  victory,  and  took  Marsyas  prisoner, 
and  sent  him  in  chains  to  Physcon.  But,  when  it  was  expected  that,  accord- 
ing to  his  usual  cruelty,  he  would  have  put  him  to  some  tormenting  death,  con- 
trary to  what  every  body  expected,  he  pardoned  him  and  let  him  go.  For, 
having  fully  experienced  what  mischiefs  followed  upon  him  for  his  cruelties, 
he  became  weary  of  them,  and  acted  in  the  contrary  extreme;  and,  as  he  had 
put  multitudes  to  death  contrary  to  all  reason,  so  now  he  pardoned  this  man 
without  any  reason  at  all  for  it.  Cleopatra,  being  distressed  by  this  overthrow, 
and  the  loss  of  her  Alexandrian  army,  they  being  most  of  them  cut  in  pieces  in 
the  rout,'  sent  to  Demetrius  king  of  Syria,  who  had  married  her  eldest  daugh- 
ter, by  Philometor,  for  his  assistance,  promising  him  the  crown  of  Egypt  for  his 
reward;  which  proposal  Demetrius  gladly  accepting  of,  marched  into  Egypt 
with  all  his  forces,  and  there  laid  siege  to  Pelusium. 

About  this  time  Hyrcanus"  sent  an  embassy  to  the  Romans,  to  renew  the 
league  made  with  them  by  Simon  his  father;  which  was  readily  consented  to 
by  the  senate.  And,  whereas  Antiochus  Sidetes  had  made  war  upon  the  Jews, 
contrary  to  what  the  Romans  had  in  their  behalf  decreed  in  that  league,  and 
taken  from  them  several  cities,  and  had  made  them  to  become  tributaries  for 
Gazara,  Joppa,  and  some  other  places  which  they  were  permitted  still  to  hold, 
and  forced  them  to  a  disadvantageous  peace,  by  besieging  Jerusalem;  on  the 
ambassadors  setting  forth  all  this  before  the  senate,  they  agreed,  that  whatsoever 
had  been  done  against  them  of  this  kind  since  their  said  late  league  with  Simon, 
should  be  all  null  and  void;  that  Gazara,  Joppa,  and  all  other  places,  that  had 
been  either  taken  from  them  by  the  Syrians,  or  had  been  made  tributary  to  them, 
contrarj''  to  the  tenor  of  the  said  league,  should  be  all  again  restored  to  them, 
and  made  free  of  all  homage,  tribute,  or  other  services;  and  that  reparations 
should  be  made  them  by  the  Syrians  for  all  damage  done  them  contrary  to 
what  the  senate  had  decreed  in  their  league  with  Simon;  and  that  the  Syrian 
kings  should  have  no  right  to  march  their  soldiers  or  armies  through  the  Jewish 
territories;  and  that  ambassadors  should  be  sent  to  see  all  this  fully  executed. 
And  it  was  farther  ordered,  that  money  should  be  given  the  Jewish  ambassadors 
for  the  bearing  of  their  expenses  in  their  journey  homeward,  and  that  letters 
should  be  written  to  all  the  confederate  states  and  princes,  in  their  way  thither 
to  give  them  a  safe  and  honourable  passage  through  their  dominions.  And  all 
this  was  accordingly  done,  which  much  rejoiced  Hyrcanus  and  all  the  Jewish 
nation. 

Jin.  127.  John  Hyrcanus  9.] — And  therefore,  the  next  year  after,  they  sent  to 
them  another  embassy  to  Alexander  the  son  of  Jason,'  Numenius  the  son  of 
Antiochus,  and  Alexander  the  son  of  Dorotheus,  to  return  their  thanks  for  the 
said  decree;  and,  in  acknowledgement  of  it,  they  presented  them  by  the  said 
ambassadors  with  a  cup  and  a  shield,  both  of  gold,  to  the  value  of  fifty  thou- 
sand gold  pieces  of  their  money.  Whereon  another  decree  was  made  in  their 
favour,  ratifying  and  confirming,  all  that  was  granted  them  in  the  decree  of  the 
former  year.  This  decree  is  recited  at  large  in  Josephus,  Antiq.  book  14.  c.  16. 
But  it  is  there  misplaced,  as  if  it  had  been  enacted  in  the  time  of  Hyrcanus  II. 
whereas  the  subject  matter  of  it,  and  the  date  which  it  bears,  manifestly  prove, 
that  it  can  be  none  other  than  that  which  was  now  granted  to  Hyrcanus  I.  and 
could  not  possibly  be  that  which  was  granted  to  Hyrcanus  II.  the  grandson  of 
the  other,  in  whose  time  Josephus  placeth  it.  For,  first,  as  to  the  subject  mat- 
ter of  it  Josephus  tells  us,"*  in  the  place  where  he  inserts  it,  that  it  was  to  give 
license  to  rebuild  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  which  Pompey  had  pulled  down:  but 
there  is  not  one  word  of  any  such  matter  in  that  decree,  nor  doth  it  contain  or 
import  any  thing  more  than  the  renewing  and  confirming  of  a  former  league 
of  friendship  and  alliance  made  with  them,  which  plainly  refers  to  that  league 

]  Justin,  lib.  38.  c.  9.  et  lib.  39.  c.  1.    Gisca Euseb.  Scaligcri, p.  61.  2  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  17. 

3  Ibid.  lib.  24.  c.  IC     •  4  Ibid. 


206  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

which  was  made  with  them  in  the  time  of  Hyrcanus  I.  in  the  year  last  here 
before  preceding.  And,  secondly,  as  to  the  date  which  it  bears,  it  is  in  the  9th 
year  of  Hyrcanus,  which  cannot  be  understood  of  Hyrcanus  II.  For  Josephus 
tells  us,  that  the  decree  which  was  made  for  the  rebuiding  of  the  walls  of  Jeru- 
salem Avas  granted  by  Julius  Ccesar  to  Hyrcanus  II.'  after  the  end  of  the  Alex- 
andrian war,  in  reward  of  the  assistance  which  Hyrcanus  II.  sent  him  in  it. 
But  that  war  was  not  ended  till  the  47th  year  before  Christ,  long  after  the  9th 
year  of  that  Hyrcanus.  For  the  47th  year  before  Christ  was  the  17th  year  of 
Hyrcanus  II.  reckoning  from  the  time  of  his  restoration  by  Pompey,  but  the 
23d,  reckoning  from  the  beginning  of  his  reign,  on  the  death  of  his  mother. 
And,  furthermore,  the  preface  to  that  decree,  w^hich  Josephus  tells  us  was  for 
the  rebuilding  of  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  bears  date  in  the  ides  of  December 
(i.  e.  the  13th  of  that  month;)  whereas  the  date  of  the  decree  itself,  which  he 
puts  under  that  preface,  is  in  Panemus,  the  Syro-Macedonian  month,  which  an- 
swers to  our  July,  and  therefore  it  could  not  possibly  be  the  decree  that  belong- 
ed to  that  preface.  All  this  put  together  plainly  shows,  this  decree  of  the  9th 
year  of  Hyrcanus  could  not  be  the  decree  granted  to  Hyrcanus  II.  by  Julius 
Csesar  for  the  rebuilding  of  the  walls  of  Jerusalem;  but  most  certainly  it  must 
be  that  which  was  granted  to  Hyrcanus  I.^  by  the  Roman  senate  in  this  year 
where  I  have  placed  it,  and  that  it  was  by  the  mistake  of  Josephus  that  it  was 
put  by  him  elsewhere.  And  this  is  beyond  aU  contradiction  confirmed,  by  that 
Numenius,  the  son  of  Antiochus,  is  said,  in  the  body  of  the  decree,  to  have 
been  one  of  the  ambassadors  by  whom  it  was  obtained,  who  was  the  same  that 
had  been  one  of  the  ambassadors  that  were  sent  to  Rome  by  Jonathan  on  a  like 
embassy.^  For  he  might  have  well  been  alive  to  go  on  such  an  embassy  in  the 
9th  year  of  Hyrcanus  I.  but  cannot  be  supposed  to  have  been  so  after  the  end- 
ing of  the  Alexandrian  war,  wdiich  was  near  one  hundred  years  after  the  for- 
mer embassy,  in  which  he  was  employed  by  Jonathan.  Joseph  Scaliger  takes 
notice  of  this  blunder  of  Josephus's,''  but  while  he  mends  it,  he  makes  as  great 
ones  of  his  own,  which  Salianus  the  Jesuit  justly  corrects  him  for.* 

Demetrius,  king  of  Syria,  having  by  his  tyrannical  government,®  vicious 
manners,  and  a  most  perverse  and  disagreeable  behaviour,  made  himself  as 
odious  to  the  Syrians  as  Physcon  was  to  the  Egyptians,  they  took  the  advan- 
tage of  his  absence  at  the  siege  of  Pelusium  to  rise  in  rebellion  against  him. 
The  Antiochians  began  the  revolt,  and  soon  after  the  Apameans,  and  many  other 
of  the  Syrian  cities  followed  their  example,  and  joined  with  them  herein. 
This  forced  Demetrius  to  hasten  out  of  Egypt  to  look  to  his  interest  at  home. 
Whereon  Cleopatra,'  queen  of  Egypt,  being  defeated  of  the  assistance  which 
she  expected  from  him,  put  aU  her  treasure  on  shipboard,  and  fled  with  it  by 
sea  to  Ptolemais,  to  Cleopatra,  queen  of  Syria,  her  daughter  by  Philometor,  who 
there  resided.  This  Cleopatra,  the  daughter,  had  first  married  Alexander  Balas, 
and  afterward  this  Demetrius,  in  her  father's  lifetime;  but,  after  that,  Demetrius 
being  taken  prisoner  in  Parthia,  and  there  detained  in  captivity,  she  became  the 
wife  of  Antiochus  Sidetes  his  brother,  and,  after  his  death,  returned  again 
to  the  bed  of  Demetrius,  on  his  coming  out  of  Parthia  and  recovering  his  king- 
dom; and  then  held  Ptolemais  when  her  mother  came  to  her.  Physcon,  on 
her  flight  out  of  Egypt,  returned  again  to  Alexandria,  and  reassumed  the  go- 
vernment, there  being  no  power  in  that  place  after  the  defeat  of  Marsyas,  and 
the  flight  of  Cleopatra,  that  could  any  farther  oppose  him.  After  he  had  again 
settled  himself  in  the  kingdom,  to  be  revenged  on  Demetrius  for  his  late  inva- 
sion, he  set  up  an  impostor  against  him,**  who  was  called  Alexander  Zebina. 
He  was  the  son  of  a  broker  of  Alexandria;  but,  feigning  himself  to  be  the  son 

1  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  15,  1(3.  It  is  most  likely  this  was  notpr.inted  by  Julius  Caesar  till  the  year  of  his 
fifth  consulship,  and  that  it  is  the  same  which  is  now  e.\tant  under  that  date,  in  the  seventeenth  chapter  of 
the  fourteenth  bonk  of  Josephus's  Antiquities. 

2  ne  hac  re  vide  Userii  Annates  sub  Anno  J.  P.  4587.  3  1  Maccab.  xW.  16. 

4  In  Aniinadversionibus  in  Chronologica  Eusebii  sub  No.  1971.  5  Sub  Anno  Mundi  4007.  s.  36,  37. 

6  Justin,  lib.  30.  c.  1.     Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  17.        7  Justin,  ibid.        8  Ibid.   Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  17. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  207 

of  Alexander  Balas,  under  that  pretended  title  claimed  the  crown  of  Syria,  and 
Physcon  furnished  him  with  an  army  to  take  possession  of  it.  On  his  arrival 
in  Syria,  multitudes  joined  with  him,  out  of  tlie  great  aversion  they  had  to  De- 
metrius, without  examining  at  aU  the  title  of  the  pretender,  as  not  caring  whom 
they  had  for  their  king,  so  they  could  get  rid  of  Demetrius. 

An.  1-26.  John  Hyrcanus  10.] — At  length  the  controversy  was  brought  to  the 
decision  of  a  battle,'  which  was  fought  near  Damascus  in  Ccele-Syria;  wherein 
Demetrius  being  overthrown,  fled  to  Ptolemais  to  Cleopatra  his  wife.  But  she, 
retaining  her  resentments  against  him  for  his  marrying  Rhodaguna  while  in 
Parthia,  took  this  opportunity  of  being  revenged  for  it,  and  shut  the  gates  against 
him;  whereon  being  forced  to  flee  to  Tyre,  he  was  there  slain.  After  his  death, 
Cleopatra  retained  some  part  of  the  kingdom,  and  Zebina  reigned  over  all  the 
rest:  and,  for  the  better  securing  himself  in  it,  he  made  a  strict  league  and  alli- 
ance with  John  Hyrcanus,*  prince  of  the  Jews;  and  John  made  all  the  advan- 
tages of  these  divisions  which  might  justly  be  expected  from  so  wise  a  man, 
for  the  establishing  of  his  own  and  his  country's  interest,  and  he  much  improved 
the  state  of  the  Jews  thereby. 

An.Vib.  John  Hyrcanus  11.] — Vast  numbers  of  locusts  about  this  time  coming 
into  Africa,^  there  destroyed  the  fruits  of  the  earth,  and  at  last  being  by  the 
wind  driven  into  the  sea,  and  there  drowned,  and  by  the  flowing  of  the  tide 
cast  upon  the  land,  caused  such  a  stench  as  poisoned  the  air,  and  produced  a 
most  terrible  plague;  which  in  Libya,  Cyrene,  and  other  parts  of  Africa,  de- 
stroyed above  eight  hundred  thousand  persons. 

An.  124.  John  Hyrcanus  12.] — Seleucus,  the  eldest  son  of  Demetrius  Nicator 
.by  Cleopatra,  being  now  about  twenty  years  old,  took  upon  him  to  reign  in 
Syria  in  his  father's  stead,*  contrary  to  the  good  liking  of  his  mother.  For  she 
having,  on  the  death  of  Demetrius,  seized  part  of  the  Syrian  empire,  thought 
to  have  reigned  there  by  her  own  authority;  and  therefore  was  very  angry  at 
the  setting  up  of  her  son  against  her;  and  besides,  she  feared  he  would  revenge 
his  father's  death  upon  her,  which  it  was  well  known  she  had  been  the  cause 
of;  and  therefore  having  gotten  him  within  her  power,  she  slew  him  with  her 
own  hands,  by  thrusting  a  dart  through  him,  after  he  had  reigned  only  one  year. 

Antipater,*  Clonius,  and  iEropus,  three  of  Zebina's  chief  commanders,  hav- 
ing revolted  from  him  to  Cleopatra,  seized  Laodicea,  and  there  endeavoured  to 
maintain  themselves  against  him;  but  he,  having  soon  reduced  them,  on  their 
submission,  out  of  his  great  clemency  and  magnanimity,  pardoned  them  all, 
without  doing  any  hurt  to  either  of  them.  For  he  was  a  person  of  very  benign 
temper,  and  carried  himself  with  a  great  deal  of  good-nature,  affability,  and 
courtesy,  toward  all  that  came  in  his  way,  which  made  him  very  much  be- 
loved even  by  those  who  liked  not  the  imposture  whereby  he  usurped  the  crown. 

In  this  year  died  Mithridates  Euergetes,®  king  of  Pontus,  being  slain  by  the 
treachery  of  some  of  those  that  were  about  him.  He  was  succeeded  by  his 
son,  the  famous  Mithridates  Eupator,''  who  struggled  so  long  with  the  Romans 
for  the  empire  of  Asia,  having  maintained  a  war  against  them  for  about  thirty 
years;^  He  Avas  but  twelve  years  old  when  he  began  to  reign;  for  he  is  said  to 
have  lived  seventy-two  years,"  and  to  have  reigned  sixty  of  them.  He  was  de- 
scended from  a  long  series  of  kings,  who  had  reigned  in  Pontus  before  him. 
The  first  of  them  was  one  of  those  seven  princes  that  slew  the  Magians,  and 
settled  the  kingdom  of  Persia  on  Darius  Hystaspis,"^  and,  having  obtained  the 
sovereignty  of  this  country,  transmitted  it  to  his  posterity  through  sixteen  gene- 

]  Justin,  lib.  39.  c.  1.  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  17.  Appianus  in  Syriacis.  Livii  Epit.  lib.  60.  Porphyrius 
inGrscis  Eiiseb.  Scaligeri.  2  Joseph,  ibid. 

3  Livii  Epit.  lib.  GO.     Orosius,  lib.  5.  c.  11.     Julius  Obsequens  de  Prodigiis. 

4  Livii  Epit.  ibid.     Appianus  in  Syriacis.    Justin,  lib.  39.  c.  1.    Porphyrius  in  Grsecis  Euseb.  Scaligeri. 

5  Diodor.  Sic.  in  Excerptis  Valesii,  p.  377. 

6  Justin,  lib.  37.  c.  1.    Strabo,  lib.  10.  p.  477.  7  Memnon.  c.  32.    Strabo  et  Justin,  ibid. 

8  Justin  (1.  37.  c.  1.1  saith  forty-six  years;  Appian.  in  Mithridaticis,  forty-two  years;  Florus  and  Enlropius, 
forty  years;  but  Pliny  (lib.  7.  c.  20,)  saith  it  lasted  only  thirty  years;  and  he  comes  nearest  the  truth  of  the 
matter. 

9  Eutrop.  lib.  0.  10  Polyb.  lib.  5.  p.  388.    L.  Florus,  lib.  3.  c.  5.    Diodor.  Sic.  lib.  19.    Aurelius  Victor. 


208  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

rations,  Mithridates  Eupator  being  reckoned  the  sixteenth  from  him.'  The  first 
of  these,  of  whom  we  find  a  name  in  history,  is  that  Mithridates,^  who  dying  in 
the  year  before  Christ  363,  was  succeeded  by  Ariobarzanes  his  son,  then  gover- 
nor of  Phrygia  for  Artaxerxes  Mnemon  king  of  Persia,  who,  having  reigned 
twenty-six  years,'  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Mithridates  11.  in  the  year  337;* 
he  first  took  part  with  Eumenes  against  Antigonus,^  but,  when  Eumenes  was 
slain,  he  submitted  to  the  conqueror,  and  served  him  in  his  wars;  and  being  a 
man  of  great  valour  and  military  skill,  he  was  very  useful  to  him;  but  at  length, 
being  suspected  of  being  an  underhand  favourer  of  the  interest  of  Cassander, 
Antigonus^  caused  him  to  be  put  to  death  in  the  year  302,  after  he  had  reigned 
thirty-five  years.  On  his  death^  he  was  succeeded  by  his  son  Mithridates  III. 
While  his  lather  lived, '^  he  had  for  some  time  resided  in  the  court  of  Antigonus, 
and  there  contracted  great  intimacy  and  friendship  with  Demetrius  his  son. 
But  Antigonus*^  having  dreamt  than  when  he  had  sowed  a  field  with  golden  seed, 
and  it  had  brought  forth  a  plentiful  crop  of  the  same  metal,  Mithridates  had 
reaped  it  all,  and  carried  it  away  with  him  into  Pontus,  he  concluded  that  this 
dream  foretold  that  Mithridates  should  reap  the  fruit  of  aU  his  victories;  and 
therefore,  for  the  preventing  of  it,  resolved  to  put  him  to  death.  But  Mithri- 
dates, being  warned  hereof  by  Demetrius,  made  his  escape  into  Cappadocia, 
and  there  having  gotten  together  an  army  seized  several  places  and  territories 
in  those  parts,  which  there  belonged  to  Antigonus;  and  having,  after  his  father's 
death,  succeeded  him,  he  added  these  acquisitions  to  the  kingdom  of  Pontus; 
whereby  having  very  much  enlarged  it,  he  is  reckoned  as  the  founder  of  it;  and 
therefore  is  by  historians  called  Ktistes,''  i.  e.  the  Founder.  He  reigned  in  Pon- 
tus thirty-six  years,®  and  on  his  death,  which  happened  in  the  year  266,  left  his 
'kingdom  to  Ariobarzanes  his  son."  From  this  Mithridates  the  founder,  Mithri- 
dates Eupator  was  the  eighth,'"  but  of  these,  history  furnishes  us  with  the  names 
only  of  six,"  and  these  are,  1.  Mithridates  Ktistes,  2.  Ariobarzanes,  3.  Mithri- 
dates, 4.  Pharnaces,  5.  Mithridates  Euergetes,  and,  6.  INIithridates  Eupator.  Of 
Ariobarzanes  no  more  is  said,  but  that  he  succeeded  his  father.'"  Mithridates, 
who  is  the  next  that  is  named,'''  married  the  daughter  of  Seleucus  Callinicus 
king  of  Syria,  and  having  by  her  a  daughter  called  Laodice,'''  gave  her  in  mar- 
riage to  Antiochus  the  Great,  son  of  Callinicus;  and  only  on  the  account  of 
these  two  marriages  is  he  any  where  made  mention  of.  Pharnaces'*  seized  the 
city  of  Sinope,  and  added  it  to  the  kingdom  of  Pontus  in  the  year  183;  made 
war  with  Eumenes  king  of  Pergamus  in  the  year  182;'^  invaded  Galatia  in  the 
year  181;"  and  on  these  accounts,  and  several  others,  he  is  often  spoken  of;  but 
for  nothing  more  than  for  the  abominable  character  left  behind  him  of  being 
one  of  the  wickedest  princes  that  ever  reigned.'*  Mithridates  Euergetes  is  the 
next  that  is  named  in  this  race  of  kings.  This  Mithridates  was  son  to  Pharna- 
ces, and  grandson  to  Mithridates  the  immediate  predecessor  of  Pharnaces.  For 
that  Mithridates,  according  to  Justin,'^  was  great  grandfather  to  Mithridates 
Eupator;  and  therefore  Pharnaces  must  have  been  his  son,  Mithridates  Euerge- 
tes his  grandson,  and  Mithridates  Eupator  his  great  grandson.  The  first  time 
we  hear  of  this  Mithridates  Euergetes  is  in  the  year  149,  Avhen  he  aided  the 
Romans  with  some  ships  in  the  third  Punic  war;""  and  he  was  aiding  to  them 
also  in  their  war  with  Aristonicus;-'  for  the  reward  of  which,  on  the  ending  of 
that  war,  they  gave  him  the  province  of  the  Greater  Phrygia."-  The  last  of  this 
series  was  Mithridates  Eupator,  the  prince  we  now  speak  of;  and  he  being  the 

I  Appian.  in  Mithridaticis.  2  Dindor.  Sic.  lib   15.  3  Ibid.  lib.  ]fi.  4  Ibid.  lib.  W. 
5  Ibid.  lib.  i!0.                                        H  Plutarch,  in  Uometrio.     Appian.  in  Mithridaticis. 

7  Slrabo,  lib.  12.  p.  502.     Appian.  in  ]VIithridalici.=.  H  Diodor.  Sic.  lib.  20. 

9  Mernnnii.  c.  25.  Diodor.  ibid.  10  riiitarch.  in  nemctrio.     Appian.  in  Mitlirid. 

II  And  for  this  reason  porchance  it  is,  that  whereas  Appian  sailh,  in  one  place  of  his  Mithridatics,  that 
Milhridates's  Kupator  was  the  eighth  from  Mithridates  Ktistes,  he  saith  in  another  place  that  he  was  only 
the  sixth.     See  Appian.  p.  I7(i. 24'.1. 

12  Diodor.  Pic.  lib.  20.       13  .luslin.  lib.  3R.  c.  .5.  1-1  Polybius,  lib.  5.  p.  3SB.       15  Straho,  lib.  12.  p.  545,  546. 
Ifi  Mviiia,  lib.  40.     Polybius  i-egat,  51.  .53.  .59.  17  Polybius  Leffat.  .55. 

18  Polybius  in  Excerptis  Valesii,  p.  130.  19  Lib.  38.  c.  5.  20  Appian.  in  Mithridaticis. 

21  Justin,  lib.  37.  c.  1.    Eutropius,  lib.  4  22  Justin,  ibid.et  lib.  38.  c.  5.     Appiau.  in  Mithridaticis. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  209 

most  remarkable  person  of  the  time  in  which  he  lived,  I  hope  it  will  not  be 
unacceptable  to  the  reader  to  have  an  acccount  here  given  of  the  race  from 
whence  he  proceeded.  It  is  very  remarkable,'  that,  at  the  time  of  his  birth, 
there  appeared  a  very  great  comet  for  seventy  days  together,  and  the  like  again 
for  the  same  number  of  days  at  the  time  of  his  accession  to  the  crown;  the  tails 
of  both  which  were  so  large,  as  to  take  up  one  quarter  of  the  hemisphere. 
These  seemed  to  portend  that  he  should  be  a  great  incendiary  in  the  world,  and 
so  he  proved.  He  began  his  reign  with  the  murder  of  his  mother  and  his  bro- 
ther," and  all  the  rest  of  his  actions  were  of  a  piece  herewith.  He  was  a  per- 
son of  very  extraordinary  abilities  and  endowments  of  mind,  but  he  employed 
them  all  to  the  mischief  of  mankind,  and  many  were  the  thousands  that  per- 
ished by  it. 

An.  123.  John  Hyrcanus  13.] — Cleopatra,  having  slain  Seleucus  her  eldest 
son  in  the  manner  as  I  have  related,  found  it  necessary  to  have  one  with  the 
name  of  king,  to  give  countenance  and  support  to  the  authority  by  which,  she 
governed;  and  therefore,  having  formerly  sent  Antiochus,  the  other  son  which 
she  had  by  Demetrius,  to  Athens,  for  the  benefit  of  his  education,  she  recalled 
him  from  thence  to  take  this  name  upon  him;  and,  on  his  arrival,^  declared 
him  king  of  Syria,  but  with  intent  to  allow  him  no  more  than  the  royal  style, 
and  keep  all  the  authority  to  herself;  and,  being  then  very  young,  as  not  yet 
exceeding  the  age  of  twenty,^  if  so  much,  he  was  contented  for  some  time  to 
be  made  her  property.  To  distinguish  him  from  the  other  Antiochus's,  he  is 
commonly  called  Grypus,^  a  name  taken  from  his  hook-nose.''  He  is  called 
Philometor  by  Josephus,^  but  Epiphanes  by  himself  in  his  coins. 

An.  122.  John  Hyrcanus  14.] — Zebina,  on  the  death  of  Demetrius  Nicator, 
having  settled  himself  in  a  great  part  of  the  Syrian  empire,  Physcon,  by  whom 
he  was  advanced  hereto,  expected  he  should  hold  it  as  in  homage  and  depen- 
dance  from  him;  which  Zebina  not  understanding,*  nor  in  any  point  comply- 
ing therewith,  Physcon  resolved  to  pull  him  down  again  as  fast  as  he  had  set 
him  up,  and  therefore,  coming  to  an  agreement  with  Queen  Cleopatra  his  niece, 
married  Tryphfena  his  daughter  to  Grypus  her  son,  and  sent  an  army  to  her  as- 
sistance; whereby  Zebina  being  overthrown,  fled  to  Antioch;  but  there  endea- 
vouring privately  to  rob  the  temple  of  Jupiter  for  the  carrying  on  of  the  war,^ 
and  being  detected  in  the  attempt,  the  Antiochians  rose  in  a  tumult  against 
him,  and  drove  him  thence;  whereon,  being  forced  to  shift  from  place  to  place 
about  the  country,  he  was  at  length  taken  and  put  to  death. 

An.  121.  John  Hyrcanus  15.] — L.  Opimius  and  Q.  Fabius  Maximus  being 
consuls  at  Rome,  the  seasons  of  the  year  in  all  their  turns  proved  so  very  kind- 
ly and  benign,"^  that  the  fruits  of  the  earth  now  produced  were  all  beyond  what 
they  used  to  be  in  other  years,  and  especially  their  wine,  which  was  this  year 
of  that  excellency  and  strength,  that  some  of  it  was  kept  for  two  hundred  years 
after,  it  being  the  famous  Opimian  wine  (so  called  from  the  name  of  the  con- 
sul) which  is  so  much  spoken  of  by  the  poets.         * 

An.  120.  John  Hyrcanus  16.] — After  Zebina  was  vanquished  and  slain,  Antio- 
chus Grypus,  now  growing  to  maturity  of  age,  began  to  take  on  him  the  au- 
thority as  well  as  the  name  of  king;  whereby  the  power  of  Cleopatra  in  the 
government  becoming  very  much  eclipsed,  she  could  not  bear  this  diminution 
of  her  grandeur  and  domination;  and  therefore,  for  the  recovering  of  it  again 
wholly  to  herself,  that  so  she  might  again  absolutely  rule  and  govern  the  Sy- 
rian empire,  she  resolved  to  make  away  with  Grypus,"  as  she  had  before  with 
Seleucus,  and  call  to  the  crown  another  son  of  hers,  which  she  had  by  Antio- 
chus Sidetes;    under  whom,  he  being  very  young,  she  presumed  she  might 

1  Justin,  lib.  37.  c.  2.  2  Memnon  in  E.\cerptis  Piiotii,  c.  32. 

3  Justin,  lib.  ,30.  c.  1.     .\ppian.  in  Syriacis. 

4  Demetrius  his  father  married  Cleopatra,  .Anno  146,  and  Seleucus  was  the  eldest  son  of  that  marri.ige; 
and  therefore  Grypus,  who  was  the  second  son,  cannot  be  supposed  at  this  time  to  be  above  twenty. 

5  Justin,  ibid.  (i  rpujoj,  ju  Greek,  signifieth  one  that  is  hook-nosed.  7  Aiitifj.  lib.  13.  c.  20. 
8  Justin.  Lib.  .30.  c.  2.                           9  Ibid.     Diodor.  Sic.  in  Excerptis  Valesii,  p.  378. 

10  Plinius,  lib.  14.  c.  4.  14.  11  Justin,  lib.  39.  c.  2.     .Appiaii.  in  Syriacis. 

Vol.  II.— 27 


210  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

much  longer  have  the  full  enjoyment  of  the  royal  authority,  and  thereby  have 
the  opportunity  of  gathering  strength  for  the  fixing  of  herself  in  it  for  all  her 
life  after.  And  therefore,  for  the  executing  of  tliis  wicked  design,  having  pro- 
vided a  cup  of  poison,  she  offered  it  to  Grypus  one  day  as  he  came  hot  and 
weary  from  exercising  himself;  but  being  forewarned  of  the  mischief  she  in- 
tended him,  he  forced  her  to  drink  it  all  herself,  and  it  had  its  fuU  operation 
upon  her;  and  thereby  an  end  was  put  to  the  life  of  a  most  wicked  and  perni- 
cious woman,  who  had  long  been  the  plague  of  Syria.  She  had  been  the  wife 
of  three  kings'  of  that  country,  and  the  mother  of  four.  Two  of  her  husbands 
she  had  been  the  death  of:  and,  of  her  said  sons,  one  she  murdered  with  her 
own  hands,  and  would  have  served  Grypus  in  the  same  manner,  but  he  made 
her  wicked  design  turn  upon  her  own  head,  as  I  have  related;  and  thereon, 
having  settled  his  affairs  in  peace  and  security,  he  reigned  several  years  after 
without  any  disturbance,  till  at  length  Cyzicenus,  his  brother  by  the  same  mo- 
ther, rose  up  against  him,  as  will  be  hereafter  related  in  its  proper  place. 

An.  117.  John  Hyrcunus  19.] — Ptolemy  Physcon,  king  of  Egypt,  after  having 
reigned  there, ^  from  the  death  of  Philometor  his  brother,  twenty-nine  years, 
died  at  Alexandria,  and  thereby  did  put  an  end  to  a  most  wicked  life,  and  to  a 
most  cruel  and  tyrannical  reign,  he  being  infamous  for  both,  beyond  all  that 
reigned  in  that  country  before  him;  whereof  too  many  instances  are  given  in 
the  foregoing  part  of  this  history.  He  left  behind  him  three  sons;  the  eldest, 
named  Apion,  he  had  by  a  concubine,''  the  other  Im-o  by  Cleopatra  his  niece,* 
whom  he  had  married  after  his  divorcing  of  her  mother;  the  eldest  of  these  was 
called  Lathyrus,*  and  the  other  Alexander.®  By  his  will,  he  left  the  kingdom 
of  Gyrene  to  Apion,'  and  that  of  Egypt  to  Cleopatra,  in  conjunction  with  one 
of  her  sons  which  she  should  like  best  of  the  two  to  make  choice  of;  and  she 
looking  on  Alexander  as  the  likelier  to  be  compliant  with  her,  offered  to  make 
choice  of  him;'*  but  the  people,  not  bearing  that  the  eldest  should  be  put  by  the 
right  of  his  birth,  forced  her  to  send  for  him  from  Cyprus,  where,  in  his  father's 
lifetime,  she  had  procured  him  to  be  banished,  and  admit  him  as  king  to  reign 
in  copartnership  with  her.  But,  before  she  would  suffer  him  to  be  inaugurated 
at  Memphis,  according  to  the  usage  of  the  country,  she  forced  him  to  divorce 
Cleopatra,"  the  eldest  of  his  sisters  (whom  he  had  taken  to  be  his  wife,  and 
dearly  loved,)  and  marry  in  her  stead  Selene,  his  younger  sister,  Avho  was  not 
so  acceptable  to  him.  On  his  inauguration,  he  took  the  name  of  Soter;'"  Athe- 
nseus"  and  Pausanius''^  call  him  Philometor;  but  Lathyrus  is  the  name  by  which 
he  is  mostly  named  in  history.  But  that  being  a  nickname  not  tending  to  his 
honour,'^  it  was  never  owned  by  him. 

An.  114.  John  Hijrcanus  2'2.] — Antiochus  Grypus,  while  he  was  preparing 
for  a  war  against  the  Jews,'^  was  prevented  by  a  war  at  home,  raised  against 
him  by  Antiochus  Cyzicenus,  his  half  brother.  He  was  the  son  of  Cleopatra 
by  Antiochus  Sidetes,  born  to  him  of  her  while  Demetrius  her  former  husband 
was  a  prisoner  among  the  Parthians.  But  on  Demetrius's  returning  again,  and 
repossessing  his  kingdom,  after  the  death  of  Sidetes,  Cleopatra  fearing  how  De- 

1  The  three  kings  of  Syria  whom  she  liad  for  her  husbands,  were  Alexander  Balas,  Demetrius  Nicator,  and 
Aiiti<ichiis  Sidetes:  ami  iier  four  sons  were  Antiocluis,  by  Alexander  Balas,  Seleucus  and  Antiochus  Grypus, 
by  Demetrius,  and  Antiochus  Cy/iceniis,  by  Antiocluis  Sidetes. 

2  l'or|(liyrius  in  Grtccis  Euseh.  Scaliperi.  Ptolema;us  Astronomus  in  Canone.  Epiphanius  de  Ponderibus 
et  Metisuris.     Ilieronymus  in  Danielern,  cap.  ix. 

3  Justin,  lib.  X\.  c.  5.     Appian.  in  Milhridaticis  in  fine  libri.  4  Justin,  lib.  39.  c.  3. 

5  Trogus  I'cuiipeius  in  Protooo  39,40.  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  18.  Clemens  Alexand.  Strom,  lib.  1. 
Straho,  lib.  17.  p.  7ii5.     Plinius,  lib.  'J.  c.  (i7.  ot  lib.  0.  c.  30. 

6  Porphyrins  in  Grspcis  Enseb.  Scaliseri.     Justin,  lib.  39.  c.  4.  7  Justin.  lib.  39.  c.  3. 
8  Pansaiiins  in  Atlicis.     Justin,  ibid.                                                                        9  Justin,  lib.  39.  c.  3. 

10  Porphyrins,  ibid.  Ptol.  in  Canone.  Euseb.  in  Chronicoii.  Epiphanius  de  Ponderibus  et  Mensuris.  Ilie- 
ronymus in  Danic'leni,  cap.  ix. 

li  Athenaus,  lib.  G.  p.  <ira.  12  In  Atticis. 

13  Axj-jpoi  si^inifieth  a  pea,  which  the  Latins  call  cicer;  from  whence  the  family  of  the  Ciceros  hail  tlieir 
name,  because  of  an  excrescence  which  one  of  their  ancestors  had  on  his  nose  like  a  pea:  but  fur  what  leu- 
.son  Ptolemy  Lathyrus  had  this  name  is  no  where  said;  perchance  it  was  because  of  such  like  excrescence 
somewhere  upon  him  in  constant  view,  either  on  his  nose  or  face. 

14  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  17.  Appian,  in  Syriacis.  Justin,  lib.  39.  c.  2.  Porphyr.  in  GriEcis  EuseS* 
Scaligeri,  p.  61. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  211 

metrius  might  deal  with  him,  should  he  fall  into  his  hands,  sent  him  out  of  his 
reach  to  Cyzicus,  a  city  lying  on  the  Piopontis  in  the  Lesser  Mysia,  where  he 
was  bred  up  under  the  care  and  tuition  of  Craterus,  a  faithful  eunuch,  to  whose 
charge  he  was  committed;  and  therefore  from  hence  lie  had  the  name  of  Cyzi- 
cenus.  Grypus,  being  jealous  of  him,  endeavoured  to  have  him  taken  out  of 
the  way  by  poison;  which  being  discovered,  forced  Cyzicenus  to  arm  against 
him  for  his  life,  as  well  as  the  crown  of  Syria.  And  it  is  often  the  hard  case 
of  princes,  to  be  thus  brought  to  a  necessity  either  to  reign  or  die,  without  hav- 
ing any  medium  between  for  their  choice. 

An.  ll-'}.  John  Hyrcanus  2^3.] — Cleopatra,  whom  Lathyrus  was  forced  to  di- 
vorce, after  that  separation,'  disposed  of  herself  in  marriage  to  Cyzicenus,  and 
having  gotten  together  an  army  in  Cyprus  instead  of  a  dowry,  carried  that  with 
her  to  him  into  Syria,  for  his  assistance  in  this  war  against  his  brother,  whereby 
his  forces  being  made  equal  to  those  of  his  brother,  he  came  to  a  battle  with 
him;  but  having  had  the  misfortune  to  be  overthrown,  he  fled  to  Antioch,  and 
having  there  left  his  wife,  as  he  thought,  in  a  safe  place,  he  went  thence  to 
other  parts  for  the  recruiting  of  his  broken  forces.  Hereon  Grypus  laid  siege 
to  Antioch,  and  he  having  taken  the  place,  Tryphaena  the  wife  of  Grypus  ear- 
nestly desired  to  have  Cleopatra  delivered  into  her  hands,  that  she  might  put 
her  to  death,  so  bitterly  was  she  enraged  against  her,  though  her  own  sister  both 
by  father  and  mother,  for  that  she  had  married  her  husband's  enemy,  and  brought 
an  army  to  his  assistance  against  him.  But  Cleopatra  having  taken  sanctuary 
in  one  of  the  temples  at  Antioch,  Grypus  was  very  unwilling  to  comply  with 
the  rage  of  his  wife  in  this  matter.  He  urged  against  it  the  sacredness  of  the 
place  where  she  had  taken  refuge,  and  farther  told  her,  that  the  putting  her  to 
death  would  serve  to  no  purpose;  that  the  cutting  her  off  would  no  way  weaken 
or  hurt  the  interest  of  Cyzicenus,  nor  the  keeping  of  her  alive  be  any  strength- 
ening to  it;  that  in  all  the  wars,  whether  domestical  or  foreign,  which  he  or  his 
ancestors  had  been  engaged  in,  it  had  never  been  their  usage,  after  victory  ob- 
tained, to  execute  cruelty  upon  women,  especially  upon  so  near  a  relation;  that 
Cleopatra  was  her  sister,  and  also  his  own  near  kinswoman;^  and  therefore  he 
desired  her  to  press  this  thing  no  farther,  for  he  could  not  comply  with  her  in  it. 
But  Tryphaena,  instead  of  being  dissuaded  hereby  from  what  she  so  cruelly  in- 
tended against  her  sister,  was  the  more  excited  to  the  executing  of  it:  for  sus- 
pecting this  to  proceed  from  some  love  Grypus  had  contracted  for  the  lady, 
rather  than  barely  from  a  pity  for  her  case,  she  added  jealousy  to  her  anger; 
and  therefore,  being  driven  by  a  double  passion  to  work  her  destruction,  in  the 
heat  of  both,  she  forthwith  sent  soldiers  into  the  temple,  who,  by  her  command, 
there  slew  the  unfortunate  lady,  while  embracing  the  image  of  the  god  to  which 
she  fled  thither  for  refuge.  This  shows  how  great  the  rage  of  this  sister  was 
against  the  other.  And  thus  it  often  comes  to  pass,  when  enmity  happens  be- 
tween those  of  the  same  family  and  kindred,  the  nearer  is  the  relation,  the  bit- 
terer often  is  the  hatred  between  them;  of  which  many  instances  may  be  found 
within  every  man's  observation.  And  the  same  may  also  be  observed  in  differ- 
ences of  religion,  they  that  are  at  the  greatest  distance  herein  being  seldom  so 
incensed  as  the  nearest  of  the  subordinate  sects  usually  are  against  each  other. 

In  the  interim,  Cleopatra,  queen  of  Egypt,  who  was  mother  to  both  these  two 
sisters,  expressed  no  regard  or  concern  for  either  of  them:  for  her  mind  being 
actuated  wholly  by  ambition  and  the  love  of  reigning,  she  employed  all  her 
thoughts  this  way,  that  is,  how  she  might  best  support  her  authority  in  Egypt, 
and  there  continue  to  reign  without  control  as  long  as  she  should' live.  And 
therefore,  for  the  better  strengthening  of  herself  for  this  pui-pose,  she  made  Alex- 
ander,^ her  younger  son,  king  of  Cyprus,  that  she  might  from  thence  be  as- 
sisted by  him  against  L;ithyrus  his  brother,  whenever  occasion  should  require. 

An.  112.  John  Hyrcanus  24.] — Bat  the  death  of  Cleopatra  in  Syria  did  not 

1  Justin,  lib.  39.  r.  3.  2  Physcon.  her  father,  was  uncle  to  Cleopatra,  the  mother  of  Grypus. 

3  Pausan.  in  Atticis.     Porphyr.  in  Grscia  Euseb.  Scaligeri. 


212  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

lono;  go  unrevenged.  For  Cyzicenus,'  having  drawn  another  army  together, 
fought  a  second  battle  with  his  brother,  and  having  gained  the  victory,  and  in 
the  pursuit  of  it  gotten  Tryphjena  into  his  power,  he  sacrificed  her  to  the  ghost 
of  his  murdered  wife,  by  putting  her  to  such  a  death  as  her  cruelty  to  her  well 
deserved.  Grypus,  by  this  overthrow,  being  driven  out  of  Syria,  fled  to  Aspen- 
dus  in  Pamphylia,'^  from  whence  he  had  also  the  name  of  Aspendius. 

An.  1\  I.  John  Hi/rcanus '^5.'] — But  the  next  year  after,  he  returning  from 
thence  with  an  army,^  again  recovered  Syria:  and  the  two  brothers  thenceforth 
parting  the  Syrian  empire  between  them,  Cyzicenus  reigned  at  Damascus  over 
Ccele-Syria  and  Phosnicia,  and  Grypus  at  Antioch  over  all  the  rest.  Both  bro- 
thers were  very  excessive  in  their  luxuries  and  their  follies;''  and  so  were  most 
of  the  other  later  Syrian  kings;  and  to  this  and  their  divisions  they  owed  the 
loss  of  their  empire;  for  they  were  truly  men  most  unworthy  of  it. 

A71.  110.  Jokn  Hyrcanus  26.] — While  these  two  brothers  were  thus  harassing 
each  other  in  war,  or  else  wasting  themselves  in  the  luxury  of  peace,  John 
Hyrcanus  grew  in  riches  and  power;*  and  finding  he  had  nothing  to  fear  from 
either  of  them,  resolved  to  reduce  Samaria  under  his  dominion;  and  therefore 
sent  Aristobulus  and  Antigonus,^  two  of  his  sons,  to  besiege  the  city:  whereon 
the  inhabitants  sent  to  Antiochus  Cyzicenus,  king  of  Damascus,  for  his  relief; 
who,  coming  with  a  great  army  to  raise  the  siege,  was  met  by  the  two  brothers, 
and  being  vanquished  by  them,  and  pursued  as  far  as  Scythopohs,  he  hardly  es- 
caped out  of  their  hands. 

An.  109.  John  Hyrcanus  27.] — The  tw^o  brothers,'  after  the  gaining  of  thisvic- 
toiy,  having  again  returned  to  the  siege,  pressed  it  so  hard,  that  the  besieged 
were  forced  a  second  time  to  send  to  Cyzicenus  for  relief:  but  he  having  not 
forces  enough  of  his  own  for  the  attempt,  desired  the  assistance  of  Ptolemy  La- 
thyrus,  king  of  Egypt,  who  sent  him  six  thousand  auxiliaries,  much  to  the  dis- 
like of  Cleopatra  his  mother.  For  Chelcias  and  Ananias,  two  Jews,  sons  of  that 
Onias  who  built  the  Jewish  temple  in  Egypt,  being  her  chief  favourites  and 
ministers,  that  commanded  all  her  forces;  and  directed  all  her  councils,  for  their 
sakes  she  much  favoured  the  Jews,  and  was  averse  to  any  thing  that  might  tend 
to  their  damage;  and  she  had  like  to  have  deposed  Lathyrus  from  the  throne  for 
acting  against  her  will  in  this  matter.  When  the  Egyptian  auxiliaries  arrived, 
Cyzicenus  joined  them  with  what  forces  he  had,  but  durst  not  openly  face  the 
enemy,  or  make  any  attempt  upon  the  army  that  lay  at  the  siege,  but  spent  him- 
self wholly  in  harassing  and  plundering  the  open  country,  hoping  thereby  to 
draw  the  Jews  from  the  siege  for  its  reUef;  but  failing  of  his  expectations  herein, 
and  finding  also  that  his  army,  what  by  surprises,  desertions,  and  other  casual- 
ties, was  much  diminished  in  the  carrying  on  of  this  sort  of  war,  he  durst  not 
trust  himself  abroad  in  the  field  any  longer  with  it,  but  retired  to  Tripoly,  leav- 
ing Callimander  and  Epicrates,  two  of  his  prime  commanders,  to  pursue  the  re- 
mainder of  the  war;  the  former  of  which  rashly  venturing  upon  an  enterprise  too 
hard  for  him,  was  cut  off  with  all  his  party;  whereon  Epicrates,  finding  that 
nothing  farther  was  to  be  done,  made  the  best  advantage  of  it  that  he  could  for 
his  own  interest.  For,  coming  to  an  agreement  with  Hyrcanus,  for  a  sum  of 
money  he  delivered  up  unto  him  Scythopoiis,  and  all  other  places  which  the 
Syrians  had  in  that  country,  and  thereby  basely  betrayed  the  interest  of  his 
master  for  his  own  gain.  Whereon  Samaria,  being  deprived  of  all  further  hopes 
of  relief,  was  forced,  after  it  had  held  out  a  year's  siege,  to  surrender  into  the 
hands  of  Hyrcanus,  who  forthwith  demolished  the  place,  causing  not  only  the 
houses  and  walls  to  be  pulled  down  and  razed  to  the  ground,  but  also  trenches 
to  be  drawn  through  and  across  the  ground  whereon  it  stood,  and  to  be  filled 
with  water,^  that  it  might  never  again  be  built.     They  are  mistaken  who  think 

1  Justin,  lib.  39.  c.  3.  2  Porpliyr.  in  Graecis  Euseh.  Scaligeii,  p.  62.  3  Ibid. 

4  Dindniii!!  Slculiia  in  E.xcerptis  Vaiesii,  p.  385.     Atlieuseus,  lib.  5.  p.  210.  et.  lib.  12.  p.  540. 

5  JoBopli.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  r.  17.  6  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  r.  18.  7  Ibid. 

8  So  caith  Josephus  in  Uie  place  last  quoted.  Salianus  cavils  much  at  him  for  it,  because  Samaria  stood 
upon  a  high  hill      But  Tlfnj.-unin  nf  Tudela,  who  was  vi\\  the  place,  tolls  us,  in  his  Itinerary,  that  there  were 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  213 

this  was  done  out  of  the  hatred  which  the  Jews  bore  to  the  sect  of  the  Samari- 
tans: for  none  of  that  sect  then  lived  in  that  place.  All  the  inhabitants  of  that 
city  were  then  of  the  Syro-Macedonian  race,  and  the  heathen  superstition.  For 
the  ancient  Samaritans,  who  were  of  the  sect  that  worshipped  God  in  Mount 
Gerizim,  had  been  long  before  all  expelled  thence  by  Alexander  for  the  reveng- 
ing of  the  death  of  Andromachus,  his  governor  of  Syria,  whom  they  slew  in  a 
tumult,  as  hath  been  before  related  in  the  first  part  of  this  history.  After  this, 
these  expelled  Samaritans  retired  to  Shechem,  which  hath  been  the  head  seat 
of  their  sect  ever  since:  and  Alexander  new  planted  the  city  with  a  colony  of 
Macedonians;  Greeks,  and  Syrians,  mixed  together,  and  they  were  of  their  pos- 
terity that  then  inhabited  the  place,  when  Hyrcanus  made  this  war  against  it. 
From  this  time  Samaria  continued  in  its  demolished  state,  tiU  Herod  rebuilt  it, 
and  gave  it  the  name  of  Sebaste,'  in  honour  of  Augustus,  as  will  be  hereafter 
related.  After  this  victory,  Hyrcanus  became  master  of  all  Judea,  Galilee,  and 
Samaria,  and  of  several  other  places  in  the  outskirts  of  the  country  round  him; 
whereby  he  made  himself  one  of  the  most  considerable  princes  of  the  age  in 
which  he  lived;  and  after  this,  none  of  his  neighbours  durst  anymore  cope  with 
him,  but  he  enjoyed  the  remainder  of  his  time  in  fuU  quiet  from  all  foreign  wars. 
An.  108.  John  Hyrcanus  28.] — But  in  the  latter  end  of  his  life  he  met  with 
some  trouble  at  home  from  the  Pharisees,  a  busy  and  mutinous  sect  among  the 
Jews.*  These,  by  their  pretences  to  a  more  than  ordinary  strictness  in  reli- 
gion, had  gained  to  themselves  a  great  reputation  and  interest  among  the  com- 
mon people;  and  for  this  reason  Hyrcanus  endeavoured  to  gain  them  to  him  by 
all  manner  of  favours.  He  had  been  bred  up  in  their  discipline  from  the  begin- 
'  ning,  and  therefore  professing  himself  of  their  sect,  had  always  given  them  all 
manner  of  countenance  and  encouragement;  and  farther  to  ingratiate  himself 
with  them  about  this  time,  invited  the  heads  of  the  party  to  an  entertainment, 
and  having  therein  regaled  them  with  all  manner  of  good  cheer,  he  spake  to 
them  to  this  effect: — "That  the  fixed  purpose  of  his  mind,  as  they  well  knew, 
had  always  been  to  be  just  in  his  actions  toward  men,  and  to  do  aU  things  to- 
ward God  that  should  be  well  pleasing  to  him,  according  to  the  doctrines  which 
the  Pharisees  taught;  and  therefore  he  desired,  that,  if  they  saw  any  thing  in 
him  wherein  he  failed  of  his  duty,  in  either  of  these  two  branches  of  it,  they 
would  give  him  their  instructions,  that  thereby  it  might  be  reformed  and  amend- 
ed." In  answer  hereto,  they  all  applauded  his  conduct;  all  gave  him  the  praise 
of  a  just  and  religious  governor,  excepting  only  one  man,  and  Hyrcanus  was 
mightily  pleased  hereat.  But  when  all  these  had  done  with  their  encomiums, 
this  one  man,  named  Eleazar,  a  very  ill-natured  person,  and  one  that  much  dehght- 
ed  in  making  disturbances,  stood  up,  and,  addressing  himself  to  Hyrcanus, 
said, — "Since  you  are  desirous  to  be  told  the  truth,  if  you  would  approve  your- 
self a  just  man,  quit  the  high-priesthood,  and  content  yourself  with  having  the 
government  of  the  people."  Whereon  Hyrcanus  asking  him  what  reason  there 
was  for  this,  he  replied, — "Because  we  are  assured,  by  the  testimony  of  the 
ancients  among  us,  that  your  mother  was  a  captive  taken  in  the  wars,  and  there- 
fore, as  born  of  her,  you  are  incapable  of  the  high-priesthood,  and  cannot  hold 
it  by  the  law."  And,  had  the  matter  of  fact  been  true,  his  inference  had  been 
right.  For,  whoever  was  born  of  any  prohibited  marriage,^  was,  by  the  law  of 
Moses,  profane;  and  whoever  was  thus  profane,  was,  by  the  same  law,*  incapa- 
ble of  being  priest  or  high-priest.  Now,  these  prohibited  marriages  among  the 
Jews  were  in  respect  of  the  different  degrees  of  the  persons  to  M^hom  they  were 
prohibited,  of  three  different  sorts.  1.  Such  as  were  prohibited  to  all  Israel; 
and  these  were,^  the  marrying  within  the  prohibited  degrees  of  kindred,  and 
the  marrying  any  of  another  nation.®   2.  Such  as  were  prohibted  to  priests;  and 

upon  the  top  of  this  hill  many  fountains  of  water;  and  from  these  water  enough  might  have  been  derived  to 
fill  these  trenches. 
1  SsSctTTo;  is  Greek  for  Augustus:  hence  SsSirTvi.  2  Joseph.  Anticj.  lib.  13.  c.  18. 

3  Levit.  XXI.  15,    Maimonides  in  Issure  Biah,  c.  19. 

4  For  the  priest  was  to  be  holy,  Levit.  xxi.  8;  but  profane  is  opposite  to  holy. 

5  Levit.  .xviii.  6  Deut.  vii.  3 


214  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

these  were,'  the  marrying  of  a  whore,  or  a  divorced  woman,  or  one  that  was 
profane.  3.  Such  as  were  prohibited  to  the  high-priest wlio,  over  and  above  all 
these  other  prohibited  marriages,  was  also  forbidden  to  marry  a  widow."  For 
the  words  of  the  law  are,  that  he  should  take  none  other  to  wife  but  a  virgin 
of  his  own  people."  And  therefore,  if  a  high-priest  had  a  son  by  any  of  these 
prohibited  marriages,  or  a  priest  by  any  of  those  prohibited  to  him,  that  son  was 
profane,  and  thereby  rendered  incapable  of  being  either  priest  or  high-priest.  For, 
as  the  prohibited  marriages  of  the  first  sort  above-mentioned,  as  well  as  those 
of  the  second,  were  forbidden  the  priest,  so  all  three  were  forbidden  the  high- 
priest;  that  is,  the  first  sort  as  he  was  an  Israelite,  the  second  as  he  was  a  priest, 
and  the  third  as  he  was  high-priest.  And  therefore,  had  Hyrcanus's  mother 
been  an  alien  taken  captive  in  war,^  or  any  other,  when  first  married  to  his  fa- 
ther, than  one  whose  marriage  was  allowed  to  a  priest  (for  Simon  was  no  more 
than  a  priest  when  he  first  married  her,)  every  son  born  of  her  would  have 
been  profane,  and  consequently  incapable  of  being  either  priest  or  high-priest. 
But  the  matter  of  fact,  Josephus^  (from  whom  alone  we  have  this  story)  as- 
sures us,  was  all  false,  and  a  most  notorious  calumny;  and  therefore  the  ob- 
ject of  it  was  disapproved  of,  and  resented  with  great  indignation  by  all  that 
were  present;  and  it  afterward  became  the  origin  of  great  disturbances.  For 
Hyrcanus  not  being  able  to  bear  that  his  mother  should  be  thus  defamed, 
and  the  purity  of  his  birth  and  his  capacity  for  the  high-priesthood  be  here- 
by called  in  question,  was  exceedingly  exasperated  hereat;  which  one  Jona- 
than, a  zealous  disciple  of  the  Sadducees  (the  opposite  sect  to  the  Pharisees,) 
and  an  intimate  friend  of  Hyrcanus,  observing,  laid  hold  of  this  opportunity  to 
set  him  against  the  whole  party,  and  draw  him  over  to  that  of  the  Sadducees. 
For  this  pui-pose,  he  suggested  to  Hyrcanus,  that  this  was  not  the  single  act  of 
Eleazar,  but  most  certainly  a  thing  concerted  by  the  whole  party;  that  Eleazar 
in  speaking  of  it  out  was  no  more  than  the  mouth  of  all  the  rest;  and,  that  he 
needed  to  do  no  more  for  the  full  assuring  of  himself  of  the  truth  hereof,  than 
to  refer  it  to  them  for  their  opinion  what  punishment  the  calumniator  deserved; 
for  if  he  would  be  pleased,  urged  Jonathan,  to  make  this  experiment,  he  would 
certainly  find,  by  the  lenity  of  their  sentence  against  the  criminal,  that  they 
were  all  parties  with  him  in  the  crime.  Hyrcanus,  hearkening  to  the  sugges- 
tion of  Jonathan,  followed  his  advice,  and  accordingly  proposed  it  to  the  heads 
of  the  Pharisees,  for  their  opinion,  what  punishment  Eleazar  deserved,  for  thus 
defaming  the  prince  and  high-priest  of  his  people,  expecting  from  them  no 
lesser  sentence  than  that  of  death.  Their  answer  hereto  was,  that  defamation 
and  calumny  were  no  capital  crimes,  and  therefore,  could  be  punished  no  far- 
ther than  with  whipping  and  imprisonment.*  Whereon  Hyrcanus,  being  fuUy 
persuaded  that  all  that  Jonathan  suggested  was  true,  became  thenceforth  a  bitter 
enemy  to  the  whole  sect  of  the  Pharisees:  for  he  forthwith  abrogated  all  their 
traditionary  constitutions,  enjoined  a  penalty  upon  all  that  should  observe  them; 
and  utterly  renouncing  their  party,''  went  over  to  that  of  the  Sadducees. 

1  Levit.  xxi.  7.  2  Levit.  xxi.  13, 14. 

3  The  words  of  Eleazar  in  Josephus  may  be  construed  to  import  her  not  to  have  been  an  alien  taken  in 
war  by  the  Jews,  but  a  Jewish  woman  taken  captive  by  the  heathen,  and  made  a  slave  among  them,  and  af- 
terward redeemed:  but  which  way  of  the  two  it  be,  it  conies  to  the  same  thing:  for  whatever  Jewish  woman 
was  thus  taken  captive  by  any  heathen  people,  was  always  supposed  to  have  been  deflowered  by  them;  and 
such  a  ope  was  not  to  be  married  either  to  a  priest  or  a  high-priest;  and,  if  she  were,  all  her  children  were 
reckoned  profane,  and  consequently  incapable  of  being  either  priest  or  high-priest. 

4  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  18. 

5  This  punishment  among  the  Jews  was  not  to  exceed  forty  stripes  (Dcut.  xxv.  3,)  and  therefore  the  whip 
vvilh  which  it  was  inflicted  being  made  with  three  thongs,  and  each  blow  giving  three  stripes,  they  never  in- 
flicted upon  any  criminal  more  than  thirteen  blows,  because  thirteen  of  those  blows  made  thirty-nine  stripes; 
and  to  add  another  blow,  would  be  to  transgress  that  law,  by  adding  two  stripes  over  and  above  forty,  con- 
trary to  its  prohibition.  And  in  this  manner  was  it,  that  St.  Paul,  when  whipped  of  the  Jews,  received  forty 
stripes  save  one  (2  Cor.  xi.  24,)  that  is,  thirteen  blows  with  this  threefold  whip,  which  made  thirty-nine  stripes, 
i.  e.  forty  save  one. 

6  That  is,  by  embracing  their  doctrine  against  the  traditions  of  the  elders,  added  to  the  written  law,  and 
made  of  equal  authority  with  it;  but  not  their  doctrine  against  the  resurrection  and  a  future  state:  for  this 
cannot  be  supposed  of  so  good  and  righteous  a  man  as  John  Hyrcanus  is  said  to  be.  It  is  most  probable,  that 
at  this  time  the  Sadducees  had  gone  no  farther  in  the  doctrines  of  that  sect,  than  to  deny  all  their  un- 
written traditions,  which  the  Pharisees  were  so  fond  of.    For  Josephus  mentions  no  other  diiference  at  this 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  215 

An.  107.  John  Hyrcanus  29.] — But  Hyrcanus  did  not  long  live  after  this  ruf- 
fle; for  he  died  the  next  year  after,'  having  been,  from  the  death  of  Simon  his 
father,  high-priest  and  prince  of  the  Jews  twenty-nine  years.  He  was,  saith 
Josephus,  honoured  with  three  of  the  highest  dignities:  for  he  was,  according 
to  him,  a  prophet,^  as  well  as  a  prince  and  high-priest;  of  which  there  are  given 
two  instances,^  1st,  That  he  foretold  that  Aristobulus  and  Antigonus,^  his  two 
eldest  sons,  should  not  live  long  after  him,  but  that  the  succession  of  the  govern- 
ment should  come  to  Alexander,  his  third  son;  and  2dly,  That  when  Aristobu- 
lus and  Antigonus  vanquished  Antiochus  Cyzicenus  in  battle,  it  was  made  known 
to  him  the  very  same  moment  in  which  the  victory  was  gained,^  though  he  was 
then  at  Jerusalem,  at  the  distance  of  two  days'  journey  from  the  field  of  battle. 
The  former,  they  say,  was  revealed  to  him  in  a  dream  of  the  night,*  and  the  other 
by  a  voice  from  heaven,®  Avhich  the  Jews  call  haih  kol,  i.  e.  "  the  daughter  of  a 
voice,"  or  "  the  daughter- voice:"  for  the  Jewish  writers  hold,  that  there  were 
three  sorts  of  revelations  anciently  among  them;  the  first  by  Urim  and  Thum- 
mim;  the  second  by  the  spirit  of  prophecy;  and  the  third  by  bath  kol.  The 
first,  they  say,  was  in  use  from  the  erecting  of  the  tabernacle  to  the  building  of 
the  temple:  the  second,  from  the  beginning  of  the  world  (but  mostly  under  the 
first  temple)  tiU  the  death  of  Malachi  under  the  second  temple.  But  that,  after 
the  death  of  Malachi,  the  spirit  of  prophecy  wholly  ceased  in  Israel,''  and  that 
thenceforth  they  had  bath  kol  in  its  stead,*  which,  they  say,  was  a  voice  from 
heaven.  That  they  called  it  bath  kol,  i.  e.  "  the  daughter- voice,"  or  "  the  daugh- 
ter of  a  voice"  (for  it  may  be  interpreted  both  ways,)  seems  to  be  with  respect 
to  the  oracular  voice  delivered  from  the  mercy-seat,  when  God  was  there  con- 
sulted by  Urim  and  Thummim.  That  was  the  grand  and  primary  voice  of  reve- 
lation, this  of  a  secondary  dignity,  and  inferior  to  it,  as  the  daughter  is  to  the 
mother:  and  therefore,  in  respect  to  it,  and  as  succeeding  in  its  stead,  it  is  called 
"the  daughter- voice,"'  the  other  being  to  it  as  the  mother  in  precedence  both 
of  time  and  dignity.  That  it  may  be  understood  what  kind  of  oracle  this  was, 
I  shall  here  give  the  reader  one  instance  of  it  out  of  the  Talmud:'"  it  is  as  fol- 
foUoweth:  "Rabbi  Jochanan,  and  Rabbi  Simeon  Ben  Lachish,  desiring  to  see 
the  face  of  R.  Samuel,  a  Babylonish  doctor,  let  us  follow,  said  they,  the  hearing 
of  bath  kol.  Travelling,  therefore,  near  a  school,  they  heard  the  voice  of  a  boy 
reading  these  words  out  of  the  first  book  of  Samuel,  chap.  xxv.  1;  '  and  Samuel 
died:'  they  observed  this,  and  inferred  from  hence,  that  their  friend  Samuel 
was  dead:  and  s®  they  found  it  had  happened;  for  Samuel  of  Babylon  was  then 
dead."  Many  more  instances  of  this  sort  may  be  produced  out  of  the  Jewish 
writings:  but  this  is  enough  to  let  the  reader  see,  that  their  bath  kol  was  no  such 
voice  from  heaven  as  they  pretend,  but  only  a  fantastical  way  of  divination  of 
their  own  invention,  like  the  Sortes  Virgilianae  among  the  heathens:  for  as,  w^ith 
them,  the  words  first  dipped  at  in  the  book  of  that  poet"  was  the  oracle  whereby 
they  prognosticated  those  future  events  which  they  desired  to  be  informed  of; 
so  with  the  Jews,  when  they  appealed  to  bath  kol,  the  next  words  which  they 
should  hear  from  any  one's  mouth  were  the  same.  And  this  they  called  a  voice 
from  heaven,  because  thereby  they  thought  the  judgment  of  heaven  to  be  de- 
clared as  to  any  dubious  point  they  desired  to  be  informed  of,  and  the  decrees 
of  heaven  to  be  revealed  concerning  the  future  success  of  any  matter  which 
they  would  be  pre-informed  of,  whensoever,  in  either  of  these  two  cases,  they 
this  way  consulted  it.     The  Sortes  Virgilianae,  on  the  failing  of  oracles,  after 

time  between  them,  neither  doth  he  say,  that  Hyrcanus  wont  over  tn  the  Sadducees  in  any  other  particular, 
than  in  the  abolishing  of  all  the  traditional  constitutions  of  the  Pharisees,  which  our  Saviour  condemned 
as  well  as  he. 

I  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  18.     Euseb.  in  Chronico.  2  Joseph,  ibid.  3  Ibid.  c.  20.  4  Ibid.  c.  18^ 
5  Ibid.  c.  20.                         6  Ibid.  c.  18.                               7  Talmud.  Bab.  in  Tract.  Sanhedrin.  fol.  11. 

8  See  Liiihtfool's  Works,  vol.  ].  p.  46.5. 

9  There  is  also  another  reason  given  for  this  name,  that  is,  that  it  came  out  of  thunder;  that  the  thunder 
clap  always  went  tirst,  and  then  the  bat/i  kol  out  of  it;  and  that  therefore  the  thunder  was  as  the  mother- 
voice,  and  hath  kol  as  the  daughter  coming  out  of  it.  But  this  cannot  be  true;  for  most  of  the  instances  which 
the  Jewish  writers  give  us  of  their  bath  kol  are  without  any  such  thunder  preceding. 

10  In  Shabbath,  fol.  8.  col.  X 

II  Videas  de  his  sortibus  Petri  Molinii  Vatem,  lib.  3.  c.  20.  et  Glossarium  Domini  du  Cange,  in  voce  Sortes. 


216  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

the  coming  of  Christ,  were,  instead  of  them,  much  made  use  of  by  the  hea- 
thens,' as  long  as  heathenism  remained  among  the  Romans.  And  the  Chris- 
tians, when  Christianity  first  began  to  be  corrupted,  learned  from  them  the  like 
way  of  divination,  and  much  practised  it,  without  any  other  change,  than  by 
putting  the  book  of  the  holy  scriptures  in  the  place  of  the  book  of  the  heathen 
poet.  This  was  as  ancient  as  the  time  of  St.  Austin,  who  lived  in  the  fourth 
century;  for  he  makes  mention  of  it.^  And  it  was  practised  by  Heraclius,  em- 
peror of  the  east,  in  the  beginning  of  the  seventh  century.  For,  being  en- 
gaged in  war  against  Chosroes  king  of  Persia,  and,  after  a  successful  campaign, 
being  in  doubt  where  to  take  his  winter-quarters,  enjoined  a  time  of  fasting  and 
prayer  to  all  his  army;^  and,  after  that,  consulted  the  book  of  the  holy  scrip- 
tures in  this  way  of  divination,  and  thereby  determined  himself  as  to  this  mat- 
ter. But  it  obtained  most  in  the  west,  especially  in  France,  where,  for  several 
ages,  it  was  the  practice,*  on  the  consecration  of  a  new  bishop,  to  consult  the 
Bible  concerning  him  by  this  way  of  divination,  and,  from  the  words  which 
they  should  first  dip  at  in  the  opening  of  the  book,  make  a  judgment  of  his  life, 
manners,  and  future  behaviour.  And  the  Normans,  on  their  conquest  of  this 
land,  brought  this  usage  hither  with  them.  On  the  consecration  of  William, 
the  second  Norman  bishop  of  the  diocess  of  Norwich,  the  words  which  the 
Bible  first  opened  at  for  him  were,  JVon  hunc,  sed  Barabbam,^  i.  e.  "  Not  this  man, 
but  Barabbas;"  by  which  they  made  a  judgment,  that  this  bishop  was  not  long 
to  continue,  and  that  a  thief  should  come  in  his  place;  and  so  it  accordingly 
happened.  For,  William  soon  after  dying,  Herbertus  de  Losinga,  another  Nor- 
man, was  made  his  successor,  who  was  chief  simony  broker  to  King  William 
Rufus  (that  king  openly  selling  all  ecclesiastical  benefices,)  and  had  simoniacally 
obtained  of  him  the  abbey  of  Winchester  for  his  father,**  and  the  abbey  of  Ram- 
say for  himself;  and  had  now,  by  the  like  evil  means,  gained  this  bishopric. 
At  his  consecration,  the  words  which  the  Bible  opened  at  for  him  were  the  same 
which  Christ  spoke  to  Judas  when  he  came  to  betray  him;^  Amice,  ad  quod  ve- 
nistiP  i.  e.  "  Friend,  wherefore  art  thou  come?"  These,  and  the  former  words 
for  his  predecessor,  putting  home  upon  his  conscience  how  much  he  had  been 
a  thief  and  a  traitor  to  Christ  and  his  church,  brought  him  to  a  thorough  re- 
pentance for  his  crimes;^  and,  to  expiate  for  them,  he  built  the  cathedral  church 
of  Norwich,  of  which  he  laid  the  first  stone  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  1096.  And 
afterward,  having  translated  his  episcopal  chair  from  Thetford  to  it,  he  thereby 
fixed  the  see  of  his  bishopric  in  the  city  of  Norwich,  and  there  it  hath  been 
ever  since.  This  account  may  serve  not  only  to  show  the  great  folly  of  man- 
kind in  devising  such  vain  and  groundless  prognostics  for  future  events  (which 
too  many  are  guilty  of,)  but  also  to  make  us  see  how  abominable  the  corruptions 
of  the  Romish  church  were  in  those  days,  in  their  thus  running  into  so  impious 
a  practice,  and  making  it  part  of  their  sacred  offices;  for  such  their  ordinals  are 
reckoned  to  be,  in  which  this  Avay  of  prognosticating  at  the  consecrations  of 
bishops  was  then  directed.  This  indeed  was  too  gross  to  be  long  continued; 
but,  when  it  was  dropped,  other  things  came  in  its  stead  altogether  as  bad. 
And,  since  it  was  the  ignorance  and  blind  superstition  of  those  ages  that  intro- 
duced these  abominations,  this  tells  us  how  to  account  for  the  rise  of  all  the 
other  corrupt  practices  and  doctrines  that  still  are  found  remaining  among  those 
of  that  communion. 

It  is  also  spoken  of,  to  the  honour  of  Hyrcanus,  that  he  was  the  founder  of 
the  castle  Baris,'"  which  was  the  palace  of  the  Asmonffian  princes  in  Jerusalem 

1  Videas  exempla  hujus  'P»^iuSoi«xKT£ia,-  apud  jElium  Spartiaiiiim  in  Adriano,  et  apiid  ^flliumLainpridium 
in  Alexandre  Severn. 

2  Epist.  100.  3  Thenpliancs  inriirniiiro.     Historia  Miscella  et  C'edronusin  Heraclio. 

4  Videas  Glossarium  Domini  dn  ( '.iii^'r  in  vocibus  Sortes  Sanctorum.  5  John  xviii.  40. 

6  Henricus  Knighlon  de  ?:ventil>ns  Antrliic  inter  Decern  Scriptoro.s  Ilistoris  Anglicana;,  p.  2370.     Bartholo- 
msiis  de  i^'otton  in  Anelia  Sacra  VVhartoni.    Brorapton  inter  eosdem  Decern  Scriptorea,  p.  991.    M.  Paris,  p.  15. 

7  Kniglit(ni  et  liartholoni.  de  Cotton,  ibiil.  8  Matt.  xxvi.  50. 

9  Henricus  Kni;liton  de  Evcntibns  Annli;e  inter  Decern  Scriptores  Historix  Anglicana;,  p.  'J370.     Bartholo- 
ma^iis  de  Cotton  in  Anglia  Sa<-,ra  Whartoni,    Broinpton  inter  eosdem  Decern  Scriptores,  p.  901.  M.  Taris,  p.  15. 

10  Joseph.  Anliq.  lib.  It",  c.  G. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  217 

as  long  as  they  reigned  there.  When  Simon,  the  father  of  Hyrcanus,  had  de- 
stroyed the  fortress  of  Mount  Acra,  in  which  a  heathen  garrison  had  been  kept 
for  the  Syrian  kings,'  he  built  fortifications  round  the  mountain  on  which  the 
temple  stood,  for  the  better  securing  and  fortifying  of  it  against  all  future  insults 
from  the  heathens,  should  any  of  them  in  after-times  again  become  masters  of 
Jerusalem.  And  within  these  fortifications^  he  built  a  house  for  himself,  and 
there  dwelt  all  his  life  after.  This  house  seems  to  be  the  same  which  Hyrcanus 
afterward  built  into  the  castle  Baris.  It  stood  on  a  steep  rock,^  fifty  cubits  high,* 
without  the  outer  square  of  the  temple,  upon  the  same  mountain  with  it;  and 
the  south  side  of  it  did  run  parallel  with  the  north  side  of  the  said  square,  be- 
ginning westward,  and  reaching  forward  to  the  north-west  corner  of  the  same 
square,  or  beyond  it  to  the  length  of  half  a  furlong.  For  it  was  a  square  build- 
ing of  two  furlongs  in  compass,  that  is,  of  half  a  furlong,  or  three  hundred  feet 
on  every  side  (for  a  furlong  contained  six  hundred  of  our  feet.)  Here  Hyrca- 
nus, and  all  his  successors  of  the  Asmonaean  family,  dwelt  and  kept  their  court; 
and  here  they  laid  up  the  pontifical  stole,  or  sacred  robes  of  the  high-priest, 
taking  them  out  when  they  used  them  on  all  solemn  occasions,  and  there  again 
depositing  them  as  soon  as  the  said  solemnities  were  over.  And  thus  it  con- 
tinued to  be  done  tiU  the  time  of  Herod,  who,  on  being  made  king  of  Judea, 
having  observed  the  convenience  of  the  place,  new  built  it,  and  made  it  a  very 
strong  fortress.  The  rock  on  which  it  stood,  I  have  already  said,  was^  fifty  cu- 
bits, i.  e.  seventy-five  feet  high;  this  he  lined  or  cased  all  over  with  polished 
marble,  whereby  he  rendered  it  inaccessible,  it  not  being  possible  for  any  one 
to  climb  up  on  it  on  either  of  those  sides,  on  which  it  was  thus  lined,  by  reason 
of  its  slipperiness.  Upon  the  top  of  this  rock  he  built  his  fortress,  and  instead 
of  Baris,  the  name  it  formerly  bore,  called  it  Antonia,  complimenting  thereby 
Marcus  Antonius  the  triumvir,  who  then  governed  the  eastern  provinces  of  the 
Roman  empire.  The  form  of  the  building  was  that  of  a  quadrangle,  all  built 
on  every  side,  wherein  were  rooms  for  all  the  uses  of  a  palace,  and  of  magnifi- 
cence suitable  thereto;  and  in  the  middle  within  was  a  large  area  for  the  sol- 
diers to  be  in,  and  round  it  was  a  stately  piazza  or  cloister.  The  whole  build- 
ing was,  on  the  outside,  forty  cubits  high  above  the  rock  on  which  it  stood;  and, 
at  the  four  corners,  it  had  four  turrets,  three  of  which  were  fifty  cubits  high, 
i.  e.  ten  cubits  above  the  rest  of  the  building,  and  the  fourth  seventy  cubits  high, 
i.  e.  thirty  above  the  rest  of  the  building.  This  fourth  turret  was  that  which 
stood  at  the  south-east  corner  of  the  fortress.  For  that  lying  near  the  middle 
of  the  north  side  of  the  great  square  of  the  temple,  it  was  built  at  this  height, 
that  from  thence  might  be  seen  all  that  was  done  in  the  courts  within;  so  that 
if  any  tumult  should  arise  in  any  part  of  the  temple,  it  might  from  thence  be 
observed,  and  soldiers  sent  down  to  quell  it.  And  for  this  use  they  were  made, 
from  two  several  parts  of  the  south  side  of  the  fortress,  two  pair  of  stairs  lead- 
ing from  thence  into  the  outer  cloisters  of  the  temple  that  were  next  adjoining. 
And  thus  it  was  when  the  tumult  was  risen  in  the  temple  against  St.  Paul  (Acts 
xxi.)  the  whole  of  which,  by  observing  what  hath  been  above  said,  may  be 
clearly  understood.  St.  Paul  being  to  perform  his  vow  as  a  Nazarite  (ver.  26,) 
was  in  the  court  of  the  women,  the  south-east  corner  of  which  was  the  place 
appointed  for  the  rites  belonging  to  this  matter.  Here  the  Jews  having  found 
him  (ver.  27,)  laid  hold  of  him,  and  having  dragged  him  out  of  that  holier  part 
of  the  temple  into  the  court  of  the  Gentiles,  which  was  not  of  the  holier  part, 
purposed  there  to  have  slain  him  (ver.  30,  31,)  which  the  sentinel,  that  kept 
watch  on  the  south-east  turret  of  the  fortress  Antonia,  from  thence  discerning 
gave  notice  of  it;  whereon  the  captain  of  the  fortress,  taking  soldiers,  ran  down 

i  1  Maccah.  xiii.  52.  2  Ibid. 

3  Joseph,  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  6.  c.  15.  et  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  15.  el  lib.  18.  c.  6.  Lightfoot  of  the  Temple, 
chap.  7. 

4  These  fifty  cubits  are  not  to  be  understood  of  the  side  next  the  temple,  but  of  the  other  side  off  from  it, 
upon  the  brow  of  the  mountain  on  which  the  temple  stood,  where  this  rock,  from  the  valley  beneath  up  to  tbe 
top,  whereon  the  castle  was  built,  was  fifty  cubits  high. 

Vol.  II.— 28 


218  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

the  stairs  above-mentioned  into  the  outer  cloisters  of  the  temple,  and  from 
thence  into  the  court  where  the  mutiny  was,  and  having  there  rescued  Paul 
from  the  multitude,  he  carried  him  with  him  into  the  said  fortress  or  castle,  up 
the  same  pair  of  stairs  through  which  he  came  down  (ver.  32,  33;)  and  when 
he  had  brought  him  near  the  top  of  them,  the  people  having  by  that  time  got 
round  to  the  place  of  those  stairs  without  the  temple,  Paul  obtained  leave  of  the 
captain  there  to  speak  to  them;  and  from  thence  he  made  that  speech  which  is 
contained  in  Acts  xxii.  And  from  what  was  done  in  this  instance  may  be  under- 
stood the  use  that  was  made  of  this  fortress  at  all  other  times.  It  was  called  Baris, 
from  birah,  which  word  among  the  eastern  nations  signified  a  palace  or  royal  cas- 
tle; and  in  this  sense  it  is  often  used  in  those  scriptures  of  the  Old  Testament 
which  were  written  after  the  Babylonish  captivity,  as  in  Daniel,  Ezra,  Chroni- 
cles, Nehemiah,  and  Esther;  which  shows  it  to  have  been  borrowed  from  the 
Chaldeans,  and  from  them  brought  into  the  Hebrew  language.  The  Septuagint 
often  renders  it  by  the  word  Baris;'  and  in  this  sense  it  is  that  this  fortress  was 
under  the  Asmonaeans  called  Baris,  that  is,  the  hirah,  or  royal  palace  of  the 
prince;  for  that  it  was  during  all  the  reign  of  the  Asmonaeans:  and  when  He- 
rod first  rebuilt  it,  he  intended  it  for  the  same  purpose;  but  afterward  finding  it 
more  proper  for  a  fortress,  he  built  him  a  palace  elsewhere,  and  turned  this  into 
a  garrison:  for  the  temple,  by  reason  of  its  height,  commanding  Jerusalem,  and 
this  fortress,  in  like  manner,  commanding  the  temple,  he  thought  he  could  not 
better  keep  the  other  two  in  order  and  awe,  than  by  having  a  good  garrison  in 
this  fortress.  And  when  Jerusalem  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Romans,  they 
continued  it  to  the  same  use,  keeping  always  a  strong  garrison  in  it,  and  by  rea- 
son of  its  immediate  influence  upon  the  temple,  the  captain  of  the  garrison  is, 
in  the  scriptures  of  the  New  Testament,  called  the  "Captain  of  the  Temple," 
(Luke  xxii.  52.  Acts.  iv.  1.  v.  24 — 26.)  The  Asmonseans^  having  always  kept 
the  pontifical  robes  in  this  fortress,  here  Herod,  on  his  first  coming  to  the  crown, 
found  them,  and  here  he  continued  stiU  to  keep  them  in  the  same  place,  and 
so  did  Archelaus  his  successor,  and  the  Romans  after  him,  all  upon  an  opinion, 
that  their  having  these  robes  in  their  possession  would  be  a  means  for  the  better 
keeping  of  the  Jews  in  awe.  The  custom  was,^  to  lay  them  up  in  a  cabinet 
made  on  purpose  for  it,  under  the  seals  of  the  high-priest  and  the  treasurer  of 
the  temj)le;  and  when  they  needed  them  for  the  sacred  solemnities  on  which 
they  were  used,  they  exhibited  their  seals  to  the  captain  of  the  castle,  and  then 
had  the  robes  delivered  to  them;  and  when  the  solemnities  were  over,  they 
were  then  again  laid  up  under  the  same  seals  in  the  same  place;  and  thus  it 
continued  to  be  done,  till  at  length  the  temple,  this  fortress,  and  the  robes  in  it, 
were  all  destroyed  in  the  deflagration  and  total  destruction  of  the  city  of  Jeru- 
salem by  Titus  and  his  Romans. 

During  the  whole  time  of  Hyrcanus's  government,  all  things  went  with  him 
successfully  abroad,  and  smooth  and  quiet  at  home,  till  his  unfortunate  breach 
with  the  Pharisees.  But,  after  he  fell  out  with  them,  and  went  over  to  the  Sad- 
ducees,'*  he  lost  the  love  of  the  common  people;  for  they,  being  wholly  attached 
to  the  Pharisees,  joined  with  them  in  their  resentments  for  this  procedure.  And 
from  this  time  neither  he  nor  any  of  his  family  could  any  more  recover  their 
affections;  which  afterward  created  them  infinite  troubles,  especially  in  the 
time  of  Alexander,  the  son  of  this  Hyrcanus,  as  will  be  hereafter  shown  in  the 
future  series  of  this  history. 

But  since  I  have  here  spoken  of  the  Pharisees  and  the  Sadducees,  and  there 
will  be  many  occasions  hereafter  to  make  mention  of  them,  and  also  of  the  other 
sects  and  parties  among  the  Jews,  it  will  be  necessary,  for  the  better  under- 

1  Hence  this  word  came  in  use  nmong  the  Hellenists  to  denote  a  castle,  tower,  or  walled  fortress;  and  so 
Hesychius  and  Siiidas  interpret  the  word;  and  so  also  St.  Jerome,  in  his  comment  upon  Jeremiah  xvii.  and 
on  Hosea  ix.  and  on  Psalm  xliv.  But  the  Ionic  and  other  genuine  Greeks  used  it  to  signify  a  sort  of  a  ship;, 
and  in  this  sense  the  word  is  used  by  Herodotus  in  thatpart  of  his  history  where  he  writes  of  Egyptian  affaire^ 

2  Joseph,  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  G.  c.  15.  et  Antiq.  lib.  X4.  c.  15.  et  lib.  18.  c.  6.  3  Joseph,  ibid. 
4  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  18 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  219 

standing  of  the  following  part  of  this  history,  here  to  give  the  reader  a  full  ac- 
count ol'  all  of  them  before  I  proceed  any  farther.  I  have  above  shown,  that, 
after  the  return  of  the  Jews  from  Babylon,  and  the  full  settling  of  the  Jewish 
church  again  in  Judea  by  Ezra  and  Nehemiah,  there  arose  two  parties  of  men 
among  them;  the  one,'  who,  adhering  to  the  written  word,  held,  that  in  the  ob- 
servance of  that  alone  they  fulfilled  all  righteousness,  and  therefore  thought 
this  alone  sufficient  to  entitle  them  to  the  name  of  Zadikim,  i.  e.  the  Righteous; 
the  other,'^  who,  over  and  above  the  written  law,  superadded  the  traditional  con- 
stitutions of  the  elders,  and  other  rigorous  observances,  which,  byway  of  super- 
erogation, they  voluntarily  devoted  themselves  to;  and  therefore,  from  hence 
being  reckoned  of  a  superior  degree  of  holiness  above  the  others,  they  were 
called  Chasidim,^  that  is,  the  Pious,  who  are  the  same  that  are  mentioned  in  the 
Maccabees  by  the  name  of  Assidseans.*  From  the  former  of  these  proceeded 
the  Samaritans,  the  Sadducees,  and  the  Karraites;  and  from  the  latter,  the 
Pharisees  and  the  Essenes;  of  all  which  I  shall  treat  in  their  order. 

I.  The  Samaritans  were  no  more  at  first  than  a  mongrel  sort  of  heathens,* 
who  worshipped  the  (k»d  of  Israel  only  in  an  idolatrous  manner,  and  in  con- 
junction with  their  other  deities,  and  so  continued,  till  Manasseh,  with  other 
fugitive  Jews,  coming  to  them  from  Jerusalem,  brought  with  them  the  book  of 
the  law,  and  out  of  it  taught  them  to  reject  all  idolatry,  and  worship  the  true 
God  only,  according  to  the  Mosaical  institution;  and,  from  the  time  that  they 
became  thus  reformed,  they  may  truly  be  reckoned  a  sect  of  the  Jewish  reli- 
gion. But  I  having  treated  of  them  already  in  the  sixth  book  of  the  first  part 
of  this  history,  to  refer  the  reader  thither  is  aU  that  I  need  farther  say  of  them 
in  this  place. 

II.  The  Sadducees  at  first  were  no  more  than  what  the  Karraites  are  now, 
that  is,  they  would  not  receive  the  traditions  of  the  elders,  but  stuck  to  the 
written  word  only.  How  these  traditions  grew  among  the  Jews,  I  have  already 
given  a  full  account;*  and  the  Pharisees  being  the  grand  promoters  of  them 
hence  they  and  the  Sadducees  became  sects  directly  opposite  to  each  other. 
And,  as  long  as  the  Saducees  opposed  them  no  farther  than  in  this  matter  only, 
they  were  in  the  right;  but  afterward  they  imbibed  other  doctrines,  which  ren- 
dered them  a  sect  thoroughly  impious.     For — 

1st,  They  denied  the  resurrection  of  the  dead,'^  the  being  of  angels,  and  aU 
existences  of  the  spirit  or  souls  of  men  departed.  For  their  notion  was,^  that 
there  is  no  spiritual  being  but  God  only;  that,  as  to  man,  this  world  is  his  all; 
that,  at  his  death,  body  and  soul  die  together,  never  to  live  more;  and  that 
therefore  there  is  no  future  reward  or  punishment.  They  acknowdedged  that 
God  made  this  world  by  his  power,  and  governs  it  by  his  providence:  and,  for 
the  carrying  on  of  this  government,  hath  ordained  rewards  and  punishments, 
but  that  they  are  in  this  world  only:  and  for  this  reason  alone  was  it,  that  they 
worshipped  him,  and  paid  obedience  to  his  laws.  In  sum,  they  were  Epicu- 
rean deists  in  all  other  respects,  excepting  only,  that  they  allowed  that  God 
made  the  world  by  his  povrer,  and  governs  it  by  his  providence.  The  Talmudic 
story  of  Sadoc,  the  scholar  of  Antigonus  of  Socho,  tells  us,  how  they  came  to 
fall  into  this  impiety,  and  that  from  this  Sadoc  they  had  the  name  of  Sad- 
ducees. This  being  above  fully  related,^  I  need  not  Jhere  again  repeat  it.  But, 
I  must  confess,  Talmudic  stories  are  but  of  very  little  credit  with  me.  When 
John  Hyrcanus  deserted  the  sect  of  the  Pharisees,  and  went  over  to  the  Sad- 
ducees, no  other  alteration  is  mentioned  then  to  have  been  made  by  him  in 
that  change,'"  but  his  rejecting  and  annuUing  aU  the  traditional  constitutions  of 
the  Pharisees,  which  makes  it  probable  that  the  Sadducees  were  at  that  time 

1  Vide  Grotii  Comment,  in  1  Maccab.  ii.  40. 

2  Grotius,  ibid.    Scaliger.  in  Elenc'no  Trihjeres,  c.  22.  3  1  Maccab.  ii.  42.  vii.  13. 

4  The  word  is  written  with  the  Hebrew  letter  Cheth,  which  is  sometimes  rendered  by  Ch  as  in  Chaeidim, 
sometimes  by  an  aspirate  as  in  Hebron,  and  sometimes  it  is  wholly  left  out,  as  here  in  the  word  Assideena. 

5  SKings  xvii.  33.  6  Part  1,  book  5.  7  Matt.  xxii.  23.  Mark  xii.  IS.  Acts  xxiii.  8. 
8  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  18.  c.  2.  et  de  Bello  Judaieo,  lib.  2.  c.  12.  9  Parts,  book  1. 
10  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  18. 


220  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

gone  no  farther  in  the  tenets  of  their  sect,  than  to  the  denying  of  these  consti- 
tutions. And,  moreover,  Hyrcanus  having  the  cliaracter  of  a  just  and  rcUgious 
prince,'  and  all  his  actions  speaking  him  such,  it  is  not  likely  that  he  should 
embrace  so  impious  a  doctrine,  as  that  of  denying  the  resurrection  and  a  future 
state,  especially  when  he  was  going  into  that  state  (for  it  was  in  the  latter  end 
of  his  life  that  this  was  done.)  All  which  put  together,  give  good  reason  to 
suppose  that  this  impiety  had  not  then  infected  this  sect.  Whenever  it  was 
introduced  among  them,  thus  much  we  may  be  assured  of,  that  vice  and  wick- 
edness were  the  only  causes  of  its  birth;  and,  wherever  it  is  elsewhere  found, 
it  always  hath  the  same  parents.  When  men  live  such  lives,  that  they  cannot 
give  God  an  account  of  them,  they  greedily  lay  hold  of  any  scheme,  how  false 
and  foolish  soever,  that  shall  exempt  them  from  it.  Epicurus's  brag  was,  that 
he  had  delivered  the  world  from  the  fear  of  the  gods.  And  to  lay  asleep  the 
conscience,  and  deliver  men's  minds  from  the  fear  of  God  and  his  judgments,  so 
as  to  be  at  liberty  to  sin  on  without  reluctancy  or  regret,  is  the  only  reason  that 
makes  any  to  be  Epicurus's  disciples.  And  it  is  most  likely,  that  this  impiety 
among  the  Jews  had  the  same  original.  Under  the  Asmonfean  princes,  the 
Jews  grew  prosperous,  powerful,  and  rich,  and  their  riches  produced  great 
luxury  and  vice;  and  to  free  their  consciences  from  the  fear  of  a  future  account- 
ing for  the  enormities  which  grew  up  from  this  root,  was  the  true  cause  that 
introduced  this  doctrine  against  a  future  state  among  them.  And  this  is  con- 
firmed by  what  Josephus  writes  of  this  sect:'^  for  he  tells  us,  that  they  were  men 
of  quality  and  riches  only  that  were  of  it.  But,  since  the  generality  of  learned 
men  admit  the  Talmudic  story  above-mentioned  concerning  the  first  introduc- 
tion of  this  doctrine  among  them  by  Sadoc,  the  disciple  of  Antigonus  of  Socho, 
I  will  enter  into  no  farther  contest  about  it;  but,  having  offered  my  conjectures 
to  the  contrary,  I  leave  it  to  the  reader  to  make  his  judgment  about  it  as  he 
shall  see  cause. 

2.  The  Sadducees  not  only  rejected  all  unwritten  traditions,  but  also  aU  the 
written  word,^  excepting  only  that  of  the  five  books  of  Moses.  And,  if  it  be  true 
.Iwhat  the  Talmudic  story  above  mentioned  relates,  that  Sadoc,  on  his  first  venting 
of  his  doctrine  against  a  future  state,  was  forced  for  the  impiety  of  it  to  flee  to  the 
Samaritans  for  refuge,  perchance  he  might  learn  this  part  of  his  heresy  from 
them:  for  they  admitted  only  the  five  books  of  Moses,  rejecting  all  the  other 
parts  of  holy  scripture,  as  well  the  prophets  as  the  hagiographa.  But  it  seems 
most  probable,  that  the  Sadducees  rejected  these  books  because  they  found  them 
inconsistent  with  their  doctrine.  There  are  many  places  in  the  prophets  and 
the  hagiographa,  which  plainly  and  undeniably  prove  a  future  state,  and  the  re- 
surrection from  the  dead;  and  therefore,  having  embraced  the  doctrine  of  deny- 
ing both,  they  did,  what  usually  all  heretics  do,  that  is,  reject,  right  or  wrong, 
whatsoever  did  make  against  them.  Some  learned  men,  and  among  them  Sca- 
liger  for  one,*  hold,  that  they  did  not  reject  the  other  scriptures,  but  only  gave  a 
preference  above  them  to  the  five  books  of  Moses.  But  the  account  which  is 
given  in  the  gospels  of  the  disputation  which  Christ  had  with  the  Sadducees,* 
plainly  proves  the  contrary.  For  seeing  there  are  so  many  texts  in  the  prophets 
and  hagiographa,  which  plainly  and  directly  prove  a  future  state,  and  resurrec- 
tion from  the  dead,  no  other  reason  can  be  given,  why  Christ  waived  all  these 
proofs,  and  drew  his  argument  only  by  consequence  from  what  is  said  in  the 
law,  but  that  he  knew  they  had  rejected  the  prophets  and  the  hagiographa,  and 
therefore  would  admit  no  argument,  but  from  the  law  only.  Their  agreeing 
with  the  Samaritans  in  rejecting  all  traditions,  and  in  receiving  no  other  scrip- 
tures than  the  five  books  of  Moses  only,  hath  given  a  handle  to  the  Jews,  to  load 
the  Samaritans  with  the  imputations  of  agreeing  with  them  also  in  the  denial  of 
a  future  state,  and  the  resurrection  from  the  dead,  whereas,  in  this  article,  the 

1  Joseph,  de  Bello  Jiirtaico,  lib.l.  c.  3.  2  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c  18.  et  lib.  18.  r.  2. 

3  Vide  Groliiiin  in  Malt.  xxii.  23.   Drusiiim  de  tribiis  Sectis  Judworum,  lib.  3.  c.  9.  Lightfoot,  vol.  2. p.  1278. 
qui  probat  hoc  ex  Tertulliano,  Hieronymo,  aliisque. 

4  Elench.  TrihEres,  c,  1(>.  5  Matt.  xxii.    Mark  xii.    Luke  xx. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  221 

Samaritans  are  sounder  than  the  Jews  themselves,  and  so  continue  even  to 
this  day. 

3.  The  third  point  of  the  Sadducees'  heresy,  was  about  free  will  and  predes- 
tination.' For,  whereas  the  Essenes  held  all  things  to  be  predetermined  and 
fixed  in  an  unalterable  concatenation  of  causes  never  to  be  varied  from,  and 
the  Pharisees  allowed  a  free-will  in  conjunction  with  predestination,  the  Saddu- 
cees differing  from  both,  denied  all  manner  of  predestination  whatever,"  their 
doctrine  being,  that  God  had  made  man  absolute  master  of  all  his  actions,  with 
a  full  freedom  to  do  either  good  or  evil,  as  he  shall  think  fit  to  choose,  without 
any  assistance  to  him  for  the  one,  or  any  restraint  upon  him  as  to  the  other;  so 
that,  whether  a  man  doth  good  or  evil,  it  is  wholly  from  himself,  because  he 
hath  it  absolutely  in  his  own  power,  both  to  do  the  one  and  avoid  the  other.  In 
sum,  they  held  the  same  among  the  Jews  that  Pelagius  did  afterward  among 
the  Christians,  that  is,  that  there  is  no  help  from  God,  either  of  his  preventing 
grace,  or  his  assisting  grace;  but,  that  without  any  such  help,  ever}''  man  hath 
in  himself  fuU  power  to  avoid  all  the  evil  which  the  law  of  God  forbids,  and  to 
•do  all  the  good  which  it  commands.  And  therefore,  looking  on  all  men  to  have 
this  power  in  themselves,  it  is  remarked  of  them,  that,  whenever  they  sat  in 
judgment  upon  criminals,^  they  always  were  for  the  severest  sentence  against 
them.  And,  indeed,  their  general  character  was,  that  they  were  a  very  ill-na- 
tured sort  of  men,'  churlish  and  morose  in  their  behaviour  to  each  other,  but 
cruel  and  savage  to  all  besides.  Their  number  was  the  fewest  of  all  the  sects 
of  the  Jews;"  but  they  were  men  of  the  best  quality,  and  the  greatest  riches  among 
them.  And  it  is  too  often  found,  that  those  who  abound  most  in  the  things  of 
this  world,  are  the  forwardest  to  neglect  and  disbelieve  the  promises  of  a  better. 
All  those  that  were  of  the  greatest  power  and  riches  among  the  Jews,  being 
cut  off  in  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  by  the  Romans,  this  whole  sect  seems 
then  to  have  perished  with  them.  For  we  find  no  mention  made  of  them,  as  a 
sect  in  being,  for  many  ages  after,  till  their  name  was  revived  again  in  the  Kar- 
raites,  which  is  the  next  sect  of  the  Jews  that  I  am  to  give  an  account  of. 

III.  These  Karraites,®  though,  in  the  way  of  reproach,  they  are  called  Saddu- 
cees by  the  other  Jews,  yet  agree  with  them  in  nothing  else  but  in  rejecting 
all  traditions,  and  adhering  only  to  the  written  word.  Here,  indeed  the  Sad- 
ducees first  began,  but  afterward  went  farther  into  these  impious  doctrines  above 
described,  which  the  Karraites  have  not.  For  in  all  other  matters  they  agree 
with  the  other  Jews;  neither  do  they  absolutely  reject  all  traditions,  but  only 
refuse  to  allow  them  the  same  authority  as  they  do  to  the  written  word.  They 
are  content  to  admit  them  as  the  opinions  of  the  former  doctors,  as  human  helps 
for  the  interpreting  and  the  better  understanding  of  the  written  Avord,  as  far  as 
they  shall  find  them  conducive  thereto,  but  not  to  equal  them  to  the  written 
word  itself,  which  all  the  other  Jews  do.  For,  as  to  these  other  Jews,  I  have 
shown  in  the  former  part  of  this  history,  how  they  hold,  that,  besides  the  writ- 
ten law,  there  was  also  given  to  Moses,  from  Mount  Sinai  an  oral  law  of  the 
same  authority  with  the  former;  under  this  latter  they  comprehend  all  their  tra- 
ditions, and  therefore  think  themselves  under  the  same  obligation  to  observe 
them,  as  the  written  word  itself,  or  rather  a  greater.  For  they  observe  not 
the  written  word  any  otherwise  than  as  interpreted  by  their  traditions.  And 
therefore,  having,  in  process  of  time,  gathered  all  these  traditions  into  that  vo- 
luminous book  called  their  Talmud,  they  required  the  same  deference  and  vene- 
ration to  be  paid  that  book  as  to  the  holy  scriptures  themselves,  founding  all 
their  articles  of  faith  upon  its  dictates,  and  regulating  their  practice  in  all  things 
according  to  the  directions  and  precepts  that  are  therein.     This  book  was  pub- 

1  Joaeph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  9.  2  Joseph,  ibid,  et  de  Bello  Jiidaico,  lib.  2.  c.  12. 

3  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  20.  c.  8.  4  Joseph,  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  2.  c.  12. 

5  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  18.  et  lib.  18.  c.  2. 

6  Vide  Buxtorfii  Lexicon  Rabbinicum,  p.  2112,  2113,  &c.  Morini  E.^ercitationes  Biblicas,  lib.  2.  exercit.  1. 
Hottingeri  Thesaunim,  p.  40.  Drusium  de  fribus  Judaeorum  Sectis,  Jib.  3.  c.  15.  Scaligeri  Elenchum  Tri- 
Sieres,  c.  2. 


2^2  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

lished  about  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century  after  Christ.  But,  when  it  came 
to  be  scanned  and  examined  by  such  as  were  men  of  sense  and  judgment 
among  them,  they  not  being  able  to  conceive  how  such  trash,  nonsense,  and 
incredible  fables  as  they  found  heaped  up  therein,  could  come  from  God,  were 
so  shocked  hereby,  that  they  could  not  give  up  their  faith  to  it;  but,  reserving 
that  wholly  for  the  written  word  of  God  (i.  e.  the  law,  the  prophets,  and  the 
hagiographa,)  received  the  other  only  as  a  work  of  human  composure,  to  be 
used  only  as  a  help  for  the  interpreting  and  explaining  the  written  word  in  such 
passages  of  it  where  it  should  be  found  conducive  thereto;  and,  for  some  time, 
their  dissent  on  this  point  went  on  without  making  any  breach  or  schism  among 
them,  till  about  the  year  of  our  lord  750.  But  when  Anan,  a  Jew  of  Babylonia, 
of  the  stock  of  David,  and  Saul  his  son,  both  learned  men  in  their  way,  having 
openly  declared  for  the  written  word  only,  and  publicly  disclaimed  and  con- 
demned all  manner  of  traditions,  excepting  such  alone  as  agreed  therewith,  this 
forthwith  produced  a  rent  and  schism  among  them,  so  that  they  became  divided 
into  two  parties,  the  one  standing  up  for  the  Talmud  and  its  traditions,  and  the 
other  rejecting  and  disowning  both,  as  containing,  in  their  opinion,  the  inven- 
tions of  men,  and  not  the  doctrines  and  commands  of  God.  Those  who  stood 
up  for  the  Talmud  and  its  traditions,  being  chiefly  the  Rabbies  and  their  scho- 
lars and  followers:  hence  this  party  had  the  name  of  Rabbinists;  and  the  other 
being  for  the  scriptures  only,  which,  in  the  Babylonish  language,  is  called  Kara, 
from  hence  they  had  the  name  of  Karraites,  which  is  as  much  as  to  say,  Scrip- 
tuarians;  under  which  two  names  the  controversy  was  thenceforth  carried  on  be- 
tween them,  and  so  continues  even  to  this  day.  The  Jews  teU  us,'  that  the 
cause  of  this  schism  was  wholly  from  the  ambition  and  disgust  of  Anan;  that  be- 
ing put  by  from  the  degree  of  Gaon,'^  and  also  at  another  time  from  being  chosen 
iEchmalotarch,^  or  head  of  the  captivity  at  Babylon,  to  which  he  had  a  pre- 
tence, as  being  of  the  seed  of  David,  to  be  revenged  for  these  two  repulses, 
they  say,  he  made  this  division  among  the  people.  This  sect  is  still  in  being, 
and  those  that  are  of  it  are  reckoned  men  of  the  best  learning  and  the  best 
probity  of  all  the  Jewish  nation.''  There  are  very  few  of  them,  if  any  at  all, 
in  these  western  parts.  The  most  of  them  are  to  be  found  in  Poland,  Russia, 
and  the  eastern  countries.  In  the  middle  of  the  last  century  there  was  an  ac- 
count taken  of  their  numbers,  whereby  it  appears  that  there  were  then  of  them 
in  Poland  two  thousand,^  at  Caffa  in  Tartaria  Crimaea  one  thousand  two  hun- 
dred, at  Cairo  three  hundred,  at  Damascus  two  hundred,  at  Jerusalem  thirty,  in 
Babylonia  one  hundred,  in  Persia  six  hundred.  But  all  these  put  together, 
make  but  a  small  number  in  respect  of  the  great  bulk  of  those  that  are  on  the 
other  side.  They  read  their  scriptures  and  their  liturgies  every  where,"  both 
publicly  and  privately,  in  the  language  of  the  country  in  which  they  dwell. 
At  Constantinople  they  have  them  in  Greek,  at  CafF^  in  Turkish,  in  Persia  in 
the  Persian  language,  and  in  Arabic  in  all  places  where  Arabic  is  spoken  as  the 
vulgar  tongue. 

IV.  But  the  greatest  sect  of  the  Jews  was  that  of  the  Pharisees.''  For  they 
had  not  only  the  scribes,  and  all  the  learned  men  in  the  law,,  of  their  party, 
but  they  also  drew  after  them  all  the  bulk  of  the  common  people.'  They  dif- 
fered from  the  Samaritans,  in  that  besides  the  law,  they  received  the  prophets, 
the  hagiographa,  and  the  traditions  of  the  elders;  and  from  the  Sadducees,  not 
only  in  these  particulars,  but  also  in  their  doctrines  about  a  future  state,  and  the 
resurrection  of  the  dead,  and  about  predestination  and  free-will. 

]     1  R.  Abraham  Ben  Dior  in  Cabbala  Hist.     Zacautus  in  Jiichasin.    David  Ganz  in  Zemach  David. 

I     2  Gann  was  a  title  to  which  their  highest  doctors  were  in  those  times  promoted. 

'  3  The  TEchmalotarch  was  the  head  of  tlie  captivity  in  Babylonia,  and  the  same  in  that  province  that  the 
Alabarcha  was  in  Alexandria,  that  is.  one  chosen  among  the  Jews  to  whom  they  submitted  to  be  judged  and 
governed  according  to  their  law.  And  such  a  one  they  had  over  them  here  in  England  under  the  first  Nor- 
man kings,  who  was  licensed  by  them  for  this  office,  by  the  name  of  Episcopus  JudsBorum.  See  Selden's 
Marmora  Arundoliana. 

4  Scalig.  in  Elencho  Trihspres,  c.  2. 

5  Hottinger.  in  Thesauro  Philologico  inter  addenda,  p.  583.  6  Ibid. 

7  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  9.  18.  lib.  17.  c.  3.  lib.  IS.  c.  2.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,lib.  2.C.  12. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  223 

For,  as  to  the  first  of  these,  it  is  said  in  scripture,  that,'  "  whereas  the  Sad- 
ducees  say,  that  there  is  no  resurrectipn,  neither  angel  nor  spirit,  the  Pharisees 
confess  both;"  that  is,  1st,  that  there  is  to  be  a  resurrection  from  the  dead;  and, 
2dly,  that  there  are  angels  and  spirits.  But,  according  to  Josephus,'^  this  resur- 
rection of  theirs  was  no  more  than  a  Pythagorean  resurrection,  that  is,  a  resur- 
rection of  the  soul  only  by  its  transmigration  into  another  body,  and  being  born 
anew  with  it.  But  from  this  resurrection  they  excluded  all  that  were  notori- 
ously wicked.  For  of  such  their  notion  was,  that  their  souls,  as  soon  as  sepa- 
rated from  their  bodies,  were  transmitted  into  a  state  of  everlasting  woe,  there 
to  suffer  the  punishment  of  their  sins  to  all  eternity.  But,  as  to  lesser  crimes, 
their  opinion  was,  that  they  were  punished  in  the  bodies  which  the  souls  of  those 
that  committed  them  were  next  sent  into.  And  according  to  this  notion  was  it, 
that  Christ's  disciples  asked  him,  in  the  case  of  the  man  that  was  born  blind,* 
"  Who  did  sin,  this  man  or  his  parents,  that  he  was  born  blind?"  For  this  plain- 
ly supposeth  an  antecedent  state  of  being,  otherwise  it  cannot  be  conceived, 
that  a  man  could  sin  before  he  was  born.  And,  when  the  disciples  told  Christ,* 
that  some  said  of  him,  that  he  was  Elias,  and  others  Jeremias,  or  one  of  the 
prophets;  this  can  be  understood  no  otherwise,  but  that  they  thought  according 
to  the  doctrine  of  the  transmigration  of  souls,  that  he  was  come  into  the  world 
with  the  soul  of  Elias,  or  of  Jeremias,  or  of  some  other  of  the  old  prophets 
transmitted  into  him,  and  born  with  him.  These  two  instances  put  together, 
plainly  prove  what  Josephus  saith,  that  is,  that  the  resurrection  held  by  the 
Jews  in  those  times  was  no  more  than  a  Pythagorean  resurrection  of  the  same 
soul  in  another  body.  But  when  Christ  came,  who  brought  life  and  immortali- 
ty to  light,  he  first  taught  the  true  resuri'ection  of  the  same  body  and  soul  toge- 
ther, and  soon  after  the  Jews  learned  it  from  his  followers,  and,  ever  since,  have 
taught  it  in  the  same  manner  as  they  did.  For  all  their  books  now  extant  speak 
of  the  resurrection  of  the  dead,  and  the  last  judgment  thereon  to  follow,  no 
otherwise  in  the  main  particulars,  than  as  the  Christians  do. 

As  to  what  the  Pharisees  held  of  predestination  and  free-will,  it  is  hard  to  say 
what  their  doctrine  was  as  to  this  matter.  For,  according  to  Josephus,^  they 
held  absolute  predestination  with  the  Essenes,  and  free-will  with  the  Sadducees, 
jumbled  both  together.  For  they  ascribed  to  God  and  fate  all  that  is  done,  and 
yet  left  to  man  the  freedom  of  his  will.  But  how  they  made  these  two  appa- 
rent incompatibles  consist  together,  is  no  where  sufficiently  explained;  per- 
chance they  meant  no  more,  than  that  every  man  freely  chooseth  what  he  is 
unalterably  predestinated  to.  But  if  he  be  predestinated  to  that  choice,  how 
freely  soever  he  may  seem  to  choose,  certainly  he  hath  no  free-will,  because 
he  is,  according  to  this  scheme,  unalterably  necessitated  to  all  that  he  doth,  and 
cannot  possibly  choose  otherwise. 

But  the  main  distinguishing  character  of  this  sect  was,  their  zeal  for  the  tra- 
ditions of  the  elders,^  which  they  derived  from  the  same  fountain  with  the  writ- 
ten word  itself,  pretending  both  to  have  been  delivered  to  Moses  from  Mount 
Sinai;  and  therefore  they  ascribed  equally  to  both  the  same  authority.  How 
these  traditions  had  their  rise  after  the  time  of  Ezra,  I  have  already  shown/ 
This  sect  of  men  (who  made  it  their  main  business  to  propagate  them,  and  pro- 
mote their  observance)  had  its  birth  at  the  same  time  with  them;  and  they  grew 
up  together,  till  at  length  they  came  to  such  a  maturity  and  ascendancy,  that 
the  traditional  law  swallowed  up  tlie  written  law,**  and  these  who  w^ere  the  pro- 
pagators of  it,  the  whole  bulk  of  the  Jewish  nation.  These  men,^  by  reason  of 
their  pretences  to  a  more  nice  and  rigorous  observance  of  the  law,  according 
to  their  traditions,  which  they  had  superadded  to  it,  looked  on  themselves  as 
more  holy  than  other  men;  and  therefore  separated  themselves  from  those  whom 
they  thought  sinners,  or  profane,  so  as  not  to  eat  or  drink  with  them;'°  and  hence 

I  Acts  xxiii.  8.  2  De  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  2.  c.  12.  3  John  ix.  2.  4  Matt.  xvi.  14. 

5  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  9.  et  lib.  18.  c.  2.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  2.  c.  12. 

6  Joseph.  Antiq.  liq.  13.  c.  18.  et  lib.  18.  c.  2.  7  Part.  1,  book  5.  8  Matt.  xv.  1—6.  Mark  vii.  3,  4. 
9  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  17.  c.  3.  et  lib.  18.  c.  2.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  I.  c.  4.      10  Matt.  ix.  2.  Luke  v.  30.  xv.  2. 


224  CONNEXION  OF  THE  fflSTORY  OF 

from  the  Hebrew  word  pharas,  which  signifieth  to  separate,^  they  had  the  name 
of  Pharisees,  which  is  as  much  as  to  say  separatists.     And  although  their  chief- 
est  separation  was  from  the  common  people,  whom  they  called  cm  haaretz,  i.  e. 
"the  people  of  the  earth,"  and  reckoned  them  no  other  than  as  the  dung  there- 
of; yet  by  reason  of  their  hypocritical  pretences  to  greater  righteousness  than 
others  in  the  observance  of  the  law,  they  drew  the  common  people  after  them,^ 
they  being  above  all  others  in  their  high  esteem  and  veneration.     This  hypo- 
crisy our  Saviour^  frequently  chargeth  them  with;'*  as  also  of  their  making  the 
law  of  God  of  none  effect  by  their  traditions.     Several  of  these  traditions  he 
particularly  mentioned  and  condemned,  as  appears  in  the  gospels;  but  they  had 
a  vast  number  more.     To  go  through  them  all  would  be  to  transcribe  the  Tal- 
mud, a  book  of  twelve  volumes  in  folio.     For  the  whole  subject  of  it  is  to  dic- 
tate and  explain  all  those  traditions  which  this  sect  imposed  to  be  received  and 
observed.     And  although  many  of  them  are  very  absurd  and  foolish,  and  most 
of  them  very  burdensome  and  heavy  to  be  borne,  yet  this  sect  hath  devoured 
all  the  rest,  they  having  had  for  many  ages  none  to  oppose  them  among  that 
people,  saving  only  those  few  Karraites  I  have  mentioned.    For  excepting  them 
only,  the  whole  nation  of  the  Jews,  from  the  destruction  of  the  temple  to  this 
present  time,  have  wholly  gone  in  unto  them,  and  received  all  their  traditions 
for  divine  dictates,  and  to  this  day  observe  them  with  much  greater  regard  and 
devotion  than  the  written  word  itself.     So  that  they  have  in  a  manner,  for  the 
sake  of  their  traditions,  annulled  all  the  holy  scriptures  of  the  Old  Testament, 
and  set  up  the  Talmud  to  be  their  Bible  in  its  stead.     For  this  they  now  make 
to  be  the  whole  rule  of  their  faith  and  manners:  so  that  it  is  now  only  accord- 
ing to  their  traditions  of  the  Pharisees,  not  according  to  the  law  and  the  pro- 
phets, that  the  present  Jewish  religion  is  wholly  formed;  whereby  they  have 
corrupted  the  old  Jewish  religion,  just  in  the  same  manner  as  the  Romanists 
have  the  Christian. 

In  conjunction  with  the  Pharisees,  the  scribes  are  often  mentioned  in  the 
scriptures  of  the  New  Testament.  But  they  were  not  a  sect,  but  a  profession 
of  men  following  literature.  They  were  of  divers  sorts.  For  generally,  all 
that  were  any  way  learned  among  the  Jews,  were  in  the  time  of  our  Saviour 
and  his  apostles  called  scribes;  but  especially  those,  who,  by  reason  of  their 
skill  in  the  law  and  divinity  of  the  Jews,  were  advanced  to  sit  in  Moses's  seat, 
and  were  either  judges  in  their  Sanhedrins,*  or  teachers  in  their  schools  or  syna- 
gogues. They  were  mostly  of  the  sect  of  the  Pharisees,*  most  of  the  learning 
of  the  Jews,  in  those  times,  lying  in  their  Pharisaical  traditions,  and  their  way 
of  interpreting  (or  we  may  rather  say,  wresting)  the  scriptures  by  them.  And 
they  being  the  men  that  dictated  the  law  both  of  church  and  state,  hence  law- 
yers and  scribes  are  convertible  terms  in  the  gospels,  and  both  of  them  do  there 
signify  the  same  sort  of  men.  For  the  same  person  who,  in  Matt.  xxii.  35.  is 
called  a  lawyer,  is  in  Mark  xii.  28.  said  to  be  one  of  the  scribes.^ 

V.  But  how  rigorous  soever  the  Pharisees  pretended  to  be  in  their  obser- 
vances, the  Essenes  outdid  them  herein.  For  being  originally  of  the  same  sect 
-with  them,  they  reformed  upon  them  in  the  same  manner  as,  among  the  Roman- 
ists, the  Carthusians,  and  the  Cistertians,  have  upon  the  Benedictines,  and  did 
set  up  for  a  much  more  severe,  and  perchance  for  a  much  more  unblamable, 
rule  of  living  than  the  other  did.  As  to  fate  and  free-will,^  their  opinion  was 
for  an  absolute  predestination,  agreeable  to  what  is  held  by  the  Supralapsarians 
of  the  present  age,  without  allowing  to  man  any  free-will  at  all,  or  any  liberty 
of  choice  in  any  of  his  actions.  And,  as  to  the  other  grand  point  of  a  future 
state,  and  the  resurrection  from  the  dead,  they  also  differed  from  the  Pharisees 

1  Buxtorfii  Lexicon  Rabbinicum,  1851, 1852.  Lightfoot,  vol.  1.  p.  C56.  Drusius  de  tribus  Sectis  Judteorum^ 
lib.  2.  c.  2,  3.  2  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  18.  et  lib.  18.  c.  2. 

3  Matt,  xxiii.  13—33.     Luke  xi.  39—52.  4  Matt.  xv.  6. 

5  There  were  two  sorts  of  Sanhedrins  among  the  Jews,  one  of  twenty-thre^  persona  in  every  city,  and on& 
fbr  the  whole  nation  of  seventy-two  persons  sitting  at  Jerusalem. 

6  Josephus  de  liello  Judaico,  lib.  2.  c.  12. 

7  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  9.  et  lib.  18.  c.  2.  et  de  Belle  Judaico,  lib.  2.  c.  12. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  225 

herein:  for  although  they  allowed  the  former,  tliey  denied  the  latter,  their  doc- 
trine being  that  the  souls  of  men,'  after  their  death,  are  transmitted  into  a  state 
of  immortality,  therein  to  live  in  everlasting  bliss  or  in  everlasting  woe,  accord- 
ing as  their  actions  have  deserved,  without  ever  any  more  returning  either  to 
their  own  or  any  other  bodies  for  ever.  Although  our  Saviour  very  often  cen- 
sured all  the  other  sects  then  among  the  Jews,  yet  he  never  spake  of  the  Esse- 
nes;  neither  is  there  any  mention  of  them  through  the  whole  scriptures  of  the 
New  Testament.  This  proceeded,  some  think,  from  their  retired  way  of  living; 
for  their  abode  being  mostly  in  the  country,  they  seldom  came  into  cities,  nor 
were  they,  in  our  Saviour's  time,  ever  seen  at  the  temple,  or  in  any  public  as- 
sembly; and  therefore,  not  falling  in  the  way  of  our  Saviour's  observation,  for 
this  reason,  say  they,  he  took  no  notice  of  them:  but  it  is  much  more  likely  it 
was,  that  being  a  very  honest  and  sincere  sort  of  people,  without  guile  or  hypo- 
crisy, they  gave  no  reason  for  that  reproof  and  censure  which  the  others  very 
justly  deserved.  Their  way  of  living  was  very  peculiar  and  remarkable.  To 
give  the  reader  a  thorough  view  of  it,  the  best  Avay  will  be,  to  lay  it  before  him 
in  the  words  of  Josephus,  Philo,  and  Pliny,  who  are  the  ancientest  authors  that 
speak  of  this  sect,  and  from  whom  all  else  is  taken  that  is  said  of  it.  The 
words  of  Josephus  concerning  the  Essenes  are  as  follow: — 

"  The  Essenes  are  Jews  by  nation,^  and  a  society  of  men  friendly  to  each 
other,  beyond  Avhat  is  to  be  found  among  any  other  people;  they  have  an  aver- 
sion to  pleasure  in  the  same  manner  as  to  that  which  is  truly  evil.  To  live  con- 
tinently, and  keep  their  passions  in  subjection,  they  esteem  a  virtue  of  the  first 
rate.  Marriage  they  have  in  no  esteem,  but,  taking  other  men's  children,  while 
they  are  yet  tender,  and  susceptible  of  any  impression,  they  treat  them  as  if 
they  were  of  their  own  flesh  and  blood,  and  carefully  breed  them  up  in  the  in- 
stitutions of  their  sect.  However,  they  are  not  so  absolutely  against  marriage  in 
others;  for  that  would  be  to  take  away  the  succession  and  race  of  mankind;  but, 
being  aware  of  the  lasciviousness  of  women,  they  are  persuaded  that  none  of 
them  can  keep  true  faith  to  one  man. 

"  They  have  riches  in  great  contempt;  and  community  of  goods  is  maintained 
among  them  in  a  very  admirable  manner:  for,  not  any  one  is  to  be  found  among 
them  possessing  more  than  another,  it  being  a  fixed  rule  of  their  sect,  that  every 
one  who  enters  into  it  must  give  up  all  his  goods  into  the  public  stock  of  the  so- 
ciety; so  that,  among  the  whole  number,  none  may  be  found  lower  than  another 
by  reason  of  his  poverty,  or  any  on  the  other  side  elated  above  the  rest  by  his 
riches.  For,  every  man's  goods  being  cast  into  common,  they  are  all  enjoyed 
as  one  possession  among  brethren  in  the  same  family  for  each  man's  use. 

"  They  look  on  it  as  a  disparagement  to  make  use  of  oil;^  so  that,  if  any  one 
of  them  should  happen  to  be  anointed  against  his  will,  they  wipe  it  off  immedi- 
ately, and  cleanse  their  body  from  it;  for,  not  to  be  nice  in  the  care  of  them- 
selves, they  esteem  as  a  commendable  thing;  and  they  always  go  habited  in 
white  garments. 

"  They  have  stewards  chosen  for  the  management  of  their  common  stock, 
who  in  common  provide  for  all,  according  as  every  man  hath  need.  They  do 
not  all  live  together  in  one  city,  but  in  every  city  several  of  them  dwell.''  These 
give  reception  to  all  travellers  of  their  sect,  who  eat  and  drink  with  them  as 
freely  as  of  their  own,  going  in  unto  them,  though  they  never  saw  them  before, 
in  the  same  manner  as  if  they  had  been  of  their  long  acquaintance;  and  there- 
fore, when  they  take  a  journey  any  where,  they  carry  nothing  with  them  but 
arms  for  their  defence  against  thieves.  In  every  city  they  have  one  principal 
person  of  their  society  appointed  procurator,  to  take  care  of  aU  strangers  that 

1  Joseph,  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  2.  c.  12.  2  Ibid.  c.  1. 

3  Aniiinting  with  oil  was  much  in  use  in  the  east,  in  those  times,  especially  after  the  use  of  the  bath;  and 
those  who  were  most  delicate  anointed  themselves  with  perfumed  oil:  but  the  Essenes  rejected  all  anointing 
as  effeminate. 

4  By  what  is  after  said,  thev  seem  to  have  been  distributed  into  sodalities,  and  to  have,  in  every  place  where 
they  dwelt,  one  or  more  of  those  sodalities,  according  to  their  number;  and  within  these  sodalities  to  have 
lived  together  according  to  all  the  rules  of  their  order,  that  is.  every  one  in  that  sodality  to  which  he  belonged. 

Vol.  II.— 29 


226  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

came  thither  of  that  sect,  who  provideth  them  with  clothes  and  all  other  neces- 
saries that  they  shall  be  in  want  of.  Their  garb  and  gesture  of  body  is  always 
such  as  resembles  that  of  children  under  the  fear  and  discipline  of  their  masters. 
They  never  change  their  clothes  or  shoes,  till  they  be  worn  out  and  made  untit 
by  time  for  any  farther  use.  They  neither  sell  nor  buy  any  thing  among  them- 
selves, but  every  one  gives  of  that  which  he  hath  to  him  that  wanteth;  and,  on 
like  occasion,  again  receives,  in  return  hereto,  whatsoever  the  other  hath  that 
he  stands  in  need  of;  and,  although  there  be  no  such  retribution,  yet  it  is  free 
for  every  one  to  take,  of  whomsoever  of  the  sect  he  shall  think  fit,  all  whatsoever 
he  stands  in  want  of. 

"  They  are,  in  what  pertaineth  to  God,  in  an  especial  manner  religious:  for, 
before  the  sun  be  risen,  they  speak  of  no  common  worldly  matter,  but  tiU  then, 
offer  up  unto  God  their  prayers  in  ancient  forms,  received  from  their  predeces- 
sors, supplicating  particularly  in  them,  that  he  would  make  the  sun  to  rise  upon 
them.  After  this,  they  are  sent  by  their  superiors"  each  to  work  in  the  employ- 
ments they  are  skilled  in;  wherein  they  having  diligently  laboured  .tiU  the  fifth 
hour  (thatis,tiU  eleven  in  the  morning,)  they  then  assemble  again  in  one  place 
together;  and  each  having  a  linen  garment  to  put  about  him,  they  wash  them- 
selves in  cold  water;  after  this  lustration,  they  go  into  a  private  room,  where  no 
one  that  is  not  of  their  sect  is  permitted  to  enter.  And,  being  thus  purified, 
they  go  into  the  refectory,  or  dining  room,  with  the  same  behaviour  as  into  a 
holy  temple;  Avhere,  being  set  in  silence,  the  baker  lays  before  every  man  his 
loaf  of  bread;  and  the  cook,  in  like  manner,  serves  up  to  each  of  them  his  dish, 
all  of  the  same  sort  of  food.  The  priest  then  says  grace  before  meat;  and  it  is 
not  lawful  for  any  to  taste  the  least  bit  before  grace  be  said,  and  after  dinner  they 
say  grace  again;  and  thus  they  always  begin  and  end  their  meal,  with  praise  and 
thanksgiving  to  God,  as  the  giver  of  their  food.  After  this,  they  quit  the  habits 
which  they  last  put  on,  looking  on  them  as  in  some  measure  sacred,  and  then 
again  betake  themselves  each  man  to  his  work  till  the  evening;  when  returning 
again  to  the  same  place,  they  take  their  supper  in  the  same  manner  as  they  had 
their  dinner,  their  guests  sitting  at  meal  with  them,  if  so  it  happen  that  there  are 
any  such  then  present  in  the  place.  No  noise  or  tumult  ever  disorders  the  house 
where  they  are;  for,  when  they  are  met  together,  they  speak  only  as  each  is 
allowed  his  turn.  This  silence  appears  to  others,  who  are  not  of  their  sect,  as  a 
thing  of  venerable  and  sacred  regard.  All  this  is  the  effect  of  a  constant  course 
of  sobriety,  in  their  moderating  their  eating  and  drinking  only  to  the  end  of 
sufficing  nature. 

"  Although,  in  all  other  matters,  they  do  nothing  without  the  allowance  of 
their  superiors,  yet  in  two  cases,  that  is,  in  offices  of  assistance  and  in  offices  of 
mercy,  they  are  permitted  to  have  free  power  each  man  to  do  as  he  shall  see 
cause  for  it:  for  to  yield  assistance  to  those  that  are  worthy  of  it  whenever  they 
stand  in  need  thereof,  and  to  be  charitable  in  giving  food  to  the  poor  that  want 
it,  is  what  is  allowed  to  all  of  them  with  fuU  liberty;  but  to  give  any  thing  to 
their  relations,  without  the  consent  and  allowance  of  their  governors,  is  utterly 
forbidden  among  them. 

"  They  dispense  their  anger  with  justice,  and  are  great  curbers  of  their  pas- 
sions, steady  keepers  of  their  faith,  constant  labourers  for  peace;  and  every  word 
with  them  is  of  greater  force  than  an  oath  with  other  men.  They  avoid  taking 
any  oath  at  all,  looking  on  it  as  worse  than  perjury.  They  say,  he  is  already 
condemned  as  a  faithless  person,  who  is  not  to  be  believed  without  calling  God 
to  witness.  They  are  in  an  extraordinary  manner  studious  of  the  writings  of  the 
ancients,  selecting  out  of  them  such  things  especially  as  are  beneficial  either  to 
the  bodies  or  souls  of  men.  Hence,  in  order  to  the  cure  of  diseases,  the  nature 
of  medicinal  roots  and  property  of  stones  are  searched  into  by  them. 

1  Thus  the  old  British  monks  of  Bangor,  in  Wales,  were  all  maintained  by  the  daily  laljour  of  their  owe 
^nds.    See  Bede's  Ecclesiastical  History,  lib.  2.  c.  2. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  227 

"  When  any  desire  to  enter  into  their  sect,  they  are  not  immediately  admit- 
ted, but  are  kept  without  a  whole  year,  during  which  time  they  put  all  of  them 
that  are  of  this  class  of  novices  under  the  same  discipline,  or  rule  of  living,  giving 
to  each  of  them  a  small  pick-axe,  the  linen  garment  above  mentioned,  and  a 
white  suit  of  clothes.  After  they  have,  during  all  this  time,  given  thorough  proof 
of  their  continence  and  temperance,  they  are  received  into  a  nearer  conversation 
and  rule  of  life  with  them,  and  partake  of  their  holier  water  for  their  purifica- 
tion. However,  they  are  not  admitted  as  yet  to  their  common  table,  and  full 
fellowship  with  them;  but,  after  their  having  given  this  proof  of  their  continence 
for  one  year,  they  make  trial  of  their  manners  for  two  years  longer,  and  then,  if 
they  appear  worthy,  they  give  them  full  admission  into  their  society. 

"  But,  before  they  are  admitted  to  eat  at  the  common  table,  they  strictly  bind 
themselves,  by  solemn  vows,  first  to  worship  and  serve  God;  and  next,  that  in  all 
things  to  do  that  which  is  just  toward  men;  not  willingly  to  wrong  anyone,  no, 
not  though  he  should  be  commanded  so  to  do;  always  to  detest  wicked  men,  and 
to  side  with  and  help  all  those  that  are  just  and  good;  ever  to  keep  faith  invio- 
lable with  all  men,  especially  with  princes  (for  no  one  comes  to  have  rule  and 
government  over  us  but  by  God's  appointment.)  That  if  it  shall  happen  that 
they  be  called  to  any  station  of  government,  they  will  not  abuse  their  power  to 
the  wronging  of  any  under  them,  nor  distinguish  themselves  from  them  by  their 
habit  or  more  splendid  dress  of  apparel;  always  to  love  truth,  and  to  convince 
and  reprove  all  that  are  liars;  to  keep  their  hands  from  stealing,  and  to  keep 
their  minds  clear  from  the  taint  of  any  unjust  gain;  that  they  will  not  conceal 
from  any  of  the  society  the  mysteries  of  their  sect,  nor  communicate  them  to 
any  other,  no,  not  though  they  should  be  forced  to  it  for  the  saving  of  their  lives. 
And,  moreover,  they  farther  a^ow,  to  deUver  to  none  of  their  brethren  any  of 
their  doctrines  otherwise  than  as  they  have  received  them;  to  abstain  from  all 
theft,  and  to  preserve  with  equal  care  the  books  containing  the  doctrines  of  their 
sect,'  and  the  names  of  the  messengers  by  whose  hands  they  were  written  and 
conveyed  to  them.  And  by  such  vows  do  they  bind  and  secure  all  those  that 
enter  into  their  society,  to  be  ever  steady  and  firm  to  all  the  laws  and  rules  of  it. 

"  Such  as  they  find  guilty  of  any  enormous  crime,  they  expel  out  of  the  so- 
ciety. And  those  who  fall  under  this  sentence  often  perish  by  a  most  lamentable 
death:  for  they  are  so  bound  up  by  the  laws  of  that  society,  and  the  vows  which 
they  have  made  to  keep  them,  that  they  cannot  receive  any  food  but  from  those 
of  their  sect;  so  that  they  are  forced,  when  thus  expelled,  to  feed,  like  beasts,  on 
the  herbs  of  the  field,  till  their  bodies  being  consumed  for  want  of  nourishment, 
they  are  famished  to  death:  wherefore,  often  commiserating  their  case,  they  have 
received  them  again,  when  ready  to  expire,  thinking  that  they  have  suffered 
punishment  enough  for  their  crimes,  when  thus  brought  by  it  even  to  the  gates 
of  death. 

"  In  their  administration  of  justice,  they  are  most  exact  and  just;  they  never 
give  sentence  but  when  there  are  one  hundred  at  least  present,  and  what  is  then 
decreed  by  them  remains  irrevocable.  Next  to  God,  they  have  the  highest  vene- 
ration for  their  legislators,  making  it  no  less  than  death  to  speak  evil  of  them. 
To  yield  to  the  sentiments  of  their  elders,  and  submit  to  what  is  determined  by 
the  major  part  of  their  people,  they  hold  to  be  a  thing  commendable,  and  what 
ought  to  be  done.  When  any  ten  of  them  sit  together,  no  one  of  them  speaks 
but  with  the  consent  of  the  other  nine.  When  they  are  in  any  company,  they 
are  carefully  to  avoid  spitting  into  the  middle  before  them,  or  on  the  right  hand. 

"  In  abstaining  from  all  manner  of  work  on  the  sabbath-day,  they  distinguish 
themselves  above  all  other  Jews;  for  they  do  not  only  make  ready  their  sabbath- 
day's  meal  the  eve  before,  that  they  may  not  do  so  much  as  kindle  a  fire  on  that 
day,  but  also  tie  themselves  up  so  strictly  to  the  observance  of  it,  that  they  do 
not  then  dare  move  a  vessel  out  of  its  place,  or  so  much  as  go  to  stool  for  tlie 

1  Gr-  SovTiffiiTsiv  CfintMf  TMTS  T>i;  xipia-iwf  xuTjii'  ^ipXix,  XXI  rx  roiv  xyytf-mv  ovot^xTxi 


228  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

ease  of  nature.*  On  all  other  days,  when  they  ease  themselves,  they  dig  a 
pit  of  a  foot  deep  with  an  iron  instrument,  which  they  always  carry  about  with 
them  (that  is,  the  small  pick-axe,  which  is  above  mentioned,  to  be  given  to  all 
their  novices,)  and  then,  encompassing  their  lower  parts  carefully  with  their 
garments,  that  they  may  not  offer  any  injury  or  offence  to  the  divine  splendour, 
they  set  themselves  over  the  said  pit,  and  so  discharge  themselves  into  it,  and 
then  cover  it  over  with  the  earth  afore  digged  out  of  it.  And  this  they  always 
do,  choosing  the  secretest  places  for  it.  And,  although  this  be  no  more  than 
the  natural  voiding  of  bodily  excrements,  yet  it  is  their  usage  to  wash  them- 
selves after  it,  as  after  some  great  pollution. 

"They  are  divided,  according  to  the  time  that  they  have  been  in  this  ascetic 
manner  of  life,  into  four  different  classes,  one  above  another;  and  every  one  of 
a  senior  class  thinks  all  of  the  inferior  classes  so  much  beneath  him,  that,  if  he 
happen  to  touch  any  one  of  them,  he  washeth  after  it,  in  the  same  manner  as 
if  he  had  touched  one  of  another  nation.  They  are  long  livers,  so  that  many 
of  them  arrive  to  the  age  of  one  hundred  years;  which  is  to  be  ascribed  to  their 
simple  and  plain  manner  of  feeding,  and  the  temperance  and  good  order  which 
they  observe  in  that  and  in  all  things  else. 

"  They  are  contemners  of  adversity,  and  overcom.e  all  sufferings  by  the  great- 
ness of  their  mind;  insomuch,  that  they  esteem  death  itself,  when  it  is  to  be 
undergone  on  an  honourable  account,  better  than  immortality.  Of  the  firmness 
of  their  mind  in  all  cases,  the  war  which  we  had  with  the  Romans  hath  given 
sufficient  proof;  in  which,  though  they  were  tortured,  racked,  burned,  had  their 
bones  broken,  and  were  made  to  undergo  the  suflferings  of  all  the  instruments 
of  torments,  that  they  might  thereby  be  brought  to  speak  ill  of  their  lawgiver, 
and  eat  of  those  meats  that  are  prohibited,  yet  they  always  stood  firmly  out  to 
do  neither  of  them;  neither  did  they  ever  endeavour  to  molhfy  or  appease  the 
rage  of  their  tormentors  toward  them,  or  shed  one  tear  in  their  sufferings;  but 
laughed  while  under  their  torments,  and,  mocking  those  who  were  the  execu- 
tioners of  them,  cheerfully  yielded  up  their  souls  in  death,  as  firmly  believing, 
that,  after  that,  they  should  live  in  them  for  ever. 

"For  this  opinion  is  delivered  among  them,  that  the  bodies  of  men  are  mor- 
tal, and  that  the  substance  of  them  is  not  permanent,  but  that  their  souls,  being 
immortal,  remain  forever;  that,  coming  out  of  the  subtilest  and  purest  air,  they 
are  enveloped  and  bound  up  in  their  bodies,  as  in  so  many  prisons,  being  at- 
tracted to  them  by  certain  natural  allurements;  but  that,  after  they  get  out  of 
those  corporal  bonds,  being,  as  it  were,  freed  from  a  long  servitude,  do  rejoice 
thereon,  and  are  carried  aloft.  And  they  affirm,  agreeable  to  the  opinion  of  the 
Greeks,  that,  for  the  souls  of  good  men,  there  is  ordained  a  state  of  life  in  a  re- 
gion beyond  the  ocean,  which  is  never  molested,  either  with  showers,  or  snow, 
or  raging  heats,  but  is  ever  refreshed  with  gentle  gales  of  wind  constantly 
breathing  from  the  ocean:  but  to  the  souls  of  the  wicked  they  assign  a  dark 
and  cold  place  for  their  abode,  filled  with  punishments  which  will  never  cease. 
And  it  seems  to  be  according  to  the  same  notion  that  the  Greeks  assign  to  their 
valiant  men,  whom  they  call  heroes  and  demigods,  the  fortunate  islands  for 
their  habitation;  but  to  the  souls  of  wicked  men,  the  regions  of  the  impious  in 
hell.  And  hence  it  is  that  they  have  devised  their  fables  of  several  there  pun- 
ished, as  Sisyphus,  and  Tantalus,  and  Ixion,  and  Tityus;  laying  down,  in  the 
first  place,  that  the  souls  of  men  do  live  for  ever;  and,  next,  applying  this  doc- 
trine for  the  encouragement  of  virtue  and  the  discouragement  of  vice  and  wick- 
edness. For  good  men  are  made  better  in  their  lives  by  the  hopes  of  honour 
for  the  reward  of  it  after  death,  and  evil  men  are  restrained  from  the  impetuosity 
of  their  course  in  wickedness  by  fear,  while  they  expect,  that,  though  their  evil 
deeds  escape  observation  in  this  life,  yet,  after  death,  they  must  undergo  ever- 

]  What  was  commaniinil  the  Jews  while  in  the  camp,  neat,  xxiii.  12,  13.  these  Essenes  thoiisht  to  be  al- 
ways obligatory  upon  them  in  all  places;  and  therefore,  thinking  they  ought  not  to  do  so  much  work  on  that 
day  as  to  dig  the  pit  there  commanded,  they  never  on  that  day  went  to  stool,  but  abstained  from  it  till  the 
next  day,  Iiow  much  soever  nature  called  for  ease  in  this  case. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  229 

lasting  punishments  for  them.  This  is  the  divinity  which  the  Essenes  teach 
concerning  the  soul,  proposing  thereby  a  bait  of  inevitable  allurement  to  all 
that  have  tasted  of  their  doctrine. 

"There  are  some  of  this  sect  who  take  upon  them  to  foretell  things  to  come, 
being  bred  up  from  their  childhood  in  the  study  of  their  sacred  books,  and  the 
sayings  of  the  prophets,  and  also  in  the  use  of  various  purifications  to  qualify 
them  for  it;  and  it  is  very  seldom  found  that  they  fail  in  what  they  foretell. 

"  And  there  are  another  sort  of  Essenes,  who,  in  their  way  of  living,  and  in 
the  usages  and  rules  of  their  orders,  exactly  agree  with  the  others,  excepting 
only  that  they  differ  from  them  in  their  opinion  about  marriage.  For  they  reck- 
on, that  those  that  do  not  marry,  cut  off  a  great  part  from  the  number  of  the 
living,  that  is,  out  of  the  succession  of  the  next  generation,  especially  if  all 
should  be  of  their  mind;  for  then  the  whole  race  of  mankind  would  soon  be 
extinguished.  But,  of  those  women  whom  they  marry,  they  make  trial  for  the 
term  of  three  years  before  they  contract  with  them;  and  if,  through  all  that 
time,  they  find,  by  the  constant  regular  order  of  their  natural  courses,  that  they 
are  of  health  fit  to  bear  children,  they  then  marry  them;  but  they  never  lie  with 
them  after  they  are  found  to  be  with  child,  showing  thereby  that  they  do  not 
marry  to  gratify  lust,  but  only  for  the  sake  of  having  children.  When  their 
women  go  to  wash  themselves,  they  have  the  like  linen  garment  to  put  about 
them,  which  is  above  mentioned  to  be  given  to  the  men  for  the  same  purpose. 
And  such  are  the  usages  and  manners  of  this  sect." 

Thus  far  Josephus,  in  his  book  of  the  Wars  of  the  Jews.  In  his  book  of  their 
Antiquities,  which  he  wrote  some  years  after  the  former,  he  says  farther  of  them 
as  followeth.'  "Among  the  Jews  there  have  been  three  sorts  of  sects  from 
times  of  old:  the  Essenes,  and  the  Sadducees,  and  the  third  sect,  which  are 
called  Pharisees.  The  doctrine  of  the  Essenes  ascribes  to  God  the  ordering 
and  governing  of  all  things.  They  teach,  that  the  souls  of  men  are  immortal. 
They  hold,  that  the  attainment  of  righteousness  and  justice  is  to  be  endeavoured 
after  above  all  things.  They  send  their  gifts  to  the  temple,  but  they  offer  no 
sacrifices  there,  by  reason  of  the  different  rules  of  purity  which  they  have  in- 
stituted among  themselves;  and,  therefore,  being  excluded  the  common  temple, 
they  sacrifice  apart  by  themselves;  otherwise,  they  are,  in  their  manners  and 
course  of  life,  the  best  of  men.  They  employ  themselves  wholly  in  the  labour 
of  agriculture.  Their  righteousness  is  worthy  of  admiration,  above  all  others 
that  pretend  to  virtue,  in  which  they  do  by  no  means  give  place  to  any,  whether 
Greeks  or  Barbarians,  no,  not  in  the  least:  they  have  been  long  under  engage- 
ments never  to  be  hindered  by  any  thing  in  their  diligent  study  and  pursuit 
after  it.  Their  goods  are  all  in  common,  and  he  that  is  rich  hath  not  the  enjoy- 
ment of  the  things  of  his  house  any  more  than  he  that  hath  nothing  at  all. 
And  they  that  live  after  this  manner  are  in  number  about  four  thousand  men. 
They  neither  marry  wives,  nor  endeavour  after  the  possession  of  servants;  their 
opinion  of  the  latter  being,  that  it  leads  to  injustice,  by  invading  the  common 
liberty  of  mankind;  and  of  the  other,  that  it  gives  matter  for  trouble  and  dis- 
turbance. Wherefore,  living  by  themselves,  they  mutually  make  use  of  the 
service  of  each  other.  They  choose  good  men  out  of  the  number  of  their  priests 
to  be  the  receivers  of  their  incomes,  and  the  managers  of  the  fruits  which  their 
lands  produce,  for  the  providing  of  them  with  meat  and  drink." 

There  is  also  mention  made  of  them  by  Josephus  in  another  place,  that  is,  in 
the  ninth  chapter  of  the  thirteenth  book  of  his  Antiquities;  but  there  he  speaks 
only  of  their  opinion  about  fate.  Jiis  words  in  that  place  are,  "That  they 
hold,  that  fate  governs  all  things,  and  that  nothing  happens  to  man  but  by  its 
appointment." 

Philo  the  Jew  is  the  next,  or  indeed  the  first,  that  speaks  of  them.  For  he 
wrote  before  Josephus,  being  by  much  the  older  of  the  two.  For  Josephus  was 
aot  born  till  the  first  year  of  the  reign  of  Caligula  the  Roman  emperor,'  A.  D.  37, 

1  Joseph  Antiq.  lib.  18.  c.  2.  2  Josephus  in  libro  de  Vita  sua. 


230  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

whereas  Philo  was  at  that  time  advanced  in  years:  for  it  was  not  much 
above  two  years  after  that  Philo  was  sent  as  head  of  an  embassy  to  that  emperor 
from  the  Alexandrian  Jews,  as  a  person  that,  by  his  age  and  experience,  was 
best  qualified  for  that  difhcult  undertaking.  But  Josephus  being  best  acquainted 
with  their  sect,  as  having  lived  in  Judea,  and  been  there  for  some  time  conver- 
sant among  them,'  and  under  their  discipline,  was  best  qualified  to  write  a  true 
'  and  exact  account  of  them;  and  therefore  I  have  begun  with  that  which  he 
hath  given  us.  For  Philo,  being  a  Jew  of  Alexandria,  knew  nothing  of  the 
Essenes  of  Judea  but  what  he  had  by  hearsay:  but  with  the  Essenes  of  Egypt 
he  was  indeed  much  better  acquainted.  For,  although  the  principal  seat  of 
them  was  in  Judea,  yet  there  were  also  of  them  in  Egypt,  and  in  all  other 
places  where  the  Jews  were  dispersed;  and  therefore  Philo  distinguished  this 
sect  into  the  Essenes  of  Judea  and  Syria,  and  the  Essenes  of  Egypt  and  other 
parts.  The  first  he  called  practical  Essenes,  and  the  other  he  calls  therapeutic 
or  contemplative;  and  of  each  he  gives  the  accounts  that  follow. 

"Among'  the  Jews  who  inhabit  Palestine  and  Syria,  there  are  some  whom 
they  call  Essseans,  being  in  number  about  four  thousand  men,^  according  to  my 
opinion.  They  have  their  name  by  reason  of  their  piety,  from  the  Greek  word 
os-.os,  which  signifieth  holy,  though  the  derivation  from  thence  be  not  made  ac- 
cording to  the  exact  rule  of  grammar.  And,  whereas  they  are  most  religious 
servers  and  worshippers  of  God,  they  do  not  sacrifice  unto  him  any  living  crea- 
ture, but  rather  choose  to  form  their  minds  to  be  holy,  thereby  to  make  them  a 
fit  offering  unto  him.  They  chiefly  live  in  country  villages,  avoiding  cities,  by 
reason  of  the  vices  that  are  familiar  among  citizens;  being  sensible,  that,  as  the 
breathing  in  a  corrupted  air  doth  breed  diseases,  so  the  conversing  with  evil 
company  often  makes  an  jncurable  impression  upon  the  souls  of  men. 

"  Some  of  them  labour  in  husbandry;  others  follow  trades  of  manufacture, 
confining  themselves  only  to  the  making  of  such  things  as  are  the  utensils  of 
peace,  endeavouring  thereby  to  benefit  both  themselves  and  their  neighbours. 
They  do  not  treasure  up  either  silver  or  gold,  neither  do  they  provide  themselves 
with  large  portions  of  land  out  of  a  desire  of  plentiful  revenues,  but  seek  only 
after  such  things  as  are  requisite  for  the  supplying  of  the  necessaries  of  life. 
They  are  in  a  manner  the  only  persons  of  all  mankind,  who,  being  without 
money,  and  without  possessions  (and  this  by  their  own  choice  rather  than  by 
the  want  of  good  fortune,)  yet  reckon  themselves  most  rich,  judging  their  need- 
ing little,  and  their  being  contented  with  any  thing,  to  be  (as  it  really  is)  a  great 
abundance.  You  shall  not  find  any  among  their  handicraftsmen  that  ever  put  a 
hand  to  the  making  of  arrows,  or  darts,  or  swords,  or  head-pieces,  or  corslets, 
or  shields;  neither  do  any  among  them  make  any  armour,  or  engines,  or  any 
other  instruments  whatsoever,  that  are  made  use  of  in  war;  nay,  they  will  not 
make  such  utensils  of  peace  as  are  apt  to  be  employed  to  do  mischief. 

"  Merchandising,  trafficking,  and  navigation,  they  never  so  much  as  dream 
of,  rejecting  them  utterly  as  incitements  to  covetousness.  There  is  no  such 
thing  as  a  servant  among  them,  but  they  all  mutually  help  and  serve  each  other. 
They  condemn  the  domination  of  masters  over  servants,  not  only  as  unjust  and 
prejudicial  to  holiness,  but  also  as  impious,  and  destructive  of  the  law  of  nature, 
which  bringing  forth,  say  they,  and  nourishing,  all  men  alike  in  the  same  condi- 
tion of  life,  as  a  common  mother  to  all,  hath  made  them  all  as  brothers  to  each 
other,  and  this  not  only  in  word,  but  really  and  in  deed;  but  that  treacherous 
covetousness,  overthrowing  their  kindred,  hath  produced  strangeness  instead  of 
familiarity,  and  enmity  instead  of  friendship. 

"As  to  philosophy,  logic  the}'  utterly  rehnquish  to  such  as  quarrel  about 
words,  reckoning  it  as  useless  for  the  attainment  of  virtue.  And  natural  phi- 
losophy, and  all  the  points  thereof  (excepting  only  so  much  as  concerns  the  be- 

1  Josephu?  in  lihrnde  Vita  sua.        2  Philn-Jud.-Eiis  in  libro  cui  titulus  Omnis Prohus Liher,^.(tl^  edit.  Col. 
3  Josephus  aprees  with  liim  in  this  number.    See  above. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  231 

ing  of  God,  and  the  original  production  of  all  things,)  they  leave  to  those  who 
have  time  to  spare  to  treat  of  such  matters,  reckoning  it  to  be  above  the  power 
of  man  to  attain  to  a  true  knowledge  of  them.  But  about  ethics,  or  moral  phi- 
losophy, they  are  much  conversant,  using  therein  the  guidance  and  direction  of 
their  country  laws,  which  are  such  as  could  never  have  come  from  the  mind 
of  man  without  a  divine  inspiration.  Herein  they  instruct  men  as  at  other 
times,  so  especially  on  the  seventh  day.  For  the  seventh  day  is  held  holy  by 
them,  on  which  they  desist  from  all  other  work,  going  on  that  day  to  their  sa- 
cred places,  which  they  call  synagogues,  where  they  sit  in  order,  according  to 
their  seniority  or  standing  in  the  society,  the  juniors  taking  place  below  their 
seniors,  and  all  composing  themselves  with  decency  for  the  hearing  of  the  word. 
Then  one,  taking  the  Bible,  reads  out  of  it;  and  then  another,  being  one  of  the 
most  skilful,  doth  expound  upon  what  hath  been  so  read,  passing  over  what  is 
above  his  knowledge.  Their  manner  of  expounding  is  mostly  by  parables,  ac- 
cording to  the  way  that  hath  been  anciently  in  use  among  them.  They  are  in- 
structed in  holiness,  righteousness,  justice,  economy,  politics,  in  the  knowledge 
of  what  is  truly  good,  and  what  is  evil,  and  what  is  indift'erent,  what  is  proper 
for  them  to  choose,  and  what,  on  the  contrary,  they  ought  to  avoid.  In  which 
course  they  make  use  of  three  rules,  judging  of  all  things  according  as  they 
accord;  1 .  with  the  love  of  God;  2.  with  the  love  of  virtue;  or,  3.  with  the  love 
of  their  neighbour.  Of  their  love  to  God  they  give  a  multitude  of  demonstra- 
tions; as,  for  instance,  their  constant  and  unalterable  course  of  chastity  their 
whole  life  through,  their  abstaining  from  all  swearing,  their  never  speaking  a  lie, 
and  their  always  ascribing  to  God  the  cause  of  all  good,  and  never  making  him 
the  author  of  that  which  is  evil.  Of  their  love  to  virtue  they  give  instances, 
in  their  not  being  covetous,  in  their  not  being  ambitious,  in  their  renouncing  of 
pleasures,  in  their  continence,  in  their  patience,  in  their  plainness,  in  their 
needing  little,  in  their  being  content  with  any  thing,  in  their  modesty,  in  their 
reverence  for  the  laws,  in  their  stability  of  mind,  and  other  such  like  virtues. 
And,  lastl}^  of  their  love  to  their  neighbour,  they  give  instances  in  their  be- 
nevolence, in  their  equal  carriage  to  all,  which  is  greater  than  can  be  well  ex- 
pressed, and  in  their  holding  all  that  they  have  in  common;  of  which  it  wiU 
not  be  unseasonable  here  to  speak  a  little. 

"  First,  therefore,  no  man's  house  is  properly  his  own,  but  every  man  of  the 
sect,  that  shall  come  to  it,  hath  an  equal  interest  therein.  For,  as  they  live  to- 
gether in  sodalities,  eating  and  drinking  at  the  same  common  table,  so  they  there 
provide  entertainment  for  all  the  fraternity  that  shall  come  thither  to  them  from 
any  other  place.  There  is  one  common  treasury  belonging  to  them  all,  from 
whence  the  expenses  of  clothes  and  provisions  are  furnished  in  common  for  all 
the  community,  according  to  the  several  sodalities  into  which  they  are  dis- 
tributed. Their  way  of  cohabiting  together  under  the  same  roof,  of  eating  to- 
gether of  the  same  victuals,  and  setting  together  at  the  same  table  is  such,  as  is 
no  where  else  to  be  found  thus  established,  or  any  thing  like  it.'  What  they 
gain  by  their  daily  labour,  they  keep  not  to  themselves,  but  bring  it  all  into  the 
common  stock,  from  whence  provision  is  made  for  the  use  and  common  utility 
of  all  tlie  sect.  And,  if  any  among  them  fall  sick,  they  do  not  neglect  them, 
as  such  that  get  nothing,  but  have  all  things  that  are  necessary  for  the  recover- 
ing of  them  again  to  their  health,  always  ready  provided  for  them  out  of  the 
common  stock;  so  that  they  take  hereof,  with  all  freedom,  as  plentifully  as  they 
shall  think  fit.  Great  honour  and  reverence  is  paid  to  the  elder  men  of  the 
society  by  the  juniors,  who  take  care  of  them  in  such  manner,  as  truly  begotten 
children  do.  of  their  parents,  administering  unto  them,  both  with  their  hands 
and  their  counsels,  with  all  plentifulness,  whatsoever  may  be  necessary  for  their 
comfortable  support  in  their  old  age." 

1  The  way  of  the  Lacedemonians,  in  eating  together  at  common  tables,  and  in  set  companies,  seems  most 
like.    See  Plutarch  in  the  Life  of  Lycurgus. 


232  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

Thus  far  Philo,  concerning  those  whom  he  calls  practical  Essenes.  Of  those 
whom  he  calls  the  contemplative,'  he  saith  as  foUoweth. 

"  Having  spoken  of  the  Essaeans  that  lead  a  practical  life,  I  come  next  to 
treat  of  those  who  embrace  the  contemplative.  The  men  among  them  are 
called  Therapeutse,  and  the  women  Therapeutides,  agreeable  to  their  profession, 
either  as  they  profess  the  art  of  physic  (not  that  commonly  practised;  whereby 
the  bodies  of  men  are  cured,  but  a  much  more  valuable  physic,  whereby  they 
cure  the  souls  of  men  of  diseases  much  more  obstinate,  difficult,  and  harder  to 
be  removed,  those  which  they  have  brought  upon  themselves  by  voluptuous- 
ness, concupiscence,  grief,  fears,  covetousness,  follies,  injustice,  and  by  an  in- 
numerable company  of  other  passions  and  vices,)  or  else  they  have  this  name, 
because  they  have  learned  from  the  law  of  nature,  and  the  sacred  laws  of  the 
holy  scriptures,^  to  worship  and  serve  that  being,  which  is  better  than  good, 
more  uncompounded  than  the  number  of  one,  and  more  ancient  than  unity  itself. 

"  They  that  enter  into  this  Therapeutic  profession,  do  not  do  it  as  led  thereto 
by  any  prevailing  custom,  or  by  the  persuasion  of  others,  but  being  wholly 
drawn  to  it  by  a  heavenly  love,  are  under  an  enthusiastic  impulse,  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  Bacchanals  and  Corybantes,  in  the  celebration  of  their  festivals, 
till  they  have  attained  to  this  their  desired  state  of  contemplation;  and  thereon, 
as  if  they  had  done  with  this  mortal  life,  through  their  desire  after  that  which 
is  immortal  and  ever  blessed,  they  rehnquish  all  their  worldly  goods  and  posses- 
sions to  their  sons  or  their  daughters,  or  their  other  relations,  delivering  to  them 
the  inheritance  thereof  by  a  voluntary  choice;  and  if  they  have  no  relations, 
they  then  give  them  to  their  friends  and  acquaintance.  And  when  they  have 
thus  divested  themselves  of  all  their  worldly  substance,  as  being  now  no  longer 
withheld  by  any  enticement,  they  flee  from  their  homes  without  any  more 
looking  back,  leaving  their  brothers,  their  children,  their  wives,  their  parents, 
and  all  their  kindred,  how  numerous  soever,  as  also  the  society  of  their  friends 
and  countrymen,  among  whom  they  have  been  born  and  bred,  because  their 
conversation,  should  they  still  stay  with  them,  would  be  a  strong  and  powerful 
allurement  to  draw  them  away  from  this  purpose.' 

"  They  do  not  leave  one  city  to  go  to  another,  like  miserable  or  wicked  ser- 
vants, who  having  obtained  of  those  that  own  them  to  be  sold  to  some  other 
person,  gain  thereby  only  the  change  of  masters,  not  the  recovery  of  their 
liberty.  For  all  cities,  even  those  that  are  governed  by  the  best  laws,  are  full 
of  tumult  and  trouble,  which  no  one  that  hath  addicted  himself  to  this  way  of 
philosophy  can  afterward  bear.  And  therefore  they  rather  choose  to  make  their 
abode  without  the  walls  of  cities,  in  gardens,  and  villages,  and  lone  country  ha- 
bitations, seeking  soHtude,  not  out  of  an  affected  hatred  to  mankind,  but  for  the 
avoiding  of  the  mixing  with  men  of  different  manners,  knowing  it  to  be  unpro- 
fitable and  hurtful. 

"This  sort  of  men  are  dispersed  throughout  many  parts  of  the  world^  (for  it 
is  requisite  that  both  Greeks  and  Barbarians  should  partake  of  so  excellent  a 
benefit,)  but  Egypt  abounds  most  with  them  throughout  all  its  provinces,*  but 
most  of  all  about  Alexandria.  But  from  all  places  the  principal  men  of  them 
retire,  as  into  their  own  proper  country,  into  a  place  which  they  have  near  the 
Lake  Maria,^  situated  upon  a  gentle  rising  hill,  very  commodious  for  them,  both 
for  its  convenience  in  affording  them  there  a  safe  dwelling,  and  also  for  the 
wholesomeness  of  its  air.  The  houses  of  those  who  there  come  together  are 
built  in  a  very  frugal  and  mean  manner,  they  having  their  covering  fitted  only 
for  two  necessary  things,  that  is,  to  keep  them  from  the  heat  of  the  sun  in  sum- 
mer, and  from  the  cold  of  the  air  in  winter:  neither  are  they  built  near  each 

1  Philo  de  Vita  Contemplativa,  p,  688.  edit.  Col.  Allob. 

2  For  the  word  r-)fpx-r.<uT>t?  signifieth  a  worshipper,  or  a  servant,  as  well  as  a  physician. 

3  That  is,  wherever  the  HellenisticalJews  were  dispersed  among  the  nations  of  the  world. 

4  These  provinces  were  called  No/in. 

5  This  lake  is  called  Mareotis  by  Ptolemy,  and  Marea  by  Strabo.  It  lies  near  Alexandria,  being  thirty 
miles  broad  and  a  hundred  in  circumference. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  233 

other  as  in  cities;  for  this  would  be  irksome  and  displeasing  to  men  desiring 
and  seeking  after  solitude:  neither  are  they  far  asunder,  because  they  love  at 
times  to  converse  together,  and  also  that  they  may  the  easier  unite  for  their 
mutual  defence,  if  they  should  happen  at  any  time  to  be  invaded  by  thieves. 

"  Each  of  them  hath  in  this  cottage  a  little  chapel,  which  they  call  Sem- 
neum,  or  Monasterium,  in  which  every  one  of  them  doth,  alone  by  himself, 
perform  all  the  mysteries  of  a  holy  life,  bringing  in  thither,  at  no  time,  either 
drink  or  meat,  or  any  other  of  the  necessaries  used  for  the  support  of  tlie  body, 
but  only  the  law  and  the  divine  oracles  of  the  prophets,  and  hymns,  and  such 
other  like  things,  whereby  knowledge  and  piety  are  increased  and  perfected. 
They  have  God  in  perpetual  remembrance,  so  that,  even  in  their  dreams,  no- 
thing else  but  the  beauties  and  excellencies  of  divine  powers  run  in  their  fan- 
cies, insomuch  that  several  of  them,  while  they  sleep,  do  in  their  dreams  de- 
liver many  excellent  sayings  of  divine  philosophy. 

"Their  constant  usage  is,  to  pray  twice  every  day,  that  is,  in  the  morning 
and  in  the  evening.  At  the  rising  of  the  sun,  they  pray  that  God  would  give 
his  blessing  upon  the  day,  that  true  blessing  whereby  their  minds  may  be  filled 
with  heavenly  light;  and  at  the  setting  of  the  sun,  that  their  minds,  being  wholly 
disburdened  of  their  senses,  and  all  sensible  things,  may,  in  its  retirements  into 
itself,  find  out  truth.  All  the  interval  of  time,  from  morning  to  evening,  they 
spend  in  the  study  and  contemplation  of  divine  things.  For  exercising  them- 
selves in  the  most  holy  scriptures,  they  philosophize  upon  them  after  their  coun- 
try manner,  expounding  them  allegorically.  For  they  suppose,  that  the  words 
are  only  notes  and  marks  of  some  things  of  mystical  nature,  which  are  to  be 
explained  figuratively. 

"They  have  among  them  the  writings  of  some  ancients,  who,  being  principal  lead- 
ers of  their  sect,  have  left  them  many  monuments  of  that  learning,  which  consists 
in  dark  and  secret  expressions,  which  they,  using  as  original  patterns,  do  imi- 
tate that  way  of  study.  And  they  do  not  only  spend  their  time  in  contempla- 
tion, but  they  also  compose  songs  and  hymns  in  the  praise  of  God,  of  all  sorts  of 
metre,  and  musical  verses,  which  they  write  in  grave  and  seemly  rhymes. 

"  Six  days  of  the  week  they  thus  continue  apart  by  themselves  in  the  little 
chapel  above  mentioned,  and  there  give  themselves  wholly  up  to  the  contem- 
plation of  divine  philosophy,  without  going  out  of  doors,  or  as  much  as  looking 
abroad  all  that  time.  On  the  seventh  day,  they  meet  together  in  a  public  so- 
lemn assembly,  and  there  sit  down  together,  according  to  their  seniority,'  in  a 
decent  manner,  with  both  their  hands  under  their  garment,  that  is,  the  right 
hand  upon  the  part  between  their  chin  and  their  breast,  and  the  left  let  down 
by  their  side.  Then  one  of  the  best  learned  of  them,  standing  forth,  discourseth 
to  them  with  a  grave  composed  countenance,  and  a  grave  serious  voice,  speak- 
ing with  reason  and  prudence,  and  not  making  ostentation  of  eloquence,  as 
the  rhetoricians  and  sophists  now  do,  but  searching  into  and  expounding  aU 
things,  with  that  exactness  of  thought,  as  that  it  doth  not  only  for  the  present 
captivate  the  ears,  but  by  being  thus  heard,  enters  into  the  soid,  and  there  makes 
lasting  impressions  upon  it.  While  this  person  thus  speaks,  all  the  rest  give 
attention  with  silence,  expressing  their  approbation  only  with  the  motions  of 
their  eyes  and  their  head. 

"The  synagogue,  or  common  place  of  assembly,  where  they  meet  every  se- 
venth day,  hath  two  distinct  enclosures  and  apartments  in  it,*^  the  one  as- 
signed for  the  men,  and  the  other  for  the  women;  for  it  is  their  custom,  that 
the  women  that  are  of  the  same  sect  and  institution  should  also  be  auditors  in 
these  assemblies.  The  partition-wall,  which  separates  these  two  enclosures,  is 
built  up  three  or  four  cubits  high  from  the  ground,  after  the  manner  of  a  para- 
pet, the  rest  lies  open  to  the  top  of  the  room.     All  which  is  thus  contrived  for 

1  This  they  reckon  according  to  the  time  of  their  admission  into  the  society,  not  according  to  their  age. 

2  The  synagogues  of  the  Jews  are  thus  formed  even  to  this  day,  tlieir  women  sitting  together  in  a  place 
encloBed  apart  from  the  men. 

Vol.  II.— 30 


234  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

the  sake  of  two  conveniences;  the  first,  to  protect  that  decent  modesty  which 
is  naturally  belonging  to  the  female  sex;  the  other,  that  while  they  sit  in  that 
auditory,  they  may  easily  hear  what  is  there  discoursed,  nothing  coming  be- 
tween to  hinder  the  voice  of  him  that  speaketh  from  reaching  to  them. 

"Having  laid  temperance  as  a  certain  foundation  in  their  souls,  they  build 
thereupon  all  other  virtues.  They  take  neither  meat  nor  drink  before  sunset: 
for  they  hold  it  requisite  to  employ  the  day  in  the  study  of  philosophy,  and  the 
night  in  the  making  of  necessary  provision  for  the  body;  so  that  they  allot  the 
whole  day  for  the  former,  and  only  a  small  part  of  the  night  for  the  latter. 
Some  of  them,  in  whom  is  a  more  than  ordinary  thirst  after  knowledge,  forget 
to  take  any  sustenance  for  three  days  together;'  and  others  there  are  who  are 
so  delighted  and  fed  with  feasting  on  wisdom,  which  gives  to  them  of  its  doc- 
trine richly  and  plentifully,  that  they  sometimes  hold  out  double  the  time,  and, 
for  six  days  together,'  scarce  taste  of  any  necessary  food,  being  nourished,  as 
they  say  a  sort  of  grasshoppers  are,  by  the  air  in  which  they  live,  the  melody 
of  their  hymns,  as  I  suppose,  rendering  the  want  of  food  easy  and  supportable 
unto  them.  They  looking  on  the  seventh  day  to  be  all  holy  and  all  festival,  do 
think  it  worthy  of  extraordinary  honour.  On  that  day,  after  having  first  taken 
due  care  of  their  souls,  they  refresh  and  nourish  their  bodies,  then  relaxing  to 
themselves  their  daily  labour,  as  they  do  to  their  working  cattle.  They  eat  not 
any  thing  that  is  sumptuous  or  dainty,  but  only  coarse  bread;  their  sauce  is 
only  salt,  and  they  that  are  of  a  nicer  stomach  mingle  some  hyssop  with  it; 
their  drink  is  only  water  from  the  river.  And  thus  they  appease  the  two  domi- 
neering mistresses  which  nature  hath  subjected  all  mankind  to,  that  is,  hunger 
and  thirst,  offering  nothing  to  gratify  them,  but  onl}^  what  is  necessary  for  the 
support  of  life;  for  they  eat  only  to  assuage  hunger,  and  drink  only  to  quench 
their  thirst,  avoiding  fulness  of  stomach,  as  that  which  is  hurtful  both  to  soul 
and  body. 

"And  whereas  there  are  two  sorts  of  coverings  for  the  body,  that  is,  house 
and  clothes;  as  to  their  houses,  it  hath  been  spoken  to  before,  that  they  are 
mean,  and  built  without  art,  as  made  only  to  serve  the  present  necessary  uses: 
so  likewise  as  to  their  clothes,  they  have  only  such  as  are  most  commodious  to 
keep  out  cold  and  heat,  they  using  for  this  purpose  a  thick  coarse  garment  in- 
stead of  furs  in  the  winter,  and  a  short  coat  without  sleeves,  or  a  linen  vest- 
ment, in  summer.  They  universally  exercise  themselves  in  modesty;  and, 
looking  on  falsity  to  be  the  mother  of  arrogance,  and  truth  to  be  the  mother  of 
modesty,  they  hold  each  of  them  to  have  the  nature  of  a  fountain;  for  there 
flow  from  falsity,  say  they,  many  various  sorts  of  evils,  and  from  truth  abun- 
daiice  of  good,  both  human  and  divine." 

Thus  far  Philo  of  his  contemplative  Essaeans.  He  hath  afterward  a  descrip- 
tion of  their  behaviour  at  their  great  festivals;  which  being  very  long,  should  I 
give  the  whole  of  it,  1  should  be  too  tedious  to  the  reader;  and  I  fear  I  have 
been  too  much  so  already  concerning  this  matter.  I  shall  therefore  here  only 
add  an  abstract  of  it  as  followeth. 

These  Therapeutae,  or  contemplative  Essjeans,  celebrate  every  seventh  sabbath 
as  a  great  festival,^  when,  being  called  together  by  an  officer  appointed  for  this 
purpose,  all  of  each  congregation  meet  together  in  a  common  hall:  for,  they 
being  divided  into  several  distinct  congregations,  each  congregation  hath  its  dis- 
tinct hall,  in -which  they  meet  together  on  all  such  occasions.  When  they  are 
come  together  on  this  call,  being  all  in  white  garments,  they  range  themselves 
in  order  with  great  gravity;  and,  after  having  said  grace,  sit  down,  taking  their 
place  each  after  other,  according  to  the  seniority  of  their  admission  into  the 
sect.     The  men  sit  on  the  right  hand  side  of  the  hall  by  themselves,  and  the 

1  Philo  swms  hern  to  hyperbolize,  it  not  being  possible  tliat  nature  could  be  supported  by  such  long  fasts  for 
six  days  together,  or  three  either. 

2  The  first  great  festival  among  the  Jews  is  their  Passover;  seven  weeks  numbered  from  thence  brings 
them  to  their  Pentecost,  or  feast  of  weeks;  from  thence  this  sect  continued  to  number  still  seven  weeks  on, 
and  every  seventh  Sunday  was  a  new  festival  with  them,  till,  by  repeating  it  seven  times  over,  they  eoa- 
eluded  the  year,  and  then  begaa  again  from  the  Passover  the  same  round  as  before. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  235 

women  by  themselves  on  the  other  side:  for  these  Essenes  have  women  also 
among  them,  most  of  them  of  the  elder  sort,  and  such  only  as  have  been  virgins 
from  their  youth.  They  are  not  attended  on  at  their  feasts  by  servants:  for  they 
have  none  such,  looking  on  servitude  to  be  against  the  law  of  nature;  according 
to  which,  they  say,  all  men  are  born  free;  and  therefore  they  are  ministered  to 
in  all  things  by  freemen,  such  as  are  of  the  juniors  of  their  society.  Of  these 
some  being  chosen  for  every  ministration,  administer  therein  to  the  rest  all  man- 
ner of  help  and  service,  with  the  same  care  and  aifection  as  children  do  their 
parents.  These  serve  at  the  tables  with  their  garments  let  down  at  their  full 
length,  and  not  girded  up  about  them  after  the  manner  of  servants,  that  so  they 
may  appear  to  minister  as  freemen,  and  not  as  slaves.  At  these  feasts  they 
drink  no  wine,  but  only  pure  water;  those  of  the  elder  sort,  who  have  weak 
stomachs,  drink  it  warm,  all  the  rest  drink  it  cold.  They  eat  no  flesh,  their  re- 
pasVbeing,  as  on  other  days,^  only  bread,  salt,  and  hyssop.  They  abstain  from  wine, 
as  reckoning  it  to  be  a  sort  of  poison  that  leads  men  into  madness,  and  from  all 
plentiful  fare,  as  that  which  breeds  and  irritates  inordinate  and  beastly  appetites 
in  the  mind.  While  they  thus  sit  at  meal,  there  is  observed  a  most  exact  si- 
lence, none  making  the  least  noise;  and,  when  they  have  done  eating,  one  of 
them  proposeth  a  question  out  of  the  holy  writ,  which  another  answers,  im- 
parting what  he  knows  plainly,  without  affectation,  or  aiming  at  praise.  All  the 
rest  are  attentive  to  what  is  said,  signifying  only  by  signs,  expressed  by  the  mo- 
tions of  the  head  or  the  hand,  their  approbation  or  disapprobation  of  what  is 
delivered.  All  these  discourses  are  allegorical:  for  their  notion  is,  that  the 
scriptures  have  the  similitude  of  a  living  man,  which  consists  of  body  and  soul; 
the  literal  sense,  they  say,  resembles  the  body,  and  the  mystical  sense,  which 
lies  under  it,  the  soul;  and  in  that  the  life  of  the  whole  consists:  and  therefore 
their  study  is  to  find  out  a  mystical  sense  for  every  text  delivered  in  the  holy 
scriptures.  The  president  determines  when  enough  is  said,  and  whether  the 
question  be  fully  answered  or  not,  adding  what  he  thinks  proper  farther  to  dis- 
course of  on  the  point.  Whereon,  all  applauding  what  he  saith,  he  riseth  up, 
and  begins  a  hymn  in  the  praise  of  God,  composed  of  either  by  himself  or  some 
of  the  ancients  before  him;  and  all  the  rest  join  with  him  herein.  And  thus 
they  spend  the  afternoon  in  discoursing  of  divine  things,  and  in  singing  of 
psalms  and  hymns  till  supper  time,  and  then  the  waiters  bring  in,  for  their  sup- 
per, bread  and  salt,  and  hyssop,  as  before.  After  supper  is  over,  they  arise 
from  table,  and  then  dividing  themselves  into  two  companies,- one  of  the  men, 
and  the  other  of  the  women,  each  chooseth  their  precentor,  and  then  spend  the 
whole  night  following  in  singing  of  hymns  in  all  sorts  of  metre  and  music  to 
the  praise  of  God,  sometimes  alternately  in  parts,  and  sometimes  as  in  a  chorus 
all  together.  And  thus  they  continue  doing  till  the  morning  light;  on  the  ap- 
pearance of  which,  turning  their  faces  toward  the  rising  sun,  they  pray  unto 
God  to  give  them  a  happy  day  and  the  light  of  truth.  After  which,  breaking 
up  the  assembly,  they  all  return,  each  to  his  particular  apartment,  there  to  em- 
ploy themselves  either  in  contemplation  or  in  the  work  of  husbandry,  in  the 
same,  manner  as  before. 

What  Vlinj  saith  of  this  sect,  is  what  I  am  next  to  lay  before  the  reader. 
The  account  which  he  gives  of  them,  is  as  foUoweth.^  "  On  the  western  side 
of  the  Lake  Asphaltites  dwell  the  Essenes,  seating  themselves  inwardly  from  it 
to  avoid  the  shore  as  hurtful  to  them.  They  are  the  alone  sort  of  men,  and 
herein,  above  all  others  in  the  world,  to  be  admired,  that  live  without  women, 
■without  the  use  of  copulation,  without  money,  feeding  upon  the  fruit  of  the 
palm  tree.  They  are  daily  recruited  by  the  resort  of  new  comers  to  them,  in 
a  number  equal  to  those  they  lose,  many  flocking  to  them  whom  the  surges  of 
ill-fortune  having  made  weary  of  the  world,  to  drive  them  to  take  shelter  in 

1  Here  Philo  seems  again  to  Hyberbolize,  it  being  scarce  possible  to  support  nature  with  such  scanty  and 
mean  fare. 

2  PJjn,  lib.  5,  c.  17. 


236  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

their  institution  and  manner  of  life.  And  thus  for  several  thousands  of  years 
(it  is  incredible  to  be  said,)  this  people  is  perpetually  propagated  without  any 
being  born  among  them,  so  fruitful  and  prolific  unto  them  is  the  repentance  of 
others  as  to  their  lives  past." 

Thus  far  I  have  given  the  several  accounts  of  the  three  authors  above  men- 
tioned concerning  this  sect,  as  far  as  I  can  make  them  plainly  speak  in  the 
English  language.  Porphyry,  Eusebius,  Epiphanius,  and  several  others  of  the 
ancients,  have  also  spoken  of  them;  but  all  that  they  have  said  on  this  subject 
being  taken  out  of  one  of  these  three  authors,  who  are  the  ancientest  that  have 
written  hereof,  in  giving  these  three  I  give  all  the  rest.  And  I  have  inserted 
at  large  what  these  three  authors  say  of  this  sect,  not  only  that  a  full  view  may 
hereby  be  given  the  reader  of  this  very  extraordinary  order  of  men,  but  espe- 
cially, to  obviate  the  wrong  use  that  is  made  of  their  relations  concerning  them, 
first  by  the  Romanists,  and  secondly  by  the  Deists. 

I.  For,  first,  the  Romanists,  laying  hold  of  a  handle  offered  them  by  Euse- 
bius,^ from  the  account  given  by  Philo  of  the  contemplative  Essenes,  whom  he 
calls  TherapeuttE,  argue  from  thence,  that  they  were  Christian  monks  formed 
into  that  order  by  St.  Mark,  who  was  the  first  founder  of  the  Christian  church 
at  Alexandria,  and  from  hence  drew  an  argument  for  the  divine  institution  of 
monkism;  and  BeUarmine  and  Baronius,  two  of  the  greatest  champions  that 
have  written  in  their  cause,  go  in  hereto.  It  is  true  Eusebius  hath  said,  that 
these  Therapeutse  were  Christian  monks  instituted  by  St.  Mark;  and  so  he  hath 
said  many  other  things  without  judgment  or  truth.  And,  had  these  two  great 
men  been  free  from  the  interest  and  the  influence  of  the  party  they  wei-e  of, 
they  would  never  have  said  this  after  him.  In  other  particulars  they  are  for- 
ward enough  to  condemn  him,  especially  Baronius,"'  but,  for  the  sake  of  their 
beloved  monkery,  they  foUow  him  in  this,  which  is  the  absurdest  of  all.  What 
they  or  their  followers  say  of  this  matter  is  all  built  upon  what  Philo  hath  writ- 
ten of  his  Therapeutse  (for  no  one  else  hath  said  any  thing  of  this  sort  of  Esse- 
nes, but  he  only.  And  what  can  be  a  greater  confutation  of  the  whole  of  it  than 
the  very  words  of  Philo  concerning  them  which  are  all  above  recited?*  For  they 
manifestly  prove,  first,  that  these  Therapeutse  could  not  be  Christians,  and,  se- 
condly, that  they  were  most  certainly  Jews. 

And,  first,  they  manifestly  prove,  that  they  could  not  be  Christians;  for  they 
speak  of  these  Therapeutse  as  of  a  sect  of  long  standing  in  Egypt,  and  tell  us, 
they  had  hymns  and  writings  among  them  of  ancient  date,  composed  in  times 
of  old  by  such  as  were  principal  leaders  of  their  sect;  that  they  Avere  dispersed, 
not  only  through  all  the  provinces  of  Egypt,  but  also  among  the  Greeks  and 
Barbarians  all  the  world  over.  But  nothing  of  all  this  could  be  said  of  Chris- 
tian monks  when  Philo  wrote  that  book  wherein  he  treats  of  this  sect.'*  For, 
Philo  being  an  elderly  man  when  he  went  on  an  embassy  to  Rome  from  the 
Jews  of  Alexandria,*  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  39,  which  was  but  six  years  after 
Christ's  death,  it  is  most  likely  this  book  was  written  before  the  Christian  church 
was  erected,  or  at  most  within  ten  years  after;,  but  supposing  it  twenty,  yea, 
forty,  if  you  please,  this  would  be  too  shoi't  a  time  for  such  societies  of  Chris- 
tians to  be  formed  and  settled  in  such  regular  manner  as  Philo  describes,  not 
only  through  all  Egypt,  but  also  among  the  Greeks  and  Barbarians  all  the  world 
over,  that  is,  wherever  the  Jews  were  settled  in  their  dispersions  among  the  na- 
tions (for  this  is  all  that  can  be  meant  by  Philo.)  But,  supposing  this  possible, 
how  could  they  be  said  to  have  hymns  and  writings  composed  by  ancient  lead- 
ers of  their  sect,  when  their  sect  itself  was  not  above  ten,  or  twenty,  or  at  most 
forty  years  standing;  and  their  rigorous  observance  of  the  seventh  day  farther 

1  Hist.  Eccles.  lib.  2.  c.  17. 

2  Baronius  saith  of  Eusebius,  more  than  once,  that  he  was  "  tomporum  eversor,  calumniator  malitiosus, 
profnsus  adulator,"  and  other  such  epithets  he  often  bestows  upon  him,  and  often  not  without  cause. 

3  The  words  of  I'llilo  arc,  Etti  J.  xuro.,-  <ru>-ypx/«/«xTX  rroiK-xi^u  at'Sfjiv  01  T>i,-  aipto-Ecus  apxiy"'"  yivo/tivoij&C. 

4  That  is,  his  book  de  Vita  Contemplativa. 

5  Of  this  embassy,  see  Philo's  book  de  Legal,  ad  Caiuni  Imperatorum  Romanum. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  237 

proveth  that  they  could  not  be  Christians;  for  the  Christian  weekly  day  of  wor- 
ship is  the  first  day  of  the  week,  and  not  the  seventh.  And  the  Christian  doc- 
trine enjoineth  no  such  superstitious  rigour,  as  that  wherewith  these  men  ob- 
served that  day.  For  Christ  himself  condemned  it,  telling  us,  that  man  was 
not  made  for  the  sabbath,  but  the  sabbath  for  man,'  that  is,  for  his  benefit;  first, 
in  easing  him  on  that  day  from  his  labour  and  toil  after  the  things  of  this  world; 
and,  secondly,  in  giving  him  a  fit  time  thereby  to  take  care  of  his  interest  in 
the  world  to  come,  in  worshipping  his  God,  and  performing  all  the  other 
duties  of  religion  toward  him,  which  may  recommend  him  to  his  mercy» 
and  favour. 

2.  And  therefore,  secondly,  that  these  Therapeutoe  observed  the  seventh  day, 
and  with  such  superstitious  rigour  as  Philo  describes,  this  manifestly  proves, 
that  they  were  of  the  Jewish  religion;  and  Philo  plainly  tells  us  as  much,  in  that 
he  saith  of  them,  that  they  were  the  disciples  of  Moses  (for  so  he  calls  them  in 
his  introduction  to  those  words  of  his,  of  which  I  have  above  given  an  abstract;) 
and  there  also  he  saith  of  them,  that  they  observed  their  festivals,  and  formed 
their  rules  for  the  celebration  of  them  according  to  Moses'  institution.  This 
therefore  was  none  other  than  a  Jewish  sort  of  raonkism:  for  Christian  monkism 
had  not  its  being  till  many  years  after:  for, — 

It  had  its  beginning  about  the  year  of  our  Lord  250:  then  Paul,^  a  young  gen- 
tleman of  the  country  of  Thebais  in  Egypt,  to  avoid  the  Decian  persecution, 
fled  into  the  adjoining  desert;  and  fixing  his  abode  in  a  cave,  there  first  of  all 
Christians  began  the  practice  of  an  ascetic  life,  in  which  he  continued  ninety 
years,  being  of  the  age  of  one  hundred  and  thirteen  at  the  time  of  his  death. 
About  twenty  years  after  his  thus  retiring  to  this  place  (he  being  by  that  time 
grown  very  famous  for  the  religious  and  hermitical  sort  of  life  which  he  had 
thus  addicted  himself  to,)  Antony,  another  young  gentleman  of  the  same  pro- 
vince, being  excited  by  the  fame  hereof  to  follow  his  example,  retired  into  the 
same  desert,  and  there  devoted  himself  to  the  like  course  of  life.  And  many 
others,  after  a  while,  out  of  the  like  zeal  of  devotion,  retiring  to  him,  he  formed 
them  into  a  body;  and,  becoming  their  abbot,  he  prescribed  them  a  rule,  and 
governed  them  by  it  many  years;  for  he  lived  to  a  very  great  age.  And,  from 
this  beginning,  all  the  monkism  of  the  Christian  world  had  its  original.  For 
Christ  and  his  apostles  never  prescribed  any  such  thing,  neither  is  it  consistent 
with  the  religion  they  taught.  God  never  made  any  of  us  for  lazy  and  useless 
contemplation  only.  His  providence  is  over  all  his  works,  and  every  one  of  us 
are  bound,  as  far  as  we  are  able,  to  be  the  instruments  thereof,  in  bearing  each 
his  part  for  the  support  of  the  whole  in  that  station  of  life,  whatever  it  be,  which 
God  hath  called  us  unto.  And  for  every  man  to  do  his  duty  in  this  station  of 
life,  with  the  best  of  his  power,  for  the  honour  of  God  and  the  good  of  his  neigh- 
bour, with  faith  in  Christ  for  the  reward  of  his  faithfulness  and  diligence  herein, 
is  the  sum  of  Christian  religion.  And  whoever  is  thus  diligent  and  faithful  in 
his  honest  calling,  how  mean  soever  it  be,  is,  by  so  doing,  as  much  serving  God, 
as  when  at  his  prayers,  provided  that,  while  he  doth  the  one,  he  do  not  leave 
the  other  undone. 

II.  Another  wrong  use  of  the  words  of  those  three  authors  above  recited,  is 
made  by  the  infidel  Deists  of  our  time.  They  pretend  to  find  in  them  an 
agreement  between  the  Christian  religion,  and  the  documents  of  the  Essenes; 
and  therefore  would  infer,  that  Christ  and  his  followers  were  no  other  than  a 
sect  branched  out  from  that  of  the  Essenes.  And  for  these  chiefly  it  is,  that  I 
have  given  at  large  all  that  these  three  authors  have  written  of  that  sect;  which 
is  all  that  is  authenticafly  said  of  them.  And  let  these  infidels  make  the  most 
of  it  that  they  can.  Though  they  search  all  these  accounts  of  this  sect  through 
to  the  utmost,  can  any  of  the  proper  doctrines  of  Christianity  be  found  in  any 
part  of  them?     Is  there  any  thing  in  them  of  the  two  Christian  sacraments.''  Is 

1  Matt.  xii.  1—13.     Mark  ii.  27.    See  also  Luke  vi.  1—10.  xiii,  15,  16.    John  vii.  22,  23. 

2  Hieronymus  in  Vita  Pauli. 


238  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

there  any  thing  of  the  redemption  of  the  world  by  the  Messiah,  or  of  the  erect- 
ing of  his  spiritual  kingdom  here  on  earth?  Or  were  any  of  the  peculiar  docu- 
ments or  usages  of  that  sect  ever  ingrafted  into  Christianity?  The  common  ta- 
bles, I  confess,  which  were  at  first  set  up  by  the  apostles,  bear  some  resemblance 
to  those  of  the  Essenes.  But  this  was  never  made  a  law  of  the  Christian  reli- 
gion, as  it  was  of  the  sect  of  the  Essenes,  or  ever  as  much  as  recommended  by 
it;  only  it  was  pi-actised  for  a  short  while  in  the  first  gatherings  of  the  Christian 
church;  but  when  it  increased  and  grew  up,  this  usage  was  dropped,  and  wholly 
discontinued,  as  being  no  longer  practicable.  In  those  moral  duties  which  the 
Essenes  practised  and  taught,  they  there  indeed  agree  with  Christians,  and  so 
do  all  other  religions,  as  far  as  they  agree  with  the  law  of  nature.  Many  of  the 
heathens  carried  the  observance  of  all  the  moral  duties  which  Christianity  pre- 
scribes much  higher  than  the  Essenes  did;  and  this  not  only  in  speculation  and 
precept,  but  also  in  practice,  and  thereby  made  a  much  nearer  agreement  with 
Christianity  than  any  of  that  sect  ever  did.  And  who,  therefore,  will  ever  say, 
that  Christianity  is  a  religion  made  out  of  heathenism?  Our  holy  Christian  pro- 
fession is  so  far  from  having  any  of  the  documents  or  institutions  of  the  Essenes 
in  it,  that  almost  all  that  is  peculiar  ift  that  sect  is  condemned  by  Christ  and  his 
apostles.  For  almost  all  that  is  peculiar  in  them  being  only  in  a  higher  degree 
the  same  things  which  they  condemned  in  the  Pharisees,  who  practised  them 
in  a  lower  degree,  in  that  they  were  condemned  where  they  were  in  a  lower 
degree,  they  are  certainly  much  more  so,  where  they  were  in  a  higher.  Such 
were  their  superstitious  washings,'  their  over  rigorous  observance  of  the  sabbath,^ 
their  abstaining  from  meats  which  God  had  created  for  man's  use,^  their  touch 
not,  taste  not,  handle  not;"  their  will-worship  in  their  neglecting,  and  voluntarily 
afflicting  the  body,"  and  other  like  superstitious  usages  which  God  never  required 
of  them.  Moreover,  contrary  to  the  law  of  Christianity,"  they  forbade  marriage, 
which  God  had  ordained  from  the  beginning,  and  absolutely  condemned  servi- 
tude, which  the  holy  scriptures  of  the  New  Testament,'  as  well  as  the  Old,  allow. 
And  they  denied  the  resurrection  of  the  body,  in  which  the  main  of  the  Chris- 
tian hope  consists;  and  absurdly  place  the  felicity  of  a  future  life  in  the  corporal 
enjoyments  of  a  temperate  air  in  regions  beyond  the  western  ocean,  where  they 
allow  the  soul  no  body  at  all  to  be  clothed  with,  for  the  partaking  of  them.  And 
farther,  they  pin  down  all  men,  both  good  and  bad,  to  a  fatal  necessity  in  all  their 
actions;  which  digs  up  the  very  foundations  of  all  religion  and  righteousness 
among  mankind.  For,  if  all  men  be  necessarily  predetermined  to  all  their  ac- 
tions, whether  good  or  evil,  by  an  unalterable  and  irresistible  fate,  there  can  then 
be  no  merit,  nor  demerit,  nor  reason  for  any  endeavour  at  all,  either  after  reli- 
gion or  righteousness  among  mankind.  And  when  the  institutions  of  this  sect 
carry  with  them  so  great  a  distance  and  disparity  from  those  of  Christ  and  his 
apostles,  what  argument  of  similitude  between  them  can  possibly  be  framed,  for 
the  proving  of  the  one  to  be  the  parent  of  the  other? 

I  must  not  omit  to  acknowledge,  that  there  is  another  piece  of  Philo's  con- 
cerning those  Essenes.  It  is  a  part  of  his  apology  for  the  Jews,  which  he  com- 
posed with  intent  to  have  delivered  it  at  his  audience  of  Caligula,  on  his  em- 
bassy to  him  from  the  Jews  of  Alexandria,  would  he  have  heard  him.  This 
tract  of  Philo's  is  not  now  among  his  works,  it  being  all  lost  excepting  one  frag- 
ment of  it,  preserved  by  Eusebius,  in  his  eighth  book  de  Preparatione  Evan- 
gelica,  cap.  11.  And  this  is  that  piece  which  I  mean;  but  it  containing  nothing 
but  what  is  to  be  found  in  the  other  accounts  of  this  sect  above  recited,  I  have 
avoided  the  inserting  of  it,  that  I  might  not  tire  the  reader  with  an  unnecessary 
repetition,  to  whom  I  fear  I  have  already  been  too  tiresome  in  this  matter. 

There  was  another  sect  among  the  Jews,  called  the  Herodians.  This,  indeed, 
had  its  date  long  after  the  times  which  I  am  now  upon,  as  having  its  rise  from 

1  Malt,  xxiii.  25      Mark.  vii.  1—13.     Luke  xi.  38,  39. 

2  Matt.  xii.  1  —  13.     Mark  ii.  '2.',— 28.     Luke  vi.  1—10.  xiii.  10—17.  3  1  Tim.  iv.  3,  4. 
4  Coloss.  ii.2l.                           5  Ibid. 22,  23.                     6  1Tim.iv.  3.                     7  Philemon  9— 21. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  039 

Herod,  king  of  Judea,  called  Herod  the  Great;  but  having  been  more  than  once 
made  mention  of  in  the  gospels,'  it  is  not  to  be  omitted.  And  since  I  have  here 
undertaken  to  give  an  account  of  all  the  other  sects  of  the  Jews,  I  think  it  pro- 
per here  to  place  an  account  of  this  also.  It  is  not  to  be  doubted  but  that  they 
had  this  name  from  Herod  the  Great,  but  for  what  reason,  that  is  a  question. 
Some  say  it  was,  because  they  held  Herod  to  be  the  Messiah:  so  Tertullian,  so 
Epiphanius,  so  Jerome,  so  Chrysostom,  so  Theophylact,  and  so  several  others 
of  the  ancients  held.  But  it  is  very  improbable  that  any  Jew  should,  in  the 
time  of  our  Saviour's  ministry,  above  thirty  years  after  the  death  of  Herod,  hold 
him  to  have  been  the  Messiah,  when  they  had  found  no  one  of  those  particu- 
lars which  they  expected  from  the  Messiah,  performed  by  him,  but  rather  every 
thing  quite  the  contrary.  Others  hold  that  they  were  called  Herodians,  because 
they  constituted  a  sodality  erected  in  the  honour  of  Herod,  in  the  same  man- 
ner as  there  were  sodalities  at  Rome,  called  Augustales,  Adrianales,  Antonini, 
constituted  in  the  honour  of  Augustus,  Adrian,  and  Antoninus,  and  the  like  of 
other  Roman  emperors  after  their  death.  And  this  is  the  opinion  of  Scaliger,'' 
and  those  that  follow  hira;^  but  none  of  the  sodalities  at  Rome  having  been  in- 
stituted till  long  after  the  death  of  Herod,  none  such  could  have  been  instituted 
in  honour  of  Herod,  in  imitation  of  them.  The  earliest  of  these  sodalities, 
and  the  first  of  this  kind  that  we  any  where  meet  with,''  were  the  Sodales  Au- 
gustales. But  these  not  being  instituted  till  after  Augustus's  death,  which  hap- 
pened several  years  after  Herod's,  this  could  give  no  pattern  nor  foundation  for 
the  like  to  be  instituted  in  honour  of  Herod,  either  in  his  lifetime,  or  upon  his 
death,  since  he  died  many  years  before.  By  what  is  mentioned  of  these  Hero- 
djans  in  the  gospels,  they  seem  plainly  to  have  been  a  sect  among  the  Jews, 
differing  from  the  rest  in  some  points  of  their  law  and  religion.  For  they  are 
there  named  with  the  Pharisees,  and  in  contradistinction  from  them;  and  there- 
fore must  have  been  a  sect  in  the  same  manner  as  the  Pharisees  Avere.  And 
they  are  also  said  to  have  a  peculiar  leaven,  as  the  Pharisees  had,  that  is,  some 
false  and  evil  tenets,  which  soured  and  corrupted  the  whole  lump  wath  which  it 
was  mingled;  and  therefore  Christ  equally  warned  his  disciples  against  both. 
And  since  he  calleth  it  the  leaven  of  Herod,*  this  argues  that  Herod  was  the 
author  of  it;  that  is,  of  those  evil  tenets  which  constituted  this  sect,  and  dis- 
tinguished it  from  the  other  sects  of  the  Jews;  and  that  his  followers,  imbibing^ 
those  tenets  from  him,  were,  for  this  reason,  called  Herodians.  And  these  be- 
ing chiefly  of  his  courtiers,  and  the  officers  and  servants  of  his  palace,  and  those 
that  were  descended  from  them,  hence  the  Syriac  version,  wherever  the  word 
Herodians  occurs  in  the  original,  renders  it  the  domestics  of  Herod.  And  that 
version  having  been  made  very  early,  for  the  use  of  the  church  of  Antiocb, 
the  authors  of  it  were  the  nearest  those  times  in  which  this  sect  had  its  begin- 
ning, and  therefore  had  the  best  means  of  knowing  who  they  were.  Thus  far, 
therefore,  having  shown  that  these  Herodians  were  a  sect  of  the  Jews,  that  had 
its  original  from  Herod  the  Great,  it  is  next  to  be  inquired  into,  Avhat  were  the 
tenets  whereby  it  was  distinguished.  The  only  way  to  find  this  out,  is  to  ex- 
amine in  M'^hat  particulars  the  founder  of  it  differed  from  the  rest  of  the  Jews. 
For,  no  doubt,  the  same  were  the  particulars  in  which  these  his  followers  differed 
from  them  also,  an'd  thereby  constituted  this  sect;  and  they  will  appear  to  have 
been  these  two  following.  The  first,  in  subjecting  himself  and  his  people  to 
the  dominion  of  the  Romans;  and,  secondly,  in  complying  with  them  in  many 
of  their  heathen  usages:  for  both  these  particulars  Herod  held  lawful,  and  ac- 

1  Matt.  xxii.  16.    Mark  iii.  6.  viii.  15.  xii.  13. 

2  In  Animadversionibiis  ad  Eusebii  Clironologica.  No.  J882. 

3  Casauhoni  Exercitatinnes  in  Prolegomenis  ad  Exercitationes  Baronii. 

4  The  Sodales  Titii  which  Tacitus  makes  mention  of  were  of  another  kind;  for  he  saith  (Annal.  lib.  1.  cap. 
54,)  that  they  were  instituted  by  Tatius  retinendis  Sabinorum  Sacris.  In  another  place  (Hist.  lib.  2.  cap.  95.) 
he  indeed  contradicts  himself  in  this  matter,  for  he  there  saith,  that  Romulus  instituted  them  in  honour  of 
Tatius:  but  his  contradiction  in  this  place,  to  what  he  said  in  the  other,  destroys  his  authority  in  both  as  to 
this  particular.  But  however  this  might  be,  both  Romulus  and  Tatius  were  at  too  great  a  distance  of  time 
to  be  within  the  \'ievv  of  the  Jews  for  their  iiuitation  in  this  matter. 

5  Mark.  viii.  3. 


240  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

cordingly  practised  them.  And,  therefore,  these  I  take  to  have  been  the  tenets 
and  opinions  in  which  these  Herodians,  his  followers,  differed  from  the  other 
Jews,  and  thereby  constituted  this  sect,  which,  from  him,  was  called  by  that 
name.  It  being  said  (Deut.  xvi-i.  15,)  "  One  from  among  thy  brethren  shalt  thou 
set  king  over  thee;  thou  mayest  not  set  a  stranger  over  thee,  which  is  not  thy 
brother:"  hence  an  opinion  arose,  which  was  generally  embraced  by  the  Phari- 
sees, that  it  Avas  not  lawful  to  submit  to  the  Roman  emperor,  or  pay  taxes  unto 
him;  but  Herod  and  his  followers,  understanding  the  text  to  exclude  only  a 
voluntary  choice,  and  not  a  necessary  submission,  where  force  hath  overpowered 
choice,  were  of  a  contrary  opinion,  and  held  it  lawful,  in  this  case,  both  to  sub- 
mit to  the  Roman  emperor,  and  also  pay  taxes  to  him.  And,  therefore,  the 
Pharisees  and  the  Herodians,  being  of  opinion  in  this  matter  quite  contrary  to 
each  other,  those  that  laid  snares  for  Christ,  and  sought  an  occasion  against  him, 
sent  the  disciples  of  both  these  sects  at  the  same  time  together,  to  propose  this 
captious  question  to  them,^  "Is  it  lawful  to  give  tribute  unto  Cassar,  or  no?" 
thinking,  which  way  soever  he  should  answer,  to  bring  him  into  danger.  For, 
should  he  answer  in  the  negative,  the  Herodians  were  there  ready  to  accuse 
him  of  being  an  enemy  to  Caesar;  and,  should  he  answ^er  in  the  affirmative,  the 
Pharisees  were  as  ready,  on  the  other  hand,  to  accuse  him  to  the  people,  and 
excite  them  against  him,  as  an  enemy  to  their  rights,  they  having  possessed  them 
with  their  notion  against  paying  taxes  to  any  foreign  power;  but  Christ,  know- 
ing their  wicked  intentions,  gave  such  an  answer  as  baffled  the  malice  of  both 
of  them.  However,  the  answer  then  given  implying  a  justification  of  the  doc- 
trine of  the  Herodians  in  that  point,  that  could  not  be  the  leaven  of  Herod 
which  Christ  warned  his  disciples  against;  and,  therefore,  that  must  be  their 
second  tenet,  that  it  was  lawful,  when  forced  and  overpowered  by  superiors,  to 
comply  with  them  in  idolatrous  and  wrong  practices  of  religion.  This  Herod 
did,  and  he  seems  to  have  framed  this  sect  on  purpose  to  justify  him  herein. 
For,  Josephus  tells  us,'^  that  to  ingratiate  himself  with  Augustus  and  the  great 
men  of  Rome,  he  in  many  things  acted  contrary  to  the  law  and  the  religion  of 
the  Jews,  building  temples,  and  erecting  images  in  them  for  idolatrous  worship; 
and  for  this  he  excused  himself  to  the  Jews,^  telling  them,  that  he  did  not  do 
it  willingly,  but  as  commanded  and  forced  to  it  by  powers  whom  he  was  neces- 
sitated to  obey,  thinking  this  sufficient  to  excuse  him  from  guilt.  And,  for  this 
reason,  we  find  him  sometimes  called  a  half  Jew;  and  such  half  Jews,  I  con- 
ceive, were  the  Herodians,  his  followers,  professing  the  Jewish  religion,  and  at 
the  same  time,  on  occasions,  complying  with  the  idolatrous  heathens,  and  be- 
coming occasional  conformists  to  them.  The  Sadducees,  who  denied  a  future 
state,  did  mostly  come  into  the  opinions  of  this  sect;  and,  therefore,  they  are 
reckoned  one  and  the  same  with  them.  For  the  same  persons  who,  in  one  of 
the  gospels,  are  called  Herodians,*  are  called  Sadducees  in  another.  But  this 
sect,  after  our  Saviour's  time,  vanished,  and  was  no  more  heard  of.  And,  thus 
far  having  given  this  long;  account  of  all  the  sects  of  the  Jews,  I  shall  here  with, 
it  conclude  this  book. 

I  Matt.  xxii.  17.  2  Antiq.  lib.  15.  c.  12.  3  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  c.  12. 

4  See  Matt.  xvi.  6.    Mark  viii.  15.  and  compare  them  together.  • 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  241 


BOOK  VI. 

i^n.  107.  Aristobulus.'] — Hyrcanus,  at  his  death,  left  five  sons  behind  him,' 
the  first  Aristobulus,  the  second  Antigonus,  the  third  Alexander,  and  the  fifth 
Absolom;'^  what  was  the  name  of  the  fourth  is  no  where  said,  Aristobulus,'  as 
being  the  eldest,  succeeded  his  father  both  in  the  office  of  high-priest,  and  also 
in  that  of  supreme  governor  of  the  country;  and  as  soon  as  he  was  settled  in 
Ihcm;  he  put  a  diadem  upon  his  head,  and  assumed  the  title  of  king;  and  he 
was  the  first  that  did  so  in  that  land  since  the  Babylonish  captivity.  His  mo- 
ther, by  virtue  of  Hyrcanus's  will,  claimed  a  right  to  the  sovereignty  after  his 
death,  but  Aristobulus,  having  overpowered  her,  cast  her  into  prison,  and  there 
starved  her  to  death.  As  to  his  brothers,  Antigonus  the  eldest  of  them  being 
much  in  his  favour  and  affection,  he  at  first  shared  the  government  with  him, 
but  afterward  put  him  to  death,  in  the  manner  as  will  by  and  by  be  related, 
the  other  three  he  shut  up  in  prison,  and  there  kept  them  as  long  as  he  lived. 

Ptolemy  Lathyrus,  king  of  Egypt,  having  incurred  his  mother's  displeasure, 
for  sending  an  army  into  Palestine  against  the  Jews,  contrary  to  her  mind,  as 
hath  been  above  related,''  she  carried  it  on  so  far  against  him,  for  this  and  some 
other  like  attempts  which  he  had  made  of  reigning  without  her,  that,  having 
first  taken  Selene  his  wife  from  him  (by  whom  he  had  now  two  sons,)*  she 
drove  him  out  of  the  kingdom.  For  the  accomplishing  of  this  she  caused  some 
of  her  favourite  enuchs  to  be  wounded,  and  then  bringing  them  out  into  the 
public  assembly  of  the  Alexandrians,  there  pretended,  that  they  had  suffered 
■  this  from  Lathyrus  in  defence  of  her  person  against  him,  and  thereon  accused 
him  of  having  made  an  attempt  upon  her  life;  whereby  she  so  far  incensed  the 
people,  that  they  rose  in  a  general  uproar  against  him,  and  would  have  torn 
him  in  pieces,  but  that  he  fled  for  his  life,  and,  having  gotten  on  board  a  ship 
in  the  harbour,  therein  made  his  escape  from  their  fury.  Hereon  Cleopatra 
called  to  her  Alexander  her  younger  son,  who  for  some  years  past  had  reigned 
in  Cyprus;  and,  having  made  him  king  of  Egypt  in  the  room  of  Lathyrus, 
forced  Lathyrus  to  be  content  with  Cyprus  on  Alexander's  leaving  of  it. 

An.  106.  Aristobulus. ^^ — Asristobulus,  as  soon  as  he  had  settled  himself  at 
home  in  the  full  possession  of  his  father's  authority,^  made  war  upon  the  Itu- 
rceans,  and,  having  subdued  the  greatest  part  of  them,  forced  them  to  become 
proselytes  to  the  Jewish  religion,  in  like  manner  as  Hyrcanus,  some  time  be- 
fore, had  forced  the  Idumjeans  to  do  the  same  thing.  For  he  left  them  no  other 
choice,  but  either  to  be  circumcised  and  embrace  the  Jewish  religion,  or  else 
leave  their  country  and  seek  out  for  themselves  new  habitations  elsewhere; 
whereon,  having  chosen  the  former,  they  became  ingrafted  at  the  same  time 
into  the  Jewish  religion,  as  well  as  the  Jewish  state;  and  in  this  manner  the 
Asmonfean  princes  dealt  with  all  those  whom  they  conquered.  Itursea,'  the 
country  where  these  people  dwelt,  was  part  of  Coele-Syria,  bordering  upon  the 
north-eastern  part  of  the  land  of  Israel,  as  lying  between  the  inheritance  of  the 
half  tribe  of  Manasseh  beyond  Jordan,  and  the  territories  of  Damascus.  It  was 
called  Itursea,  from  Itur,*  one  of  the  sons  of  Ishmael,  who,  in  our  English  ver- 
sion, is  wrongly  called  Jetur,  This  country  is  the  same  which  is  sometimes 
called  Auronitis.  As  Iduma^a  lay  at  one  end  of  the  land  of  Israel,  so  Ituraea  lay 
at  the  other;  and  thus  much  it  is  necessary  to  say,  because  by  reason  of  some 
similitude  of  the  names,  the  one  hath  been  mistaken  for  the  other.  Philip,  one 
of  the  sons  of  Herod,"  was  tetrarch  or  prince  of  this  country,  when  John  the 
Baptist  first  entered  on  his  ministry. 

Aristobulus,  returning  sick  to  Jerusalem  from  Itursa,  left  Antigonus  his  bro- 

i  Joseph.  Antiu-  lib.  13.  c  19.       2  Ibid.  lib.  14.  c.  8.        3  Ibid.  lib.  13.  c.  19.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  I.e.  3. 

4  Justin,  lib.  39.  c.  4.     Pausanias  in  Atlicis.     Porphyrins  in  Graecis  Euseb.  Pcaligeri,  p.  00. 

5  These  his  two  sons  died  before  llim,  for  he  had  no  legitimate  male  issue  at  his  death. 

6  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  19.  7  Videas  Relandi  Palcstinani,  lib.  1.  c.  22. 
8  Gen.  xxv.  15.    1  Chron.  i.  31.  9  Luke  iii.  1. 

Vol.  II.— 31 


342  CONNEXION  OF  THE  fflSTORY  OF 

ther  there  with  an  army,  to  finish  the  war  which  he  had  begun  In  that  country. 
While  he  lay  ill,'  his  queen  and  the  courtiers  of  her  party,  envying  the  interest 
which  Antigonus  had  with  him,  were  continually  buzzing  into  his  ears  stories 
for  the  exciting  in  him  a  jealousy  of  this  his  favourite  brother.  Not  long  after 
Antigonus,  having  finished  the  war  in  Itursea  with  success,  returned  in  triumph 
to  Jerusalem;  and  the  feast  of  tabernacles  being  then  celebrating,  he  went  im- 
mediately up  to  the  temple,  there  to  perform  his  devotions  on  that  holy  time, 
with  his  armour  on,  and  his  armed  guards  about  him,  in  the  same  manner  as  he 
entered  the  city,  without  stopping  any  where  to  alter  his  dress.  Aristobulus, 
then  lying  sick  in  his  palace  Baris,  adjoining  to  the  temple,  had  immediately 
an  account  given  him  hereof,  for  the  firing  of  his  jealousy  against  his  brother; 
and  it  was  warmly  represented  to  him,  that  it  was  time  for  him  to  look  to  him- 
self: for  certainly,  they  said,  Antigonus  would  not  ha,ve  come  in  this  manner 
armed,  and  with  his  armed  guards  about  him,  had  he  not  some  ill  designs  to 
execute  against  him.  Aristobulus,  being  moved  hereby,  sent  orders  to  Antigo- 
nus to  put  off  his  armour,  and  immediately  come  to  him,  concluding,  that  if  he 
came  unarmed,  according  to  his  ordei^s,  there  was  no  hurt  intended,  but,  if 
otherwise,  he  had  certainly  some  design  of  mischief  against  him.  And  there- 
fore, placing  his  guards  in  the  passage  through,  which  his  brother  was  to  pass 
into  the  palace  to  come  to  him,  gave  them  orders,  that  if  he  came  unarmed, 
they  should  let  him  safely  pass,  but,  if  otherwise,  they  should  fall  upon  him  and 
slay  him.  This  passage  through  which  he  was  to  pass  was  a  subterraneous  gal- 
lery" which  Hyrcanus  had  caused  to  be  made  when  he  built  that  palace,  leading 
from  thence  into  the  temple,  that  thereby  he  might  always  have,  on  all  occa- 
sions, a  ready  communication  with  it.  The  messenger  that  was  sent  to  Anti- 
gonus, instead  of  bidding  him  come  unarmed  as  directed,  delivered  quite  a 
contrary  message:  for,  being  corrupted  by  the  queen  and  her  party,  he  told 
Antigonus,  that  the  king  hearing  that  he  had  a  very  fine  suit  of  armour  on,  de- 
sired he  would  come  to  him  as  then  armed  Avith  it,  that  he  might  see  how  it  be- 
came him.  Antigonus,  on  his  receiving  this  message,  immediately  passed 
through  the  gallery  above  mentioned  to  go  to  the  king,  and,  when,  he  came  to 
the  place  where  the  guards  were  posted,  they,  finding  him  armed,  fell  upon 
him  according  to  their  orders^  and  slew  him.  This  fact  was  no.  sooner  done, 
but  Aristobulus  most  grievously  repented  of  it.  And  this  murder  bringing  into 
his  mind  the  murder  of  his  mother,  his  conscience  flew  him  in  the  face  at  the 
same  time  for  botli;  and  the  anxiety  of  his  thoughts  hereon  increasing  his  dis- 
ease, brought  him  to  the  vomiting  of  blood.  While  a  servant  was  carrying  away 
the  vomited  blood  in  a  basin,  he  happened  to  stumble  and  spill  it  upon  the 
place  where  Antigonus's  blood  had  been  shed.  At  this,  all  that  were  present 
made  an  outciy,  apprehending  it  to  be  done  on  purpose.  Aristobulus  hearing 
the  noise,  inquired  what  was  the  matter:  and  finding  all  about  him  shy  of  tellr 
ing  him,  the  more  they  were  so,  the  more  earnest  he  was  to  know  it,  till  at 
length  they  were  forced  to  acquaint  him  with  the  whole  that  had  happened: 
whereon  a  grievous  remorse  seized  him  all  over,  and  his  conscience  extorted 
from  him  bitter  accusations  against  himself  for  both  these  facts:  and,  in  the 
agony  which  he  suffered  herefrom,  he  gave  up  the  ghost  and  died,  having 
reigned  only  one  whole  year.  And  such  miserable  exits  do  mostly  such  wicked 
men  make,  which  are  terrible  enough  to  deter  all  such  from  their  iniquities, 
though  there  were  no  such  things  as  the  torments  of  hell  to  punish  them  after- 
ward for  ever  for  the  guilt  of  them. 

Josephus^  tells  us  a  very  remarkable  story  of  one  Judas,  an  Essene,  relating 
to  the  murder  of  Antigonus.  This  man,  seeing  Antigonus  come  into  the  tem- 
ple, as  above  mentioned,  fell  into  a  great  passion  thereat,  and  made  more  than 
ordinary  expressions  of  it,  both  in  word  and  behaviour;  for  he  had  foretold,  that 

1  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  W.  c.  19.  et  ile  Rello  Jiidaico,  lib.  1.  r.  3. 

2  This  was  afterward  repaired  by  Herod)  set;  .loseph.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  c.  14,)  but  was  first  built  by  Hyrcanus, 
SB  appe^ar.'!  by  this  u.seolit. 

3  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  19.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  3. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  ^13 

Antigonus  should  be  slain  that  day  at  Straton's  Tower.  Now,  taking  Straton's 
Tower  to  be  the  town  on  the  sea-coast  then  so  named,  but  afterward  called  Cse- 
sarea,  which  was  lull  two  days'  journey  from  Jerusalem,  bethought  his  prophecy 
was  defeated,  and  could  not  possibly  be  fuLfilled  that  day,  the  major  part  of  it 
being  then  past,  and  the  place  at  so  great  a  distance;  and  therefore  he  expressed 
hereon  the  like  impatience  as  Jonah  did  on  the  failing  of  his  prophecy  against 
Nineveh.  But  while  he  was  in  th^is  agony  and  perplexity  of  mind,  exclaiming 
against  truth  itself  in  his  being  thus  deceived,  and  wishing  his  death  because 
hereof,  came  news  that  Antigonus  was  slain  in  that  part  of  the  subterraneous 
gallery  above  mentioned,  which  was  just  under  that  turret  or  tower  of  the  pa- 
lace which  was  called  Straton's  Tower.  Whereon  the  Essene,  finding  his  pre- 
diction fulfilled  in  the  lamentable  murder  of  this  prince,  both  as  to  the  time  and 
place,  rejoiced  in  the  comfort  and  satisfaction  of  having  his  prophecy  verified, 
at  the  same  time  when  all  else  were  grieved  at  it. 

Aristobulus'  was  a  great  favourer  of  the  Greeks,  for  which  reason  he  was 
called  Philellen,  and  tlie  Greeks  as  much  favoured  him.  For  Timagenes,  an 
historian  of  theirs,  wrote  of  him,  as  Joseph  us  tell  us  out  of  Strabo,  "that  he 
was  a  prince  of  equity,  and  had  in  many  things  been  very  beneficial  to  the 
Jews,  in  that  he  augmented  their  territories,  and  ingrafted  into  the  Jewish  state 
part  of  the  nation  of  the  Ituraeans,  binding  them  to  it  by  the  bond  of  circum- 
cision."    But  his  actions  above  described  give  him  another  sort  of  character. 

As  soon  as  Aristobulus  was  dead,  Salome''  his  wife  discharged  the  three  bro- 
thers out  of  .prison,  and  Alexander,  surnamed  Jannseus,  who  was  the  eldest  of 
them,  took  the  kingdom.  His  next  brother  having  made  some  attempt  to  sup- 
plant him,  he  caused  him  to  be  put  to  death;  but  the  other,  named  Absolom, 
being  contented  to  live  quietly  a  private  life  under  him,  had  his  favour  and  pro- 
tection as  long  as  he  lived,  so  that  after  this  we  hear  no  more  of  him  save  only 
that,  having  married  his  daughter  to  Aristobulus,''  the  younger  son  of  Alexan- 
der, his  brother,  he  engaged  in  his  cause  against  the  Romans,  and  was  made  a 
prisoner  by  them  on  their  taking  the  temple,  under  the  command  of  Pompey, 
forty-two  years  after  this  time. 

At  this  time,  in  Syria,  the  two  brothers,'*  Antiochus  Grypus  and  Antiochus 
Cyzicenus,  one  reigning  at  Antioch,  and  the  other  at  Damascus,  harassed  each 
other  with  continued  wars-,  of  which  advantage  being  taken  by  some  cities  which 
had  formerly  been  parts  of  the  Syrian  empire,  they  asserted  themselves  into 
liberty,  as  Tyre,  Sidon,  Ptolemais,  Gaza,  and  others;  and  tyrants  took  possession 
of  some  others  of  them,  as  Theodorus  of  Gadara  and  Amathus  beyond  Jordan, 
Zoilus  of  Dora  and  Straton's  Tower,  and  others  of  other  places.  At  the  same 
time,  Cleopatra  and  Alexand^er,  her  younger  son,  were  in  possession  of  Egypt, 
and  Ptolemy  Lathyrus,  her  eldest  son,  held  Cyprus;  and  in  this  statQ,  were  the 
affairs  of  the  neighbouring  countries  when  Alexander  Jannseus  first  became 
king  of  Judea. 

This  year  was  famous  for  the  birth  of  two  noble  Romans,  Cneius  Pompeius 
Magnus,^  and  Marcus  TuUius  Cicero,"  who,  the  one  for  war,  and  the  other  for 
letters,  were  two  of  the  most  eminent  persons  which  that  city  ever  brought  torth. 

jJn.  105.  Mexander  Janncetis  1.] — After  Alexander  had  settled  all  matters  at 
home,  he  led  forth  his  forces  to  make  war  with  the  people  of  Ptolemais,^  and 
having  vanquished  them  in  battle,  shut  them  up  within  the  walls  of  their  city, 
and  there  besieged  them;  whereon  they  sent  to  Ptolemy  Lathyrus,  then  reign- 
ing in  Cyprus,  to  come  to  their  relief;  but  afterward,  having  it  suggested  to 
them,  that  they  might  suffer  as  much  from  Ptolemy  coming  to  them  as  a  friend, 
as  they  should  from  Alexander  as  an  enemy,  and  that,  as  soon  as  they  should  be 
joined  with  Ptolemy,  they  would  draw  Cleopatra  with  all  the  forces  of  Egypt  upon 

1  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  19.  2  Josepli.  Antiq.  lib.  VX  c.  20.  et  <\e  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  r.3. 

3  Ibid.  lib.  14.  c.  S.  4  Ibid.  lib.  13.  c.'20.     Justin,  lib.  3<J.     Appian.  in  Symcts. 

5  Vide  Pat«rculum,  lib.2.  c.  29.  6  I'lutarchus  in  Cicerone.    A  Gelliiwi^lib.  15.c.  28.   Plinius,  lib.37.c.2. 

7  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  20. 


244  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

them,  they,  on  these  considerations,  altered  their  mind,  resolving  to  stand  upon 
their  own  strength  alone  for  their  defence,  without  admitting  any  auxiliaries  at 
all;  and  took  care  that  Ptolemy  should  be  informed  as  much.  However,  he 
havino-  made  ready  an  army  of  thirty  thousand  men,  and  equipped  a  fleet  of 
proportionable  power,  for  the  transporting  of  them,  made  use  of  this  pretence 
to  land  them  in  Phoenicia,  and  marched  toward  Ptolemais.  But  they  taking  no 
notice  of  him,  nor  answering  any  of  his  messages,  he  was  in  great  difficulty 
what  course  to  take.  While  he  was  in  this  perplexity,  there  came  messengers 
to  him  from  Zoilus,  prince  of  Dora,  and  from  the  Gazaeans,  which  delivered 
him  from  it.  For,  while  Alexander,  with  one  part  of  his  forces,  besieged  Ptol- 
mais,  he  sent  the  other  to  waste  the  territories  of  Zoilus,  and  those  of  Gaza; 
and  therefore  these  messengers  were  sent  to  pray  his  assistance  against  them, 
which  he  readily  consented  to.  Whereon  Alexander  was  forced  to  raise  the 
siege  of  Ptolemais,  and  lead  back  his  army  from  thence,  to  watch  the  steps  of 
Lathyrus.  And,  finding  that  he  could  not  prevail  by  his  arms,  he  betook  him- 
self to  his  politics,  thinking  by  craft  and  deceit  to  carry  his  point;  and  therefore 
courting  the  friendship  of  Lathyrus,  he  entered  into  a  treaty  with  him,  and  en- 
gaged to  pay  him  four  hundred  talents  of  silver,  on  the  condition  that  he  would 
deliver  Zoilus  into  his  hands,  with  the  places  which  he  held.  Lathyrus  accepted 
the  terms,  and  accordingly  seized  Zoilus  and  all  his  territories,  with  intention 
to  have  delivered  both  into  Alexander's  hands.  But,  when  he  was  ready  so  to 
have  done,  he  found  that  Alexander  was  at  the  same  time  treating  underhand 
with  Cleopatra,  to  bring  her  upon  him  with  all  her  forces,  for  the  driving  of 
him  out  of  Palestine;  whereon,  detesting  his  double  dealing,  he  broke  off  all 
friendship  and  alliance  with  him,  and  resolved  to  do  him  all  the  mischief  that 
should  be  in  his  power. 

An.  104.  Alexander  JanncBus  2.] — And  this  he  accordingly  executed  the  next 
year  after.  For,  being  bent  to  have  his  revenge  on  the  inhabitants  of  Ptole- 
mais,' and  also  upon  Alexander,  for  the  false  dealings  and  ill  usage  he  had  re- 
ceived from  both,  he  first  laid  siege  to  Ptolemais;  and,  leaving  one  part  of  his 
army  there  for  the  carrying  of  it  on,  under  the  conduct  of  some  of  his  chief 
commanders,  he  marched  in  person  with  the  other  part,  to  invade  the  territories 
of  Alexander.  At  first  he  took  Asochis,  a  city  of  Galilee,  and  in  it  ten  thou- 
sand captives,  with  much  plunder.  After  this,  he  laid  siege  to  Sepphoris,  ano- 
ther City  of  Galilee;  whereon  Alexander  marched  with  an  army  of  fifty  thou- 
sand men  against  him  for  the  defence  of  his  country.  This  brought  on  a  fierce 
battle  between  them,  near  the  banks  of  the  River  Jordan;  in  which  Alexander 
being  vanquished,  lost  thirty  thousand  of  his  men,  besides  those  which  were 
taken  prisoners.  For  Lathyrus,  having  gotten  the  victory,  pursued  it  to  the  ut- 
most. And  there  is  a  very  cruel  and  barbarous  act  which  is  related  to  have 
been  done  by  him  at  this  time,  that  is,  that  coming  with  his  army,  in  the  even- 
ing after  the  victory,  to  take  up  his  quarters  in  the  adjoining  villages,  and  find- 
ing them  full  of  women  and  children,  he  caused  them  to  be  all  slaughtered, 
and  their  bodies  to  be  cut  in  pieces,  and  put  into  caldrons  over  the  fire,  to  be 
boiled,  as  if  for  supper,  that  so  he  might  leave  an  opinion  in  that  country,  that 
his  men  fed  upon  Jhuman  flesh,  and  thereby  create  the  greater  dread  and  terror 
of  his  army  through  all  those  parts.  After  this,  Lathyrus  ranged  at  liberty  all 
over  the  country,  ravaging,  plundering,  and  destroying  it,  in  a  very  lamentable 
manner.  For  Alexander,  after  this  battle,  and  the  cutting  off  of  so  many  of 
his  men  as  fell  in  it,  was  in  no  condition  to  resist  him,  but  must  have  been  ab- 
solutely undone,  had  not  Cleopatra  come  the  next  year  into  those  parts  to  re- 
lieve him. 

An.  103.  Alexander  Jannoeus  .3.] — For  she,  apprehending  that  in  case  Lathy- 
Jrus  should  make  himself  master  of  Judea  and  Phoenicia,  he  would  thereby  grow 
strong  enough  to  invade  Egypt,  and  there  again  recover  his  kingdom  from  her^ 

1  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  C.  20,  21. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  ^45 

thought  it  time  to  put  a  stop  to  his  progress  in  those  parts;  and  therefore  she 
forthwith  prepared  an  army/  under  the  command  of  Chelkias  and  Ananias,  the 
two  Jews  above  mentioned,  and  havinj^  equipped  a  fleet,  put  them  on  board  of 
it,  and  sailed  with  them  to  Phoenicia;  where,  having  landed  this  army,  and  by 
the  terror  of  it  made  Lathyrus  quit  the  siege  of  Ptolemais  (which  he  had  tiu 
now  continued,)  and  retire  into  Cade-Syria,  she  sent  Chelkias  with  one  part  of 
the  army  after  him,  and  putting  the  other  under  the  leading  of  Ananias, 
marched  with  it  to  Ptolemais,  expecting  they  would  have  opened  their  gates-  to> 
her;  but  finding  the  contrary,  she  invested  the  place  to  take  it  by  force.  In  the 
interim,  Chelkias,  while  he  was  pursuing  Lathyrus  in  Coele-Syria,  lost  his  life 
in  that  expedition;  which  defeating  the  farther  progress  of  it,  Lathyrus  took  the 
advantage  hereof  to  march  with  all  his  forces  into  Egypt,  hoping  that  on  his 
mother's  absence  with  the  best  of  her  forces  in  Phoenicia,  he  might  find  that 
kingdom  so  unprovided  to  resist  him,  that  he  might  make  himself  master  of  it: 
but  he  failed  of  his  expectations  herein. 

j9n.  10-2.  Alexander  JonncFus  4.] — For  those  forces,  left  there  by  Cleopatra  for 
the  security  of  the  country,*  made  good  their  ground  so  long,  till  being  joined 
by  that  part  of  the  army,  which,  on  this  attempt  of  Lathyrus,  she  sent  back 
out  of  Phoenicia  to  reinforce  them,  they  drove  him  out  of  the  country,  and 
forced  him  to  return  again  into  Palestine,  and  there  take  up  his  winter-quarters 
at  Gaza. 

But  while  this  was  doing,  Cleopatra  still  carried  on  the  siege  of  Ptolemais,^ 
till  at  length  she  took  the  place.  As  soon  as  she  w^as  mistress  of  it,  Alexander 
came  thither  to  her,  bringing  with  him  many  valuable  gifts,  to  present  to  her  for 
the  gaining  of  her  favour.  But  that  which  most  ingratiated  him  with  her,  was  his 
enmity  with  Lathyrus  her  son,  and  on  this  account  he  was  very  kindly  received. 
But  some  about  her  thinking  she  had  now  a  fair  opportunity,  by  seizing  Alexan- 
der, to  make  herself  mistress  of  Judea,  and  all  his  other  dominions,  earnestly 
pressed  her  to  it.  And  this  had  been  done,  but  that  Ananias  prevailed  with  her 
to  the  contrary;  for  having  represented  unto  her,  how  base  and  dishonourable  a 
thing  it  would  be  thus  to  treat  an  ally  engaged  with  her  in  the  same  cause,  it 
would  be  contrary  to  all  the  rules  of  faith  and  common  honesty  that  are  observed 
among  mankind,  and  would,  to  the  prejudice  of  her  interest,  set  all  the  Jews  in  the 
world  against  her,  and  make  them  her  enemies,  he  hereby  wrought  with  her  so 
'effectually,  that  partly  on  these  considerations,  and  partly  to  gratify  the  interces- 
sor, who  pleaded  hard  in  this  case  for  his  countryman  and  kinsman  (for  Alexan- 
der was  both,)  she  dropped  the  design,  and  Alexander  returned  safe  to  Jerusa- 
lem; where,  having  recruited  his  broken  forces,  and  made  them  up  again,  to 
the  number  of  a  powerful  army,  he  marched  with  them  over  Jordan,  and  be- 
sieged Gadara. 

Jin.  lOL  Alexander  JanncBUS  5.] — Ptolemy  Lathyrus''  having  spent  his  winter 
at  Gaza,  after  his  retreat  out  of  Egypt,  and  finding  that  it  would  be  in  vain  for 
him  to  attempt  any  thing  more  in  Palestine,  by  reason  of  the  opposition  there 
made  against  him  by  his  mother,  he  left  that  country,  and  returned  again  to  Cy- 
prus; whereon  she  also  sailed  back  again  into  Egypt,  and  the  country  became 
freed  of  both  of  them. 

Cleopatra,  on  her  return  to  Alexandria,^  understanding  that  Lathyrus  was  car- 
rying on  a  treaty  at  Damascus  with  Antiochus  Cyzicenus,  for  the  obtaining  of 
his  assistance,  in  order  to  another  expedition  into  Egypt,  for  his  recovering  of 
that  kingdom  again  from  her,  she  gave  Selene  her  daughter,  whom  she  had  taken 
from  Lathyrus,  to  Antiochus  Grypus  to  wife,  and  with  her  sent  to  him  a  great 
number  of  auxiliaries,  and  large  sums  of  money,  to  enable  him  to  renew  the 
war  upon  Cyzicenus  his  brother;  whereon  civil  broils  between  them  again  break- 
ing out,^  Cyzicenus  was  diverted  thereby  from  giving  any  assistance  to  Lathy- 
rus, and  so  the  whole  project  became  abortive.     Ptolemy  Alexander,  her  other 

I  Joseph.  Antiq.  lih.  13.  c.  21.  2  Ibid.  3  Ibid.  4  IWd.  5  Justin,  lib.  .19.  c.  4. 

6  Livii  Epitome,  lib.  68. 


246  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

son,  then  reio^iing  with  her,'  beino:  much  terrified  with  the  unnatural  and  cruel 
usage  with  which  she  persecuted  her  other  son,  especially  in  thus  taking  from 
him  hi^s  wife,  and  giving  her  to  his  enemy,  and  observing  also  that  she  stuck  at 
nothing  that  stood  in  the  way  of  her  ambition,  and  the  vehement  desire  which 
she  had  of  still  reigning,  thought  himself  not  safe  any  longer  with  her,  and  there- 
fore withdrew,  and  left  the  kingdom,  choosing  rather  to  live  in  banishment  with 
safety,  than  to  reign  with  so  wicked  and  cruel  a  mother  in  the  continual  danger 
of  his  life.  And  it  was  not  without  great  solicitation,  that  he  was  persuaded 
to  return  to  her  again;  and  she  was  forced  thus  to  persuade  him,  because  the 
people  would  not  permit  her  to  reign  at  all  without  one  of  her  sons  with  the 
name  of  king  reigning  with  her,  and  this  name  was  all  she  allowed  to  either  of 
them  as  long  as  she  lived;  lor,  after  the  death  of  Physcon,  she  usurped  the  whole 
regal  power  to  herself,  and  that  Lathyrus  presumed  to  make  use  of  some  part  of 
it  without  her,  was  the  only  cause  that  she  drove  him  from  her,  took  away  his 
wife,  and  expelled  him  the  kingdom. 

This  year  Marius,^  in  the  fifth  consulship,  finished  the  Cimbrian  war,  with 
the  total  destruction  of  that  people,  who  threatened  Rome  and  all  Italy  with  no 
less  than  utter  ruin.  Marius  commanded  the  Roman  army  through  the  last 
three  years  of  this  war,  and  having  finished  it  with  success,  and  thereby  deli- 
vered Rome  from  that  terrible  invasion,  and  the  great  danger  which  it  lay 
under  from  it,  he  was  reckoned  as  the  third  founder  of  that  city,  Romulus  and 
Camillus  being  the  two  former^  Marius,  while  he  carried  on  this  war,^  first  con- 
secrated the  eagle  to  be  the  sole  Roman  standard  at  the  head  of  every  legion; 
and  hence  it  became  the  ensign  of  the  Roman  empire  ever  after.  The  country 
from  whence  these  Cimbrians  came,  was  the  Cimbrica  Chersonesus,  the  same 
which  now  contains  Jutland,  Sleswick,  and  Holstein.  On  their  deserting  this 
country,  the  Asae,"  coming  from  between  the  Euxine  and  the  Caspian  Seas,  took 
possession  of  it;  and  from  them  came  those  Angli,  who  with  the  Saxons,  after 
having  expelled  the  Britons,  possessed  themselves  of  that  part  of  Great  Britain, 
which  is  now  called  England. 

Alexander  Jannsus,*  having,  after  a  siege  of  ten  months,  taken  Gadara, 
marched  from  thence  to  Amathus,  another  fortress  beyond  Jordan;  and  it  being 
the  strongest  in  aU  those  parts,  Theodorus,  the  son  of  Zeno  Cotylas,  prince  of 
Philadelphia,  there  laid  up  his  treasure.  Alexander  took  this  place  in  a  much 
less  time  than  he  had  Gadara,  and  with  it  made  himself  master  of  all  that  trea- 
sure. But  Theodorus,  having  by  that  time  gotten  together  a  powerful  army,  fell 
suddenly  upon  him  as  he  was  returning  from  this  conquest,  and  having  on  this 
surprise  overthrown  him,  with  the  slaughter  of  ten  thousand  of  his  men,  he  not 
only  recovered  all  his  treasure  again,  but  also  took  all  Alexander's  baggage  with 
it.  This  sent  Alexander  back  to  Jerusalem  with  loss  and  disgrace,  which  was 
pleasing  enough  to  many  there.  For  the  Pharisees,  ever  since  Hyrcanus's  quar- 
rel with  them,  became  enemies  to  all  of  his  family,  and  to  none  more  than  to 
this  Alexander;  and  these  drawing  the  greatest  part  of  the  people  after  them, 
they  infected  the  generality  of  them  with  disaffection  and  hatred  to  him,  which 
was  the  cause  of  all  those  intestine  troubles  and  ditficulties  which  he  fell  into 
during  his  reign. 

Jin.  100.  Alexamler  Jajin(et/s  6.] — However  this  loss  and  disgrace  did  not  hin- 
der him,  but  that  understanding,  that,  on  Lathyrus's  departure  from  Gaza,  all 
that  coast  was  left  naked  of  defence,"  he  marched  thither  with  his  army,  and 
made  himself  master  of  Raphia  and  Anthedon,  which  being  both  within  the 
distance  of  a  few  miles  from  Gaza,  he  in  a  manner  blocked  up  that  city  here- 
by; and  to  do  this  was  the  main  end  of  his  seizing  these  two  places.     For  the 

1  Justin.  lib.  3!).  c.  4.  2  Plutarclius  in  Mario.     T,.  Florns,  lib.  3.  c.  3. 

3  Formerly  thcrn  were  four  other  ensigns  used  by  the  Romans  with  tlie  eagle,  i.  e..  the  minotaur,  the  horse, 
the  wolf,  and  the  boar.  Marius  abolished  these  four,  and  retained  the  eagle  only  to  be  the  standard  of  every 
legion.     Plinius.lib.  10.  e.  4. 

4  Videas  Ilicke.sii  l.iiigiiarum  Septentrionalium  Tliesauruniin  Epistola  Dedicatoria,  &;c. 

5  Joseph,  lib.  13.  c.  21.  C  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  21. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  247 

Gazseans  having  called  in  Lathyrus  to  their  assistance  against  him,  and  helped 
him  with  auxiliaries  in  that  fatal  battle  near  Jordan,  where  he  received  so  great 
an  overthrow,  he  bore  in  his  mind  ever  since  a  bitter  grudge  against  them,  and 
resolved,  when  opportunity  should  serve,  to  have  his  revenge  on  them  for  it. 
And  therefore, — 

An.  98.  Alexander  Janncetis  8.] — As  soon  as  his  other  affairs  allowed  him  this 
opportunity,'  he  marched  with  a  great  army  against  them  for  this  purpose,  and 
laid  close  siege  to  their  city.  They  having  for  their  chief  commander  a  very 
valiant  man  named  ApoUodotus,  he  defended  th€  place  against  him  a  whole 
year;  and  in  one  sally  which  he  had  made  upon  him  in  the  night,  with  twelve 
thousand  of  his  men,  he  had  like  to  have  ruined  him  and  all  his  army.  For 
tlie  assault  then  made  upon  his  camp  being  pushed  on  with  great  briskness  and 
resolution,  a  bruit  ran  through  the  Jewish  army,  that  Ptolemy  Lathyrus  and  all 
his  forces  were  come  to  the  assistance  of  the  enemy,  which  damped  their  cour- 
age, and  created  a  panic  fear  among  them.  But  when  the  daylight  appeared, 
and  made  them  see  the  contrary,  they  again  rallied,  and  beat  the  Gazteans  into 
their  city  with  the  slaughter  of  one  thousand  of  their  men. 

An.  97.  Alexander  Jannmis  9.] — But,  notwithstanding  this  loss,^  they  still  held 
out,  and  ApoUodotus  was  in  great  credit  and  reputation  among  them  for  his  wise 
and  steady  conduct  in  the  defence  of  the  place;  which  being  envied  by  Lyri- 
machus  his  own  brother,  the  wretch  treacherously  slew  him,  and  then,  getting 
a  company  together,  delivered  up  the  city  to  Alexander,  who,  on  his  first  en- 
tering into  it,  behaved  himself  as  if  he  intended  to  have  used  his  victory  with 
moderation  and  clemency.  But,  when  he  was  gotten  into  full  possession  of  the 
place,  he  let  loose  his  soldiers  upon  it,  with  a  thorough  license  to  kill,  pl-under,. 
and  destroy,  which  produced  a  scene  of  horrid  barbarity.  This  Alexander  did 
to  have  his  revenge  of  these  people  for  the  reason  mentioned:  and  he  suffered 
not  a  little  himself  in  the  executing  of  it.  For  the  Gazteans  hereon  standing 
to  their  defence,  he  lost  almost  as  many  of  his  own  men  in  this  carnage  and- 
sackage  of  the  place  as  he  slew  of  the  enemy.  However,  he  had  his  mind  sa 
far,  as  to  leave  this  ancient  and  famous  city  in  utter  ruin  and  desolation,  and 
then  returned  again  to  Jerusalem,  after  having  spent  a  full  year  in  this  war. 

In  this  same  year  happened  the  death  of  Antiochus  Grypus,^  being  slain  by 
the  treachery  of  Heracleon,  one  of  his  own  dependants,  in  the  twenty-seventh 
year  of  his  reign,  and  the  forty-fifth  of  his  life.  He  left  behind  him  five  sons; 
i.  Seleucus,  who  was  the  eldest,  succeeded  him:  the  others  were,  2.  Antiochus, 
and  3.  Philip,  two  twins;  4.  Demetrius  Eucferus;  and,  5.  Antiochus  Dionysius* 
All  these  reigned,  or  attempted  to  reign,  in  their  turns. 

An.  96.  Alexander  JanncRus  10.] — Ptolemy  Apion,  the  son  of  Physcon  king 
of  Egypt,  to  whom  his  father  left  the  kingdom  of  Cyrene,  dying  without  issue,* 
gave  that  kingdom,  by  his  last  will  and  testament,  to  the  Romans,  who,  instead 
of  accepting  it  to  themselves,  gave  all  the  cities  their  liberties,  which  imme^ 
diately  filled  the  countries  with  tyrants;^  those  who  were  the  potentest  in  every 
district  endeavouring  hereon  to  make  themselves  sovereigns  of  it,  which  brought 
upon  that  country  great  troubles  and  confusions.  These  were  in  some  measure 
composed  by  LucuUus,  on  his  coming  thither  in  the  first  Mithridatic  war,  but 
could  not  finally  be  removed  till  that  country  Avas  at  length  reduced  into  the 
form  of  a  Roman  province. 

Antiochus  Cyzicenus,  on  the  death  of  Grypus,®  seized  Antioch,  and  endea- 
voured to  make  himself  master  of  the  whole  kingdom,  to  the  exclusion  of  the 
sons  of  Grypus;  but  Seleucus,  having  gotten  possession  of  many  other  cities, 
drew  great  forces  after  him,  to  make  good  his  right  to  his  father's  dominions. 

An.  95.  Alexander  Jannaus  11.] — Anna,  the  prophetess,  the  daughter  of  Phar- 
nuel,  of  the  tribe  of  Aser,  of  whom  mention  is  made  in  the  Gospel  of  St.  Luke 

1  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  21.  2  Ibid. 

3  Joseph.  Aiitiq.  lib.  13.  c.  21.    Porphyrins  in  Crsr-cis  Euseb.  Scaligeri. 

4  Epitome  Li vii.r.  70.     Julius  Obsequens  Fiodigiis.  5  Plutarch.  In  LucuUo. 
C  Porphyrins  in  Grscis  Eusebianis  Scaligeri. 


248  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

(ch.  ii.  ver.  36,)  was  married  to  her  husband,  and  from  this  time  lived  with  him 
seven  years,  till  on  his  death  she  became  a  widow. 

Tigranes,'  the  son  of  Tigranes  king  of  Armenia,  being  a  hostage  with  the 
Parthians  at  the  time  of  his  father's  death,  was  by  them  restored  to  his  liberty,, 
and  settled  in  the  succession  of  that  kingdom,  on  his  resigning  to  them  some 
of  the  territories  of  it.  This  was  done  twenty-five  j^ears  before  his  making  war 
with  the  Romans  in  the  cause  of  Mithridates;  for  so  long,  Plutarch  tells  Us,^  he 
had  reigned  in  Armenia  when  that  war  begun. 

King  Alexander,  entering  into  the  temple  at  Jerusalem,  there  to  officiate  as 
high-priest  in  the  feast  of  tabernacles,'  had  a  great  affront  and  indignity  there' 
offered  him  by  the  people.  For  they,  joining  in  a  sort  of  mutiny  against  him, 
pelted  him  with  citrons  while  he  was  offering  the  festival  sacrifices  on  the  great 
altar,  calling  him  slave,  and  adding  other  opprobious  language,  which  implied 
him  unworthy  of  being  either  high-priest  or  king;  which  enraged  him  to  that 
degree,  that  he  fell  upon  them  with  his  soldiers,  and  slew  of  them  six  thousand 
men.  And,  to  secure  him  from  suffering  any  more  liora  them  the  like  affront^ 
he  surrounded  the  court  of  the  priests,  within  which  were  the  altar  and  the  tem- 
ple, with  a  wooden  partition,  thereby  to  hinder  the  people  from  doing  this  any 
more  to  him.  In  calling  him  slave,  they  harped  upon  the  old  story  of  Eleazar,. 
as  if  Hyrcanus's  mother  had  been  a  slave  taken  in  war.  The  truth  of  the  mat- 
ter was,  Hyrcanus  having  quarrelled  with  the  Pharisees  on  that  occasiouy  and* 
abolished  all  their  traditional  constitutions,  this  whole  sect  hated  him  and  all  his 
family  a  long  while  after,  and  none  of  them  more  than  Alexander.  For  he  fol- 
lowed his  father's  steps  in  this  matter,  and  would  never  re-admit  those  constitu- 
tions, or  give  that  party  any  favour  as  long  as  he  reigned;  but,  on  the  contrary, 
gat  hard  upon  them  on  all  occasions:  which  embittered  them  so  much  against 
him,  that,  having  a  great  influence  over  the  people,  they  made  use  of  it  to  set 
them  acfainst  him,  and  render  them  disaffected  to  him  to  the  utmost  they  were 
able;  which  created  great  troubles  to  Alexander  during  all  his  reign,  and  much-- 
greater  mischief  to  the  whole  nation  of  the  Jews,  as  will  be  seen  in  the  future 
series  of  this  history.  The  first  instance  hereof  was,  that  Alexander,  seeing  the 
Jews  in  this  temper,  durst  no  more  trust  them  with  the  safety  of  his  person,  but,, 
instead  of  them,*  called  in  foreign  mercenaries  to  be  of  his  guard,  choosing  them- 
out  of  the  Pisidians  and  Cilicians,  and  not  of  the  Syrians,  whom  he  did  not  like; 
and  of  these  he  had  six  thousand  always  about  him.*  This  instance  shows  how 
dano-erous  a  thing  it  is  for  any  prince  to  have  a  powerful  faction  either  in  church 
or  ^tate  disgusted  against  him;  and  the  ill  success  which  Alexander  had  in  his 
endeavours  to  quiet  this  faction,  shows  the  mistake  which  he  made  in  his  means 
of  effecting  it:  for  he  made  use  only  of  rigour  and  severity,  which  operate  in 
the  body  politic  no  otherwise  than  as  opiates  do  in  the  body  natural,  which  put 
a  short  stop  to  the  disease,  but  never  remove  the  cause;  the  truest  method  of 
jcure  in  this  case  is,  so  to  join  severity  and  clemency  together,  that  both  may 
have  their  effect. 

jJn.  94.  Alexander  Jannccus  12.] — When  Alexander  had,  by  the  terror  of  his 
executions,  in  some  measure  laid  the  storm  which  was  raised  against  him  at 
home,  he  marched  out  against  his  enemies  abroad;"  and,  having  passed  over  Jor- 
dan, made  war  upon  the  Arabians,  and  having  gotten  the  better  of  them  in  se- 
veral conflicts,  made  the  inhabitants  of  the  land  of  Moab  and  of  the  land  of 
Gilead  to  become  tributaries  to  him. 

Seleucus,  growing  powerful  in  Syria,  Cyzicenus  marched  out  of  Antioch 
against  him,'  but,  being  vanquished  in  battle,  he  was  taken  prisoner  and  put  to 
.death;  whereon  Seleucus  made  himself  master  of  Antioch,  and  of  the  whole 
;Syrian  empire,  but  could  not  keep  it  long:  for  Antiochus  Eusebes,*  the  son  of 

1  Justin,  lib.  38.  c.  3.  Appinn.  in  Syriacis.  Straho,  lib.  11.  p.  5.32.  2  In  Lucullo. 

3  JoKcph.  lie  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  3.     Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  21.  4  Joseph,  ibid. 

5  JosL-ph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  22.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c  3.  t>  Joseph,  ibid. 

7  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  21.    Trogi  Prolog.  40.    Porphyr.  inGriecis  Euseb.  Scaligeri. 

8  Appian.  in  Byriacis.    Joseph,  et  Porphyr.  ibid. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  SJ19 

Cyzicenus,  having,  on  Seleucus's  taking  Antioch,  made  his  escape  out  of  that 
place  by  the  assistance  of  a  courtesan  that  was  in  love  with  him,  came  to  Ara- 
dus,  and  was  there  crowned  king. 

An.  9-3.  Alexander  JannoRUS  13.] — And,  having  there  gotten  his  father's  sol- 
diers about  him,'  and  joined  others  to  them  that  were  attached  to  his  interest,  he 
made  up  a  considerable  army,  and  marched  forth  with  it  against  Seleucus;  and, 
having  gotten  a  great  victory  over  him,  forced  him  to  flee  to  Mopsuestia,  a  city 
in  Cilicia,  there  to  take  refuge;  where,  having  oppressed  the  inhabitants  with 
great  exactions,  he  provoked  them  so  far  hereby,  that  they  rose  in  a  general 
mutiny  against  him,  and,  besetting  the  house  where  he  was,  put  fire  to  it,  and 
there  burnt  to  death  him  and  all  there  with  him.  Antiochus  and  Philip,"  the 
two  twin  sons  of  Grypus,  for  the  revenging  of  this,  forthwith  marched  with  all 
the  forces  they  could  get  together  toward  Mopsuestia;  and,  having  taken  the 
place,  razed  it  to  the  ground,  and  sacrificed  all  that  they  found  in  it  to  the  ghost 
of  their  slain  brother.  But,  in  their  return  from  this  exploit,  being  fallen  upon 
by  Eusebes  near  the  Orontes,  they  were  put  to  the  route;  whereon  Antiochus,^ 
endeavouring  to  swim  the  river  with  his  horse,  for  the  making  of  his  escape, 
was  drowned  in  it.  But  Philip,  making  a  safe  retreat,  kept  many  of  his  forces 
together,  and  soon  recruited  them  again  with  others;  so  that,  being  enabled 
thereby  still  to  keep  the  field,  the  whole  contest  was  now  between  him  and  Eu- 
sebes for  the  whole  Syrian  empire;  and  each  of  them,  having  great  armies  on 
foot,  miserably  harassed  and  wasted  that  country  in  their  wars  about  it. 

In  the  interim,  Alexander,*  pursuing  the  good  success  which  he  had  in  the 
last  year's  expedition  beyond  Jordan,  carried  on  the  war  farther  on  that  side, 
and  invaded  the  territories  of  Theodoras,  the  son  of  Zeno  Cotylas,  prince  of 
Philadelphia.  His  chief  design  in  this  war  was  to  take  from  him  the  strong  for- 
tress of  Amathus,  and  his  treasure  there  deposited;  both  which  Alexander  had 
taken  eight  years  before,  and  Theodoras  recovered  again,  as  hath  been  above 
related.  But  at  this  time  Alexander's  name  was  grown  so  terrible,  by  reason  of 
his  many  late  successes  in  those  parts,  that  Theodorus  durst  not  stand  his  com- 
ing, but,  carrying  oft'  his  treasure,  withdrew  his  garrison,  and  deserted  the  place; 
whereon  Alexander  took  it  without  opposition,  and  razed  it  to  the  ground. 

An.  9:2.  Alexander  Jannmus  14.] — Eusebes,  the  more  to  strengthen  himself  in 
the  kingdom,  had  married  Selene,*  the  relict  of  Grypus.  She,  being  an  active 
woman,  had  taken  possession  of  some  part  of  the  Syrian  empire,  on  her  hus- 
band's death,  and  had  gotten  forces  about  her  to  maintain  her  in  it.  Eusebes, 
to  join  this  interest  of  her's  to  his  own,  married  her;  which  offending  Lathyrus 
(whose  wife  she  had  first  been,  till  his  mother  took  her  from  him,  and  gave  her 
in  marriage  to  Grypus,)  he  sent  to  Cnidus,*^  where  Demetrius  Eucserus,  the 
fourth  son  of  Grypus,  had  been  placed  for  his  education,  and,  having  fetched 
him  from  thence,  made  him  king  of  Damascus.  Eusebes  and  Philip  being  en- 
gaged against  each  other,  neither  of  them  could  be  at  liberty  to  hinder  this;  for 
although  Eusebes  received  great  accession  to  his  strength  by  marrying  Selene, 
yet  Philip  made  good  his  part  against  him,  and,  at  length  having  drawn  him  to 
a  decisive  battle,'  gave  him  a  total  overthrow,  which  forced  him  to  flee  into 
Parthia  for  his  safety;  whereon  Philip  and  Demetrius  became  possessed  of  the 
whole  Syrian  empire  between  them. 

In  the  interim,  Alexander,-  king  of  Judea,  making  an  expedition  into  Gau- 
lonitis,  a  country  lying  on  the  east  side  of  the  lake  of  Gennesareth,  and  there 
engaging  in  a  war  against  Obedas,  an  Arabian  king,  was  drawn  by  him  into 
an  ambush;  wherein  he  lost  most  of  his  army,  and  hardly  himself  escaped.  On 
his  return  to  Jerusalem  in  this  case,  the  Jews,  who  were  before  too  much  em- 
bittered against  him,  being  now  farther  exasperated  by  this  loss,  rose  in  a  rebel- 

1  Josepli.  Appian.  oX  Porphyrius,  in  Gra;cis  Kuscb.  Pcaligpri.  2  Poiphyr.  in  Grascis  Eiisrb.  Scalijieri. 

3  Porphyr.  in  .loseph.  ibid.  4  Joseph.  Anliq.  lib.  13.  c.  21.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  3. 

5  Appian.  in  Syriacls.  6  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  21.  7  Porphyr.  Euseb.  ibid,  in  Chron. 

8  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  21.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  3. 

Vol.  n.— 3-2 


250  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

lion  against  him,  hoping,  in  this  his  weak  condition,  soon  to  compass  his  de- 
struction, which  they  had  long  earnestly  desired;  but  Alexander,  being  a  man 
of  application  and  courage,  and  more  than  a  common  understanding,  soon  got 
together  forces  sufficient  to  oppose  them.  This  produced  a  civil  war  between 
Alexander  and  his  people,  which  lasted  six  years,  and  brought  great  calamities 
upon  both. 

^1n.  91.  Alexander  JnnncBUS  15.] — Mithridates  Eupator,  king  of  Pontus,'  on 
the  death  of  Ariarathes  king  of  Cappadocia,  having  murdered  his  sons  which 
that  prince  left  behind  him  (though  born  of  Laodice  his  own  sister,)  and  usurped 
Cappadocia  to  himself,  placed  a  minor  son  of  his  own  (whom  he  called  Ariara- 
thes) over  that  kingdom,  with  one  Gordius  for  a  tutor,  to  manage  the  govern- 
ment for  him.  Nicomedes  king  of  Bithynia,  fearing  lest  Mithridates,  with  this 
accession  to  his  dominions,  should  grow  too  powerful  for  him,  and  swallow  him 
next,  suborned  a  youth  to  take  upon  him  to  be  the  third  son  of  Ariarathes;  and, 
having  gained  Laodice  to  own  him,  sent  them  both  to  Rome,  there  to  lay  claim 
to  the  kingdom  of  his  pretended  father  for  him.  This  having  brought  the  cause 
before  the  senate,  they  condemned  the  claims  of  both,^  that  of  Mithridates  as 
well  as  that  of  the  pretender,  and  decreed,  that  the  Cappadocians  should  become 
a  free  people;  but  they  refusing  this  grant,  and  declaring  that  they  could  not 
subsist  without  a  king,  the  senate  ordered  them  to  choose  whom  they  liked  best; 
whereon  they  having  elected  Ariobarzanes,  a  noble  Cappadocian,  SyUa  was  sent 
with  a  commission  to  put  him  in  possession,^  which  he  accordingly  executed 
this  year.  Mithridates  did  not  oppose  him  herein;  but  this  excited  in  him  that 
disgust  against  the  Romans,  which  being  afterward  heightened  by  other  provo- 
cations, mutually  given  and  retorted,  at  length  produced  the  Mithridatic  war, 
which,  next  that  against  the  Carthaginians,  was  the  longest  and  the  most  dan- 
gerous war  that  ever  the  Roman  state  was  engaged  in. 

An.  90.  Alexander  JunncKxis  16.] — For  although  Mithridates,  on  his  procedure, 
suppressed  his  resentments  for  the  present,  yet  from  this  time  he  resolved  to 
make  war  upon  the  Romans,  for  the  revenging  of  it.  In  order  hereto,''  having 
contracted  an  alliance  with  Tigranes  king  of  Armenia,  by  giving  him  Cleopatra 
his  daughter  to  wife,  he  drew  him  into  a  confederacy  with  him  for  the  making 
of  this  war,  whereby  it  was  agreed  between  them,  that  INIithridates  should  have 
all  the  cities  and  countries,  and  Tigranes  all  the  persons,  treasure,  and  moveable 
goods,  that  should  be  taken  in  it.  The  first  effect  of  this  confederacy  was,^  Ti- 
granes expelling  Ariobarzanes  out  of  Cappadocia,  whom  the  Romans  had  put 
in  possession  of  that  kingdom,  brought  back  Ariarathes,  the  son  of  Mithridates, 
there  again  to  reign.  And  at  the  same  time  Nicomedes  king  of  Bithynia  dying,^ 
Mithridates  seized  that  kingdom,  to  the  exclusion  of  Nicomedes,  the  son  of  the 
deceased.  This  sent  both  the  deprived  kings  to  the  Romans  for  their  relief, 
who  having  decreed  their  restoration,  sent  Manius  Aquilius  and  Marcus  Altinus 
to  see  it  executed. 

An.  89.  Alexander  Jannmis  17.] — But  Mithridates,  permitting  neither  of  them 
to  enjoy  quiet  possession  when  restored,  all  the  Roman  forces  then  dispersed 
through  the  several  parts  of  Lesser  Asia,'  gathering  together,  formed  themselves 
into  three  armies;  the  first  under  the  command  of  L.  Cassius,  who  had  the 
government  of  the  Pergamenian  province  of  Asia;  the  second  under  INIanius 
Aquilius;  and  the  third  under  Quintus  Oppius,  proconsul  of  Pamphylia,  having 
in  each  body  forty  thousand  men,  horse  and  foot;  and  with  these  they  began 
the  war,  without  tarrying  for  any  orders  from  Rome  for  it.  But-  managing  it 
with  bad  conduct  and  much  neglect,  they  had  the  ill  success  to  be  all  vanquished 
and  broken;  and^  Aquilius  and  Oppius,  being  made  prisoners,  were  first  treated 

I  Justin,  lib.  :)8.  c.  1,  'J.  2  Justin,  lib.  38.  c.  1,  2.     Strabo,  lib.  12.  p.  540. 

3  Plutarcb.  in  Sylla.     Appian.  in  Mithridaticis.  4  Justin,  lib.  38.  c.  3. 

5  Ibid.     Appian.  in  Mithridaticis.  G  Justin,  ct  Appian.  ibid.     Memnon.in  Excerptis  Photii.c.  32. 

7  Appian.  in  Mithridaticis. 

8  Appian.  ibid.  Kpitome  Livii,  lib.  77,  78.  Athenaeus,  lib.  5.  Strabo,  lib.  12.  p.  5G2.  Memnon.  c.  S3.  L. 
FloruB,-lib.3.  c.  5.  I'linius,  lib.  33.  c.  3.  Velleius  Paterculus,  lib.  2.  a.  18.  Diodor.  Sic.  in  Excerptis  Va- 
lesii,  p.  400. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  251 

with  the  utmost  indignity,  and  afterward  with  equal  cruelty  tortured  to  death. 
Hereon  all  the  cities  and  provinces  of  Lesser  Asia,'  and  also  several  of  the 
cities  of  Greece,  and  all  the  islands  of  the  yEgean  Sea,  excepting  only  Rhodes, 
revolted  from  the  Romans,  and  declared  for  Mithridates. 

Cleopatra,  queen  of  Egypt,"  being  weary  of  her  son  Alexander,  and  the  joint 
authority  which  he  held  with  her  in  the  g-overnment  of  the  kino-dom,  laid  de- 
siojns  asjainst  his  life,  that  so,  beins^  rid  of  him,  she  mio-ht  rei2:n  alone,  and  have 
the  whole  regal  power  in  her  own  hands.  But  Alexander  having  notice  of  it, 
prevented  the  plot,  and,  by  cutting  her  off  first,  made  it  all  turn  upon  her  own 
head.  She  was  a  monstrous  wicked  woman,  as  her  actions  above  related  suth- 
ciently  show,  and  well  deserved  this  death,  had  it  come  from  any  other  hands 
than  those  of  her  own  son.  As  soon  as  the  Alexandrians  found  that  the  mother 
died  by  the  parricide  of  her  son,  they  could  no  longer  bear  him;  but  having 
driven  him  iato  banishment,  sent  to  Cyprus  for  Ptolemy  Lathyrus,  and  restored 
to  him  the  kingdom,  which  he  afterward  held  without  interruption,^  to  the  end 
of  his  life.  Alexander  the  next  year  after,^  having  gotten  some  ships  togetlier  to 
attempt  a  return  in  them,  was  encountered  at  sea  by  Tyrrhus,  Ptolemy's  admi- 
ral, and  being  vanquished  by  him,  escaped  to  Myra  in  Lysia;  from  whence 
afterward  sailing  toM'ard  Cyprus,  for  the  executing  of  some  design  which  he 
had  upon  that  island,  he  was  met  by  Chcereas,  another  sea-commander  of  Pto- 
lemy's, and  being  overborne  by  him,  perished  in  the  fight. 

While  these  things  were  doing  in  Lesser  Asia  and  Egypt, ^  the  civil  war  went 
on  in  Judea  between  Alexander -and  his  people.  And  although  he  had  the  better 
of  them  in  all  encounters,  yet  he  could  not  bring  them  to  submit,  or  put  any  stop 
to  these  intestine  troubles,  so  much  were  they  enraged  against  him.  Being 
weary  of  punishing  and  destroying  them,  he  made  earnest  application  to  them 
for  the  composing  of  the  differences  that  were  between  them.  In  order  hereto,  he 
offered  to  grant  them  any  thing  that  they  should  in  reason  desire;  and  therefore 
bid  them  ask  what  they  would  have.  To  this  they  answered  all  with  one  voice,"" 
that  he  should  cut  his  throat;  that  they  would  on  no  other  terms  be  at  peace 
with  him;  and  it  were  well,  they  said,  if  they  could  then  be  reconciled  to  him 
after  he  was  in  his  grave,  considering  the  great  mischiefs  he  had  done  them. 
And  therefore,  having  their  minds  to  so  high  a  degree  thus  exasperated  against 
him,  they  resolved  to  go  on  with  the  war  without  hearkening  to  any  terms  of 
reconciliation  whatsoever.  And  because  they  wanted  sufficient  forces  of  their 
own  to  act  up  to  the  anger  and  rage  which  in  their  answer  to  Alexander  they 
had  expressed  against  him,  they  sent  to  Damascus'  to  call  Demetrius  Eucoerus 
(who  then  reigned  there)  to  their  assistance;  who  thereon  came  into  Judea 
with  an  army  consisting  of  three  thousand  horse,  and  forty  thousand  foot,  Sy- 
rians and  Jews.  Alexander,  encountering  him  with  six  thousand  Greek  mer- 
cenaries, and  twenty  thousand  Jews,  was  overthrown  with  so  great  a  slaughter, 
that  he  lost  all  his  Greek  mercenaries  to  a  man,  and  the  greatest  part  of  his 
other  forces;  whereon  he  was  driven  with  the  poor  remnant  of  his  broken  army 
that  survived  tins  terrible  blow  to  flee  to  the  mountains,  where  he  might,  by 
the  advantage  of  the  situation,  best  protect  himself  in  this  shattered  case.  And 
now  he  had  been  utterly  ruine-d,  but  that  he  was  relieved  by  a  very  extraordi- 
nary and  unexpected  turn  of  fortune:  for  those  very  men,  who  were  before  so 
much  embittered  against  him,  that  they  had  called  in  a  foreign  enemy  upon 
him,  and  had  joined  that  enemy  in  battle  against  him,  when  they  saw  him 
reduced  to  this  distressed  condition,  took  such  compassion  of  him,  that  six 
thousand  of  them  immediately  went  over  to  him.    Whereon  Demetrius,  fearing 

1  Appian.  iliid.  Kpitome  I-ivii,  lib.  77,  78.  Athen;pns,  lib.  5.  Str.ibn,  lib.  1-J.  p.  502.  Memnnn.  c.  33. 
L.  Florus,  lib.  2.  c.  5.  Pliuius,  lib.  33.  c.  3.  Vulleius  Piiterculus,  lib.  2.  c.  18.  Diodor.  Sic,  in  Excerptis 
Valesii,  p.  400. 

2  Justin,  lib.  39.  c.  4.     Euspb.  in  Chronico.     Pausanias  in  Atticis.     Athenieus,  lib.  32.  p.  550. 

3  Ptolemy  the  astronomer,  reckons  to  his  reign  the  whole  time  from  his  father's  death  to  his  own,  that  if, 
thirty-six  years,  though  he  lived  half  of-lhemin  banishment. 

4  Porphyr.  in  (JrEECis  Euseb.  Scalijieri.  5  Joseph,  .'\ntiq.  lib.  13.  c.  21.  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  Kt:.  3. 

6  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  21,  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  3.  7  Ibid.  c.  '^2.  de  Bello  Judaico.  lib,  1.  c.  3. 


252  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

the  like  revolt  of  the  rest,  departed  out  of  Judea,  and  shortly  after  marched  into 
Syria  against  his  brother  Philip,  and  having  driven  him  out  of  Antiocli,  and  taken 
that  city  from  him,  he  pursued  him  to  Bercea,  now  called  Aleppo,  and  their  be- 
sieged him.  Whereon  Straton,  prince  of  the  place,  and  friend  of  Philip,  called 
thither  Zizus,  an  Arabian  king,  and  Mithridates  Sinaces,  a  Parthian  commander, 
to  his  assistance;  who  having  vanquished  Demetrius,  and  taken  him  a  prisoner, 
sent  him  for  a  present  to  MitJiridates  king  of  Parthia,'  where  a  little  after  he  fell 
sick  and  died.  Philip,  afler  this  victory,  releasing  all  the  Antiochians  that 
were  taken  prisoners  in  this  defeat,  and  sending  them  home  without  ransom, 
this  so  far  ingratiated  him  with  that  city,  that  on  his  return  again  thither,  he 
was  received  with  the  general  acclamation  of  the  people,  and  for  some  time  he 
reigned  there  over  all  Syria  without  a  competitor. 

.  An.  68.  Alexander  Jannceus  18.] — Alexander,  after  the  retreat  of  Demetrius, 
having  gotten  together  another  army,^  made  good  his  part  against  the  rebel 
Jews,  notwithstanding  his  late  loss,  and  vanquished  them  in  all  conflicts.  How- 
ever, he  could  bring  them  to  no  terms  of  peace;  but  they  still  carried  on  the 
war  with  the  same  rage  and  fury  against  him,  without  being  in  the  least  discou- 
raged by  any  loss,  bailie,  or  defeat,  that  happened  to  them. 

Anna,  the  prophetess,  daughter  of  Phanuel,  becoming  a  widow  on  the  death 
of  her  husband,  without  marrying  any  more,^  devoted  herself  wholly  to  the 
service  of  God,  and  exercised  herself  constantly  in  it,  for  the  space  of  eighty- 
four  years,  during  all  which  time  she  departed  not  from  the  temple,  but  there 
served  God  with  fasting  and  prayers  night  and  day. 

Mithridates  finding  that  the  Romans  and  Italians,  who  were  then  on  several 
occasions  in  Lesser  Asia,  and  there  dispersed  through  all  the  provinces  and  cities 
t)f  that  country,  did  underhand  carry  on  the  Roman  interest  in  the  places  where 
they  resided,  to  the  great  obstruction  of  his  designs,^  sent  secret  orders  to  all 
the  governors  of  provinces  and  magistrates  of  cities  through  all  Lesser  Asia,  to 
put  them  all  to  death  in  one  and  the  same  day  that  he  had  appointed  for  it; 
which  was  accordingly  executed  with  that  rigour,  that  no  less  than  eighty  thou- 
sand say  some,  near  double  that  number  say  others,  of  Romans  and  Italians 
were  then  massacred  in  that  country. 

After  this,  Mithridates  hearing  that  there  was  a  great  treasure  at  Coos,  sent 
thither,  and  laid  his  hand  upon  it.  Cleopatra  queen  of  Egypt,  when  she  went 
with  an  army  into  Phcenicla  against  Lathyrus  her  son,*  sent  to  this  place  her 

frandson  Alexander,  the  son  of  Alexander,  who  then  reigned  with  her  in 
Igypt,  and  with  him  a  great  sum  of  money,  with  her  jewels  and  all  her  most 
precious  things,  there  to  be  deposited  as  a  reserve  against  all  events.  All  this 
Mithridates  seized,*^  and  with  it  the  sum  of  eight  hundred  talents  more,'  which 
the  Jews  of  Lesser  Asia  had  there  deposited,  in  order  to  be  sent  to  Jerusalem, 
for  the  securing  of  it  from  the  rapines  of  the  war  which  they  saw  was  coming 
upon  that  country.  The  treasure  of  Cleopatra  there  deposited  truly  belonging 
to  young  Alexander  her  grandson,  Mithridates,  on  his  seizing  of  it,  did  not 
•wholly  neglect  him,  but  took  him  into  his  care,**  and  gave  him  a  princely  edu- 
cation, and  we  shall  ere  long  again  hear  of  him. 

Mithridates,  having  thus  made  himself  master  of  all  Lesser  Asia,^  sent  Ar- 
chelaus,  one  of  his  generals,  with  an  army  of  one  hundred  and  twenty  thou- 

1  This  Mithridates  seems  to  be  the  same  who,  according  to  Justin,  lib.  42.  c.  2.  was  called  Mithridates  the 
Great;  and,  having  succeeded  Artabanus  his  father  in  (he  kingdom  of  Parthia,  Anno  128,  was  now  iii  the 
fortieth  year  of  his  reign.    To  him  succeeded  Sinairux,  and  after  Sinatrux,  I'hrahates  his  son.  Anno  07. 

2  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  22.  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  3. 

3  Luke  ii.  30,  37.  Her  serving  God  at  the  temple  day  and  night,  is  to  be  understood  no  otherwise,  than 
tl^t  she  instantly  attended  the  morning  and  evening  strcri.fices  at  the  temple,  and  then  witli  great  devotion 
off«red  up  her  prayers  to  God;  the  time  of  the  morning  and  evening  sacrifice  being  the  solemnest  time  of 
jjray('r  among  the  Jews,  and  the  temple  the  .solemnest  place  for  it. 

4  Kpitome  Livii,  lib.  78  L.  Florus,  lib.  3.  c.  5.  Appian.  in  Mithridaticis.  Cicero  in  Orationibus  pro  Lege 
Manilla  er^pro  Flacco.  Memnon.  c.  33.  Velleius  Paterc.  lib.  2.  c.  18.  Orosius.  lib.  6.  c.  2.  Eutrop.  lib.  5. 
VQlerius  Maximus,  lib.  n.  c.  2.     Plutarchns  in  .Sylia.     Dion.  Cassius,  Lecat.  36. 

5  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  21.  et  lib.  14.  c.  12.     Appian.  in  Mithridaticis. 

f)  Appian.  in  Mithridaticis,  et  de  Bellis  Civilibus,  lib.  1.     Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  i2. 

7  Joseph,  ibid.  8  Appian.  in  Mithridaticis. 

S  nutarch.  in  Sylla.    Appian.  in  Mithridaticis.    Epitome  Livii,  lib.  78.    Orosius,  lib.  6.  c.  2. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  253 

sand  men  into  Greece,  who,  having  seized  Athens,  made  that  the  chief  seat  of 
his  residence,  for  the  carrying  on  of  the  war  in  those  parts;  and  while  he  lay 
there,  he  drew  over  to  him  most  of  the  cities  and  states  of  Greece  for  the  em- 
bracing of  the  interest  of  Mithridates. 

An.  87.  Jllexaiider  Jannceus  19.] — And  in  this  state  Sylla,'  now  sent  from 
Rome  to  carry  on  this  war  against  Mithridates,  found  matters  on  his  arrival  in 
Greece;  and  therefore,  in  the  first  place,  he  laid  siege  to  Athens,  and  after  hav- 
ing spent  several  months  in  it,  at  last  took  the  place  about  the  end  of  the  year* 

The  Parthians  seem  this  year,  on  the  death  of  Demetrius  Eucsrus,  to  have 
brought  back  Antiochus  Eusebes  into  Syria,  and  to  have  there  put  him  again  in 
possession  of  some  part  of  his  former  dominions.  For,  first,  that  he  came  back 
from  Parthia  (whither  he  had  fled  when  vanquished  by  Philip)  and  reigned 
again  in  Syria,  is  certain.  For  it  was  to  be  delivered  from  the  calamities  of  the^ 
civil  war,*  with  which  the  Selcucida;  afflicted  Syria  in  their  contentions  for  the 
crown,  that  the  Syrians  called  in  Tigranes,  as  will  be  hereafter  shown.  But  at 
that  time  there  were  no  other  of  them  to  make  this  contention,  but  Philip  and 
Eusebes  only,  all  the  rest  being  then  dead:  and  that  Tigranes  found  Eusebes 
in  possession  of  some  part  of  Syria,  on  his  coming  thither,  appears  from  Appian; 
for  he  tells  us  more  than  once,^  that  this  Eusebes,  being  then  expelled  out  of 
Syria,  fled  into  an  obscure  corner  of  Cilicia,  and  there  laid  hid,  till  after  Lucul- 
lus's  victory  over  Tigranes,  he  returned  again  into  Syria.  And,  secondly,  that 
it  was  by  the  assistance  of  the  Parthians  that  he  came  back  again  into  Syria, 
seems  most  probable;  because  he  having  fled  to  them  as  friends,  they  are  the 
most  likely,  as  friends,  to  have  given  him  this  assistance;  and  they  lay  the  most 
convenient  to  afford  it,  the  kingdom  of  Syria  being  bounded  by  the  banks  of  the 
Euphrates  on  the  one  side  of  that  river,  and  the  territories  of  the  Parthians 
reaching  to  those  of  the  other  side,"*  and  without  some  such  powerful  assistance 
he  could  not  again  have  recovered  any  part  of  his  former  dominions.  But  by 
what  assistance  soever  he  returned,  Philip  seems  at  this  time  to  be  engaged  to 
oppose  him.  But  while  he  was  thus  employed  in  the  northern  parts  of  Syria 
for  the  keeping  out  of  one  rival,  another  started  up  against  him  in  the  southern. 
For  Antiochus  Dionysius  his  brother,^  the  youngest  of  the  five  sons  of  Grypus, 
taking  the  advantage  of  his  being  thus  otherwise  engaged,  seized  on  Damascus, 
and  there  making  himself  king  of  Ccele-Syria,  reigned  over  it  in  that  place  for 
the  space  of  about  three  years. 

While  these  wars  were  thus  carrying  on  in  Greece  and  Syria,  Alexander  Jan- 
naeus  was  as  deeply  engaged  in  war  with  his  own  people.  But  having  now 
driven  it  to  a  decisive  battle,^  he  gave  them  such  a  terrible  blow,  as  soon  brought 
those  troublfts  to  a  conclusion:  for  having  cut  off  the  major  part  of  them  in  the 
rout,  and  driven  the  chief  of  those  that  survived  into  Bethome,  he  shut  up  that 
place  all  round,  and  there  closely  besieged  them. 

jln.  86.  Jllexaivler  Jannwus  20.] — And  the  next  year  afler,  having  succeeded 
in  this  siege, ^  and  taken  the  city,  and  all  those  in  it  that  had  fled  thither  for 
refuge,  he  carried  eight  hundred  of  them  to  Jerusalem,  and  there  caused  them 
to  be  crucified  all  together  in  one  day,  and  their  wives  and  children  to  be  there 
slain  before  their  faces,  while  they  hung  dying  on  the  crosses  on  which  they 
were  crucified;  which  was  a  severity  never  to  be  justified,  had  there  been  any 
other  way  whereby  to  have  brought  that  rebellious  faction  to  reason.  While 
this  was  doing,  Alexander  made  a  treat  for  his  wives  and  concubines,  near  the 
place  where  this  scene  of  terror  was  acting,  and  to  feast  himself  and  them  with 
the  sight  hereof  was  the  main  part  of  the  entertainment.  From  hence  Alex- 
ander had  the  name  of  Thracidas,  that  is,  the  Thracian,  those  people  being  then 
above  all  others  infamous  for  their  bloody  and  barbarous  cruelties.     And  indeed 

1  Plutarch,  in  Sylla,  et  Epitome  Livii,  lib.  81.    Appian.  in  Mithridaticis.  3  Justin,  lib.  40.  c.  1. 

3  In  Syriacisetin  Mithridaticis. 

4  The  Parthians  had  at  this  time  all  Mesopotamia  from  the  Tigris  to  the  Euphrates. 

5  Joseph.  Antiq,  lib.  M.  c.  12.  et  de  BcUo  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  4. 

6  Ibid.  lib.  13.  c.  22.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  3.  7  Joseph,  ibid. 


254  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

there  could  no  name  be  invented  for  him  bad  enough  to  express  so  inhuman  a 
procedure.  However,  it  had  its  effect;  for  all  the  remainder  of  the  rebel  party, 
being  terrified  with  the  horror  hereof,  fled  the  country:  and  after  this  Alexan- 
der had  no  more  disturbance  at  home,  to  the  day  of  his  death.  And  thus  ended 
this  furious  rebellion,  after  it  had  lasted  six  years,  and  had  cost  the  lives  of  above 
fifty  thousand  men  of  the  rebel  faction.' 

And  this  same  year  was  no  less  fatal'  to  the  cause  and  armies  of  Mithridates, 
than  it  was  to  the  rebel  Jews;  for  though  he  had  sent  into  Greece,  under  the 
command  of  Archelaus,  one  hundred  and  twenty  thousand  men,  and  under  the 
command  of  Taxiles,  another  of  his  generals,  and  brother  of  Archelaus,  one 
hundred  and  ten  thousand,  and  after  that,  eighty  thousand  more,  under  the 
command  of  Dorylaus,  in  all  three  hundred  and  ten  thousand  men,  numbers 
enough  to  have  borne  all  before  them,  would  numbers  alone  have  carried  the 
cause;  yet  Sylla,  with  a  Roman  army,  only  of  one  thousand  five  hundred  horse, 
and  fifteen  thousand  foot,  vanquished  them  all  in  three  several  battles;  the  first 
of  which  was  fought  at  Chaeronea,  and  the  other  two  at  Orchomenus,  in  which 
battles  he  is  said  to  have  slain  one  hundred  and  sixty  thousand  of  them;  and 
thereby  he  forced  all  the  rest  of  them  to  flee  out  of  Greece. 

An.  85.  Alexander  JanncBUS  '•21.] — And,  the  next  year  after,  Mithridates  was 
as  much  distressed  in  Asia;  for  Fimbria,'  who  there  commanded  another  Roman 
army,  having  vanquished  the  best  remainder  of  his  forces,  pursued  those  that 
fled  as  far  as  Pergamus,  where  Mithridates  himself  then  resided,  and  having 
driven  him  from  thence  to  Patana,  a  maritime  city  of  iEolia,  followed  him  thither, 
and,  laying  siege  to  the  place,  blocked  it  closely  up  by  land,  but,  not  having 
any  ships  to  shut  it  up  by  sea,  a  passage  there  still  lay  open:  whereon  Fimbria 
sent  to  LucuUus,  who  was  then  in  the  neighbouring  seas  with  the  Roman  fleet, 
to  come  thither,  and,  would  he  have  done  so,  Mithridates  must  necessarily  have 
been  taken:  but  Fimbria,  being  of  a  contrary  faction  in  the  state,  he  would 
have  nothing  to  do  with  him,  and  so  Mithridates  escaped  by  sea  to  Mitylene, 
and  from  thence  got  clear  out  of  their  hands,  to  the  great  damage  of  the  Roman, 
interest.  And  the  like  often  happens,  wherever  the  ministers  and  officers  of 
the  g-overnment  are  divided  into  different  factions:  for  such  frequently  study, 
in  their  several  stations,  more  to  gratify  their  envy,  their  piques,  and  their 
■malice  against  each  other,  than  to  serve  the  public  interest  of  their  country, 
and  thereby  often  make  the  best  projects  miscarry,  that  so  they  may  obstruct  the 
honour,  or  work  the  disgrace  of  those  that  are  intrusted  with  the  executing  of 
them.  And  there  is  scarce  any  state  now  in  being  which  cannot  give  many 
instances  hereof,  and  none  more  than  our  own. 

But  although  Mithridates  thus  made  his  escape,  yet  it  conduced  to  the  putting 
an  end  to  this  war:  for,  being  terrified  with  the  danger  which  he  had  so  nar- 
rowly got  clear  of,^  and  many  losses  he  had  suffered,  he  sent  to  Archelaus  on 
any  terms  to  make  peace  with  Sylla;  whereon  Sylla  and  Archelaus, -meeting  in 
the  isle  of  Delos,  agreed,  that  Mithridates  should  restore  Bithynia  to  Nicodemus, 
Cappadocia  to  Ariobarzanes,  and  all  else  to  the  Romans,  which  he  had  taken 
from  them  since  the  war  begun,  and  be  content  only  with  his  paternal  kingdom 
of  Pontus;  and  that  he  should  pay  three  thousand  talents  to  the  Romans  for  the 
charges  of  the  war,  and  yield  to  them  seventy  of  his  ships;  and  that  on  these 
terms  peace  should  be  granted;  and,  all  past  acts  of  hostility  being  forgotten, 
Mithridates  should  be  received  into  the  number  of  the  friends  and  allies  of  the 
Roman  state.  And  Sylla  and  INIithridates,  having  afterward  had  a  meeting  at 
Troas  in  Asia,  there  ratified  and  confirmed  these  articles  on  both  sides;  and 
thereon  the  peace  was  published  and  declared.     Sylla  would  never  have  con- 

1  Joseph.  Aniiq.  lib.  13.  c.  21.  et  do.  Bello  Jiulaico,  lib.  1.  c.  3. 

-  Plutarch.  Ill  Sylia.  Appl^n.  in  Mithridaticis.  Epit.  Livii,  lib.  82.  Memnoii,  c.  34.  Orosius,  lib.  6.  c.2. 
Eutropius,  lib.  5.     I..  Floru.s,  lib.  .1.  c.  5. 

.  j' J'"'^'"'^''"  '"  ^'"cullo.  Mcmiion,  c.  3fi.  Livii  Epitome,  lib.  83.  Appian.  in  Mithridaticis.  Orosius, 
lib.  (i.  c.  2.  •  ff  < 

4  Plutarch,  in  Sylla  ct  Lucullo.  Epitome  Livii,  lib.  P3.  Dion.  Cassius,  Legal.  34,  35.  Appian.  in  Mithri- 
datici*  e;  da  Bellis  Civil,  lib.  L    Vclleiu»  Paterculus,  lib,  2.  c.  23. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  255 

sented  to  make  this  peace,  but  that  the  divisions  of  the  Romans  at  home,  and 
the  civil  wars  there  commenced,  made  his  return  into  Italy  then  absolutely  ne- 
cessary for  the  appeasing  of  them.  This  made  Sylla  as  desirous  of  ending  the 
war  as  Mithridates  himself,  who  had  suffered  most  by  it.  And  therefore  Sylla, 
having  received  the  seventy  ships,  and  the  three  thousand  talents  above  men- 
tioned, and  mulcted  the  states  and  cities  of  Asia  in  the  sum  of  twenty  thousand 
talents  to  be  paid  in  five  year's  time,  returned  into  Italy,  to  make  war  with  the 
Marian  faction,  which  was  there  at  this  time  predominant;  but  what  he  did  here- 
in, doth  not  belong  to  my  purpose  to  relate. 

But  one  thing  I  cannot  here  omit,  that  is,  that  it  was  by  his  means  that  the 
works  of  Aristotle  were  preserved,'  and  afterward  made  public,  for  the  benefit 
of  the  learned  world.  Aristotle,  at  his  death,  left  them  to  Theophrastus:  he, 
on  his  death,  bequeathed  them  to  Neleus  of  Scepsis,,  a  city  near  Pergamus  in 
Asia;  and,  on  Neleus's  death,  they  fell  to  his  heirs;  who  being  men  of  no  learn- 
ing, only  kept  them  locked  up  in  a  chest.  But,  when  the  Pergamenian  kings, 
under  whose  jurisdiction  Scepsis  was,  made  diligent  search  for  all  sorts  of  books, 
for  the  filling  up  of  their  library  at  Pergamus,  they,  fearing  that  those  books 
might  be  taken  from  them,  for  the  preventing  of  it,  hid  them  in  a  vault  under 
ground,  where  they  lay  buried  for  about  a  hundred  and  thirty  years,  till  at 
length  Apellico,  a  rich  citizen  of  Athens,  being  on  the  hunt  after  all  sorts  of 
books  for  tlie  making  him  a  library,  the  heirs  of  Neleus,  to  whom  through  se- 
veral generations  these  books  were  then  descended,  being  reduced  to  poverty, 
took  them  up  out  of  the  place  where  they  had  been  hid,  and  sold  them  to  him. 
But  these  books,  by  the  length  of  time,  and  the  moisture  of  the  place  where 
they  lay,  being  so  damnified  and  rotten,  that  they  could  scarce  hang  together,. 
Apellico  caused  copies  of  them  to  be  written  out;  and,  in  the  writing  out  of 
them,  many  chasms  being  found  in  the  original  (in  some  places  letters,  and  in 
some  others  whole  words,  and  sometimes  several  of  them  together,  being  either 
eaten  out  by  worms,  or  rotted  out  by  time  and  wet,)  these  chasms  were  in  many 
places  supplied  by  conjecture,  and  sometimes  very  unskilfully,  which  hath 
caused  difficulties  in  those  books  ever  since.  Apellico  being  dead  a  little  be- 
fore Sylla  came  to  Athens,  he  seized  his  library,  and  with  it  these  works  of 
Aristotle,  and,  carrying  it  to  Rome,  there  added  it  to  his  own  library.  One 
Tyrannion,-  a  famous  grammarian  of  those  times,  then  residing  at  Rome,  being 
desirous  to  have  these  works  of  Aristotle,  obtained  leave  of  Sylla's  library- 
keeper  to  write  them  out.  This  copy  he  communicated  to  Andronicus  Rho- 
dius,  who,  from  that  copy,  first  made  these  works  of  Aristotle  public:  and  to. 
him  it  is  that  the  learned  world  is  beholden,  that  it  hath  ever  since  enjoyed  the 
very  valuable  writings  of  this  great  philosopher. 

While  Antiochus  Dionysius,  king  of  Damascus,  was  making  war  upon  Are- 
tas,  king  of  Arabia  Petrsea,  Philip  his  brother  took  the  advantage  of  it  to  seize 
Damascus,  which  he  got  into  by  the  help  of  Milesius,  the  captain  of  the  castle 
But  Philip  not  rewarding  him  as  he  expected,  he  took  the  opportunity  of  his 
next  going  abroad  for  his  diversion  to  shut  the  gates  against  him,  and  kept  the 
city  for  Antiochus;  and,  on  his  return  out  of  Arabia  (from  whence  he  immedi- 
ately hastened,  on  his  hearing  of  this  invasion,)  restored  it  to  him  again.  Here- 
on Philip  retreating,  Antiochus  made  another  expedition  against  Aretas,  taking, 
his  way  through  Judea,  and  that  part  of  the  country  that  lay  between  Joppa 
and  Antipatris,  being  the  only  passage  which  he  could  have  for  his  army  that 
way.  Alexander,  being  jealous  of  his  intentions,  drew  lines  between  those 
two  places  of  the  length  of  twenty  of  our  miles  to  obstruct  him,  and  fortified 

1  Plutarch,  in  Svlla.  Strabo,  lib.  13.  p.  609.  Stanley's  History  of  Philesophv,  part  C.  in  the  Life  of  Aris- 
totle, c.  JU.  " 

•i  This  Tyrannion  was  a  citizen  of  Amisus  in  Pontus.  Being  there  taken  prisonerwhen  Lucullus  reduced 
that  place,  he  was  released  merely  for  tlie  sake  of  his  eminent  learning.  After  this,  going  to  Rome,  he  liad 
there  the  patronage  of  M.  Cicero,  and  read  lectures  publicly  in  his  house,  and  there  took  care  of  his  library, 
and  did  set  it  in  due  order.  And,  soon  after  growing  very  rich,  he  got  together  a  very  great  library  of  hia 
own,  consisting  of  above  thirty  thousand  volumes;  and  he  procured  this  copy  of  Aristotle's  works  to  be  set 
among  them.  Concerning  all  this,  see  Cicero's  Epistles,  lib.  2.  epist.  4.  et  lib.  4.  ad  Atticum,  epist.  4.  et  ep. 
8.  Plutarch,  in  Sylla  et  in  LucuUo.    Strabo,  lib.  13.  p.  608.  et  Suidas  ia  voce  Tv|xvKaiv, 


^6  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

them  with  a  wall  and  wooden  towers  placed  at  a  convenient  distance  from  each 
other.  But  this  proved  of  no  eifect  for  the  end  proposed:  for  Antiochus,  on  his 
approach,  set  tire  to  these  towers,  and,  burning  them  down,  broke  through  the 
lines,  and  passed  on  into  Arabia;  but,  being  there  surprised  and  taken  at  a  dis- 
advantage by  Aretas,  he  was  slain  in  the  battle,  and  most  of  his  forces  were  cut 
off  with  him;  and  the  rest  that  escaped  had  no  better  fate:  for  having,  after 
their  flight,  gotten  into  a  village  called  Cana,  they  there  aU  perished  for  want 
of  bread;  whereon  Aretas  became  king  of  Ccele-Syria,  not  by  conquest  after 
this  victory,  but  by  the  election  and  call  of  the  people  of  Damascus,  in  oppo- 
sition to  Ptolemy  the  son  of  Mennaeus  prince  of  Chalcis  in  their  neighbour- 
hood. It  seems  he  would  have  served  himself  of  the  opportunity  offered  by 
the  death  of  Antiochus  to  have  seized  that  government:  but  the  people  of  Da- 
mascus, having  an  utter  aversion  to  him,  rather  than  have  him,  chose  to  call  in 
Aretas,  and  made  him  their  king:  and,  as  soon  as  he  was  settled  in  that  sove- 
reignty, he  made  an  expedition  irtto  Judea  against  Alexander,  and  had  the  bet- 
ter of  him  in  a  battle  near  Addida;  but  afterward  a  treaty  being  commenced 
between  them,  all  farther  hostilities  were  superseded  by  an  agreement  of  peace 

Jin.  84.  Jllexunder  JannoEus  H-I] — Many  places  on  the  borders  of  Arabia  hav- 
ing revolted  from  Alexander,  while  he  was  engaged  in  his  wars  with  his  rebel 
subjects,  he  being  now  at  leisure  from  all  other  embarrassments,'  marched  over 
Jordan  again  to  reduce  them,  and,  after  having  taken  PeUa  and  Dia,  he  sat 
down  before  Gerasa,  to  which  place  Theodorus  the  son  of  Zeno  had  removed 
his  treasure,  on  his  deserting  Amathus,  as  hath  been  above  related;  and,  after  a 
strict  siege,  made  himself  master  of  it,  and  of  all  that  was  thecein.  When 
Alexander  took  Pella,  he  destroyed  the  place,  and  drove  the  inhabitants  into 
banishment,  because  they  refused  to  embrace  the  Jewish  religion,  it  being  the 
usage  of  the  Asmona;an  princes  to  impose  their  religion  upon  all  their  conquests, 
leaving  to  the  conquered  no  other  choice,  but  either  to  turn  Jews,  or  else  to 
have  their  habitations  demolished,  and  be  forced  to  go  seek  new  dwellings, 
fcisewhere. 

On  Sylla's  departure  for  Italy,  Murena,  whom  he  left  in  the  government  of 
Asia,  renewed  the  war  again  with  Mithridates  without  a  sufficient  cause  for  it," 
which  lasted  three  years;  at  the  end  whereof  Sylla  (being  then  dictator  of 
Rome,)  disliking  the  proceedings  of  Murena,  recalled  him,*  and  settled  again 
with  Mithridates  the  same  articles  of  peace  which  he  had  formerly  made  with 
him;  and  so  ended  the  second  JNIithridatic  war.  However,  Murena,*  on  his 
return,  triumphed  for  his  exploits  in  it. 

^n.  83.  Jllexnnder  Jannceus  23.] — The  Syrians,  being  weary  of  the  continual 
wars  made  in  their  country  between  the  princes  of  the  race  of  Seleucus  for  the 
sovereignty  of  it,  and  not  being  able  any  longer  to  bear  the  devastations,  slaugh- 
ters, and  other  calamities,  which  they  suffered  hereby,  resolved  to  fling  them  all 
off  at  once,^  and  call  in  some  foreign  prince  to  rule  over  them,  who  might  de- 
liver them  from  these  miseries,  and  settle  the  country  in  peace.  And  accord- 
ingly they  fixed  their  choice  on  Tigranes,  king  of  Armenia,  and  sent  ambassa- 
dors to  notify  it  unto  him;  whereon,  coming  into  Syria  on  this  call,''  he  took 
possession  of  that  kingdom,  and  there  reigned  eighteen  years,  'the  first  fourteen 
of  which  he  governed  it  by  Megadates  his  lieutenant,"  till  at  length  he  recalled 
him  to  his  assistance  against  the  Romans. 

On  Tigranes  thus  taking  possession  of  the  kingdom  of  Syria,  Eusebes  fled 
into  Cilicia,  and  there  lay  hid  in  an  obscure  place  of  that  country"  (among  the 
fastnesses,  it  may  be  supposed,  of  Mount  Taurus,)  till  he  died.  What  became 
<jf  Philip  is  no  where  said.  It  is  most  likely  he  was  slain  by  Tigranes  in  some 
opposition  he  made  against  him  on  his  first  coming  into  that  country.    Porphyry,'" 

1  Josfipli.  Antiq.  lib.  jri.  c  23.  et  de  Bcllo  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  4. 

2  Ai)i)iaii.  ill  Mitbridaticis.  Plutarch,  in  Sylla.     Epitome  J.ivii,  lib.  80.     Memnon,  c.  38. 

3  Cicero  in  Oralionc  pro  Lnec  Manilia.  4  Cicero  pro  Miirena.  5  Justin,  lib.  40.  c.  I. 
C  Appian.  in  Syriacis.    Justin,  ibid.                7  Justin,  lib.  40.  c.  1,  2.           8  Appian.  in  Syriacis. 
9  Appiau.  ibid.  Plutarch  in  t'ompeio.               10  In  Grtecis  Eusebianis  Scaligeri. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  057 

indeed,  makes  mention  of  both  these  princes  as  in  being  near  thirty  years 
after;  but  that  Porphyry  was  mistaken  herein  will  be  hereafter  shown  in  its 
proper  place.  But  Selene/  the  wife  of  Eusebes,  still  retained  Ptolemais,  with 
some  parts  of  Phoenicia  and  Ccele-Syria,  and  there  reigned  for  many  years  after, 
and  was  thereby  enabled  to  give  a  royal  education  to  her  two  sons,^  the  eldest 
of  which  was  called  Antiochus  Asiaticus,^  and  the  other  Seleucus  Cybiosactes.* 

Alexander  Jannaeus,''  enlarging  his  conquests  beyond  Jordan,  took  Gaulana, 
Seleucia,  and  several  other  places  in  those  parts. 

An.  82.  Alexander  Jannaus  24.] — And  the  next  year  after  he  made  himself 
master  of  the  valley  of  Antiochus  and  the  strong  fortress  of  Gamala.^  One  De- 
metrius was  till  then  master  of  these  places:  but  there  being  many  grievous  mis- 
demeanours laid  to  his  charge,  Alexander  deprived  him  of  his  principality,  and 
carried  him  prisoner  with  him  to  Jerusalem,  where  he  returned  at  the  end 
of  this  year,  after  having  been  absent  from  it  three  years  on  this  expedition; 
and,  by  reason  of  his  successes  in  it,  he  was  there  received  with  great  accla- 
mations. After  this,  enjoying  full  ease,  he  gave  himself  up  to  luxury  and  di-unk- 
enness,  whereby  he  contracted  a  quartan  ague,  which  he  could  never  get  rid 
of  as  long  as  he  hved,  but  died  of  it  three  years  after. 

An.  81.  Alexander  Jannczus  25.] — Ptolemy  Lathyrus,  having  for  three  years 
laid  siege  to  Thebes  in  the  Upper  Egypt,''  at  length  took  the  place.  For  they 
had  rebelled  against  him,  and,  being  beaten  out  of  the  field,  were  shut  up 
within  their  walls,  and  there  forced  to  bear  this  siege,  till  they  were  thereby 
now  again  reduced.  Lathyrus,  on  his  taking  the  place,  handled  it  so  severely 
for  this  rebellion,  that,  from  being  the  greatest  and  wealthiest  city  in  Egypt,  he 
reduced  it  to  so  low  a  condition,  that  it  never  after  any  more  made  a  figure. 
And  not  long  after  this  he  died,*  having  reigned,  from  the  time  of  the  death  of 
his  father,  thirty-six  years,  of  which  he  reigned  eleven  with  his  mother  in 
Egypt,  eighteen  in  Cyprus,  and  seven  alone  in  Egypt  after  his  mother's  death. 
He  was  succeeded  by  Cleopatra,  his  daughter,  and  only  legitimate  child.  Her 
proper  name  was  Berenice,  and  so  Pausanias  calls  her;''  for  it  is  to  be  noted, 
that,  as  all  the  males  of  this  family  had  the  common  name  of  Ptolemy,  so  all 
the  females  of  it  had  that  of  Cleopatra,  and  besides  had  other  proper  names  to 
distinguish  them  from  each  other;  thus,  Selene  was  called  Cleopatra,'"  and  so 
were  also  two  other  of  her  sisters.  And,  in  like  manner,  their  daughter  of  La- 
thyrus, whose  proper  name  was  Berenice,  bore  also  that  of  Cleopatra,  according 
to  the  usage  of  her  family.  The  observing  of  this  will  remove  many  obscuri- 
ties and  difficulties  in  the  Egyptian  history. 

An.  80.  Alexander  Jannoius  26.] — Alexander,"  the  son  of  that  Alexander  king 
of  Egypt  who  murdered  his  mother,  being  sent  into  Egypt  by  Sylla,  to  succeed 
in  the  kingdom,  after  the  death  of  Lathyrus  his  uncle,  as  next  heir  to  him  of 
the  male  line,  there  claimed  the  crown.  But  the  Alexandrians  having  put  Cleo- 
patra on  the  throne,  and  she  having  now  sat  on  it  six  months  before  his  arrival; 
to  compromise  the  matter,  and  avoid  displeasing  Sylla,  who,  as  perpetual  dic- 
tator at  this  time,  absolutely  governed  the  Roman  state,  it  was  agreed,  that 
Cleopatra  should  be  given  to  him  to  wife,  and  that  they  should  both  reign  jointly 
together.  But  Alexander,  either  not  liking  the  lady,  or  else  not  liking  to  have 
a  partner  in  the  government,  at  nineteen  days'  end  after  the  marriage  put  her 
to  death,'-  and  then  reigned  alone  fifteen  years.  I  have  before  related,  how  this 
Alexander  had  been  sent  by  Queen  Cleopatra,  his  grandmother,  to  Coos,  there 
to  be  educated;  and  how  Mithridates  there  took  him  with  all  the  treasure  which 

1  Cicero  in  Verrein,  lib.  4.  s.  27.     Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  2-1.  2  Cicero,  ibid. 

3  He  was  called  Asiaticus,  because  he  was  educated  in  Asia.    See  Appian.  in  Syriacis. 

4  Strabo,  lib.  17.  p.  796.        5  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  ]3.  c.  23.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  4.        6  Joseph,  ibid. 
7  Pausanias  in  Atticis.  ibi  Thebas  Boeotias  pro  Thebis  jEgyptiisex  errore  ponit. 

6  Pausanias,  ibid.     Porphyrins  in  Graecis  Eusebianis  Scaligeri.     PtolemKus  Astronomus  in  Canone. 

9  In  Atticis.  10  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  24. 

H   Appian.  de  BellisC'ivilibus,  lib.  1.     Porphyr.  in  Gr^cis  Euseb.  Pcalligeri. 

12  Porphyrias  in  Grfecis  Eusebianis  Scaligeri.  He  there  saith.  that  this  Alexander  was  for  thi.^  murderous 
ftct  slain  by  the  Alexandrians;  and  Appian,  in  the  place  last  cited,  saith  the  same:  but  this  ia  a  mistake, 
for  he  reigned  fifteen  years  after,  as  will  be  hereafter  shown. 

Vol.  n.— 33 


258  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

his  grandmother  sent  thither  with  him.  After  this,  having  made  his  escape 
from  Mithridates,'  he  fled  to  Sylla;  who,  receiving  him  kindly,  took  him  into 
his  protection,  and  carried  him  with  him  to  Rome,  and  from  thence,  on  this 
occasion,  sent  him  to  take  possession  of  the  kingdom  of  Egypt;  and  there,  for 
fear  of  Sylla,  he  was  accordingly  received  into  it. 

An.  79.  Alexander  Jannoius  27.] — Alexander  Jannseus,  being  still  afflicted  with 
the  quartan  ague,*  and  hoping  that  by  stirring  and  exercise  he  might  wear  it 
off,  marched  with  his  army  over  Jordan,  and  besieged  Ragaba,  a  castle  in  the 
country  of  the  Gerasens;  but,  by  his  labouring  herein,  having,  instead  of  alle- 
viating the  distemper,  exasperated  it  to  a  greater  height,  he  died  of  it  in  the  camp. 
At  his  death  he  left  two  sons  behind  him,^  Hyrcanus  and  Aristobulus,  but  be- 
queathed the  government  of  the  kingdom  to  Alexandra  his  wife,  during  her  life, 
and  afterward  to  which  of  these  her  two  sons  she  should  think  fit  to  dispose  of 
it  to.  Alexandra  being  then  with  him  at  this  siege,  on  her  finding  him  in  a 
dying  condition,*  was  exceedingly  troubled  at  the  ill  state  which  she  feared  she 
and  her  children  should  be  left  in  at  his  death.  She  knew  how  much  he  had 
exasperated  the  Pharisees,  then  a  powerful  sect  and  party  in  the  Jewish  nation, 
and  how  great  hatred,  at  their  instigation,  the  generahty  of  the  people  had  con- 
tracted against  them;  and  therefore  saw  nothing  else  that  she  had  to  expect  on 
Alexander's  death,  but  that  they  would,  for  the  wreaking  of  their  revenge 
against  him,  fall  upon  her,  and  his  children  by  her,  and  destroy  the  whole  fa- 
mily; and  hereon  she  made  great  lamentation  to  him  as  she  sat  by  his  bed-side, 
where  he  lay  dying.  To  ease  her  mind  from  these  dismal  apprehensions,  he 
gave  her  those  directions,  which  he  assured  her,  if  duly  followed,  would  extri- 
cate her  out  of  all  this  danger,  and  secure  both  safety  and  tranquillity  to  her 
and  her  family.  For  his  advice  was,  that  she  should  conceal  his  death  till  tha 
castle  should  be  taken,  and  then  lead  back  the  army  to  Jerusalem  in  triumph 
for  this  success,  carrying  thither  with  her  his  dead  corpse;  and  that,  as  soon  as 
she  should  be  there  arrived,  she  should  call  together  to  her  the  chief  of  the 
Pharisaic  sect,  and  acquainting  them  of  her  husband's  death,  should  lay  the 
dead  corpse  before  them,  and  tell  them,  that  she  resigned  it  wholly  to  their 
pleasure,  either  to  be  cast  forth  with  ignominy,  in  revenge  for  what  they  had 
suffered  from  him,  or  otherwise  to  be  disposed  of  as  they  should  think  fit;  and 
that  then  she  should  promise  them,  that  she  would  follow  their  advice  in  all 
matters  of  the  government,  and  do  nothing  therein  but  what  should  be  agree- 
able to  their  sentiments,  and  according  to  their  directions.  Bo,  said  he,  but  fol- 
low this  advice,  and  you  shall  not  only  gain  me  an  honourable  funeral,  but  also 
both  for  you  and  your  children  a  safe  settlement  in  the  government;  and  so  it 
accordingly  happened.  For,  on  having  taken  the  castle,  she  returned  to  Jeru- 
salem in  the  manner  as  directed,  and  then  calling  together  to  her  the  leading 
men  of  the  Pharisaic  sect,  she  did  and  said  to  them  as  her  dying  husband  had 
advised,  taking  especial  care  to  assure  them,  that  she  would  put  the  administra- 
tion of  the  government,  and  the  prime  direction  of  all  the  affairs  of  it,  again 
into  their  hands;  which  promise  sweetened  them  to  such  a  degree,  that,  imme- 
diately laying  aside  all  that  hatred  to  the  dead  king,  which  they  had  to  the 
utmost  contracted  against  him  while  living,  they  turned  it  into  veneration  and 
respect  for  his  memory,  and,  instead  of  those  invectives,  which  formerly  their 
mouths  had  been  full  of  against  him,  they  made  encomiums  upon  him,  magni- 
fying his  great  exploits  in  enlarging  their  dominions,  and  increasing  thereby  the 
power,  honour,  and  interest  of  the  nation;  whereby  they  so  far  reconciled  the 
people  to  him,  whom  before,  on  all  occasions,  they  had  exasperated  against 
him,  that  hereupon  he  was  buried  with  a  more  sumptuous  and  honourable  fune- 
ral than  had  been  made  before  for  any  of  his  predecessors;  and  Alexandra,  ac- 
cording to  his  will,  was  safely  settled  in  the  supreme  government  of  the  nation. 

1  Appian.  rio  Rcllis  Civilibiis,  lib.  1.  pt  Porphyr.  in  Grscis  Euseb.  Scaligeri. 

2  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  la.  c.  23.  ut  de  BeUo  Judaico.  lib  1.  c.  4.  3  JoBeph.  ibid.  c.  24.  et  ibid. 
4  Ibid.  c.  23.  et  ibid. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  259 

An.  78.  Alexandra  1.] — As  soon  as  matters  were  thus  composed,  and  Alex- 
andra thoroughly  fixed  on  the  throne,  she  made  her  eldest  son  Hyrcanus  high- 
priest,'  he  being  then  about  thirty-three  years  old,^  and,  according  to  her  pro- 
mise, did  put  the  prime  management  and  administration  of  her  affairs  into  the 
hands  of  the  Pharisees.  The  first  thing  they  did  was,  to  procure  that  decree  of 
John  Hyrcanus  to  be  revoked,'  whereby,  in  the  latter  end  of  his  government, 
he  had  caused  all  their  traditionary  constitutions  to  be  abolished,  and  which  till 
now  had  been  ever  since  severely  executed,  to  the  great  grief  and  mortification 
of  this  sect.  But,  by  this  revocation,  the  traditions  being  again  restored  to  their  for- 
mer credit,  and  the  Pharisees  to  their  full  liberty  again,  to  impose  and  propagate 
them,  they  grew  to  that  bulk  which  I  have  already  mentioned;  and  that  people 
have  ever  since  been  so  enslaved  to  them,  that  they  have  for  their  sake  even 
abolished,  and  made  of  none  effect,  the  very  written  word  itself,  of  which  they 
are  pretended  to  contain  the  explication.  Next  this,  they  released  all  out  of 
prison  who  had  been  committed  thither  for  being  concerned  with  them  in  the 
late  civil  wars,  and  called  home  from  banishment  all  such  who,  for  the  same 
cause,  had  been  forced  to  flee  their  country,  and  restored  to  them  again  their 
former  possessions;  and  hereby  much  increased  both  the  number  and  strength 
of  their  party. 

Tigranes,  having  built  a  large  new  city  in  Armenia,  which,  from  his  own 
name,  he  called  Tigranocerta,  i.  e.  the  city  of  Tigranes,  he,  by  the  instigation 
of  Mithridates''  invaded  Cappadocia,  and  carried  thence  three  hundred  thousand 
of  the  inhabitants  of  that  country  to  people  with  them  this  city,  and  other  parts 
of  his  dominions,  which  wanted  inhabitants;  and  in  most  other  places,  where 
he  made  any  conquests,  he  practised  the  same  thing,  carrying  away  the  inha- 
bitants into  his  own  country,  to  make  it  the  more  populous,  and  assigning  them 
lands  for  their  cultivation  sufficient  for  each  man's  support.  And  he  is  said  to 
have  demolished  twelve  Grecian  cities  in  Lesser  Asia,  for  the  peopling  of  Ti- 
granocerta only,  besides  what  he  did  elsewhere  for  the  same  purpose.  For  he 
transplanted  thither  great  numbers  from  Assyria,  Adiabene,  Gordiana,  and  other 
places,  as  well  as  from  the  Grecian  cities  mentioned,  for  the  making  of  this 
place  a  great  and  populous  city. 

An.  77.  Alexartdra  2.] — The  Pharisees  in  Judea  having  strengthened  them- 
selves by  releasing  all  the  prisoners,  and  calling  home  all  the  exiles  of  their 
party,  as  hath  been  mentioned,  proceeded  to  demand  justice  against  all  those," 
at  whose  instigation,  and  by  whose  advice,  Alexander  had  crucified  the  eight 
hundred  rebels  above  mentioned:  which  was  in  effect  against  all  those  that 
stood  by  him  in  that  war:  for  all  those  they  involved  in  this  guilt.  And,  first, 
they  began  with  Diogenes,  a  noted  confidant  of  the  late  king's,  and  having  cut 
him  off,  they  proceeded  to  others,  laying  against  them  the  same  accusation,  and 
this  was  made  a  pretence  for  their  destroying  all  else  of  the  adverse  party, 
whom  they  most  misliked;  and  Alexandra  was,  much  against  her  will,  forced 
to  allow  them  thus  to  proceed,  because  they  having  gotten  all  the  people  on 
their  side,  she  could  no  otherwise  keep  peace  at  home,  though  she  had  two 
powerful  armies  on  foot,  on  the  borders  of  her  kingdom,  which  made  her  a  ter- 
ror to  all  her  neighbours.  She  dreaded  a  civil  war,  having  seen  so  much  of  the 
calamities  of  it  in  her  husband's  time,  and  finding  she  could  no  otherwise  pre- 
vent it  than  by  yielding  in  some  measure  to  the  vindictive  humour  of  those 
men,  she  permitted  one  evil,  in  order  to  prevent  another  that  was  worse. 

An.  76.  Alexandra  3.] — Nicomedes,^  king  of  Bithynia,  dying,  left  the  Roman 
people  his  heirs;  by  virtue  whereof  that  country  thenceforth  became  a  Roman 

1  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  23.  et  lib.  20.  c.  8. 

2  For  Hyrcanus  being  past  eighty  at  the  time  of  bis  death,  must  have  been  at  least  thirty-three  when  his 
father  died,  and  he  was  thereon  made  high-priest. 

3  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  23.  et  lib.  20.  c.8. 

4  Appian.  in  Mithridaticis.     Plutarch,  in  Lucullo.    Strabo,  lib.  11.  p.  532.  etlib.  12.  p.  539. 

5  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  24.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  I.  c.  4. 

6  Appian.  in  Mithridaticis,  et  de  Bellia  Civilibus,  lib.  1.  Epitome  Livii,  lib.  93.  Velleius  Patercului, 
lib.  2.  e.  4. 39. 


260  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

province;  which  occasion  Mithridates  laying  hold  of  for  his  reviving  of  the  war 
again  with  the  Romans,  spent  the  most  part  of  this  year  in  making  prepara- 
tions for  it. 

This  year  Cyrence'  also  was  reduced  into  the  like  form  of  a  Roman  pro- 
vince. Ptolemy  Apion,  the  last  king  of  that  country,^  having,  on  his  death, 
given  it  by  his  will  to  the  Romans,  they,  instead  of  accepting  of  it,  declared  all 
the  cities  free,  and  left  them  to  be  governed  by  their  own  laws.  This  was  done 
twenty  years  before  this  time,  as  hath  been  above  related.^  But  this  causing  se- 
ditions among  them,'*  and  afterward  tyrannies,  to  the  great  vexation  of  the  inha- 
bitants, the  Romans  found  it  necessary  to  resume  their  grant,  and  make  it  a 
Roman  province,  the  peace  of  the  country  being  no  other  way  to  be  provided 
for.  To  these  disturbances*  the  Jews  of  the  country  are  said  to  have  much  con- 
tributed. They  were  first  planted  in  it  by  the  first  Ptolemy  that  reigned  in 
Egypt,  as  hath  been  above  related,  where  they  grew  and  multiplied  so  fast,  that 
in  a  short  time  they  became  a  great  part  of  the  bulk  of  the  people  in  that  coun- 
tr}^,  and  are  often  said  to  have  disturbed  it  by  their  seditions,  to  which,  no 
doubt,  they  were  sufficiently  provoked  by  the  other  inhabitants.  For  being,  by 
reason  of  their  different  religion  and  different  w^ay  of  living,  much  hated  by  the 
heathen  nations,  wherever  they  lived  among  them,  they  often  suffered  indig- 
nities, wrongs,  and  other  provocations  from  them;  which,  when  answered  with 
suitable  resentments,  sometimes  produced  disturbances,  and,  whenever  they 
did  so,  the  Jews  bore  the  blame  of  the  whole;  and  this  often  happened  to  be 
their  case  in  Alexandria. 

An>  75.  Alexandra  4.] — Mithridates"  seized  Paphlagonia  and  Bithynia.  And 
the  province  of  Asia,  being  much  exhausted  by  the  Roman  publicans  and  Ro- 
man usurers,  to  be  delivered  from  these  oppressions,  again  revolted  to  him;  and 
hereon  began  the  third  Mithridatic  war,  which  lasted  near  twelve  years. 

An.  74.  Alexandra  5.] — For  the  managing  of  this  war  against  him,^  the  con- 
suls of  this  year,  Lucius  Lucullus  and  Marcus  Cotta,  were  sent  from  Rome  with 
two  armies;  the  first  having  Asia,  Cilicia,  and  Cappadocia;  and  the  other  Bi- 
thynia and  the  Propontis  assigned  them  for  their  provinces.  But  M.  Cotta,* 
being  a  person  not  skilled  in  war,  on  his  arrival  in  his  province,  was  vanquished 
by  Mithridates  at  Chalcedon,  with  the  slaughter  of  a  great  number  of  his  men, 
and  at  the  same  time  lost  the  best  part  of  his  fleet,  which  he  had  there  for  the 
defending  of  that  coast. 

An.  73.  Alexandra  6.] — Mithridates,  animated  with  this  success,'  laid  siege 
to  Cyzicus,  a  city  on  the  Propontis,  which  strenuously  adhered  to  the  Roman 
interest  during  this  war.  Could  Mithridates  have  made  himself  master  of  this 
place,  it  would  have  opened  to  him  a  clear  and  safe  passage  from  Bithynia  into 
the  province  of  Proper  Asia;  and,  in  this  respect,  it  would  have  been  of  great 
advantage  to  him,  for  the  carrying  of  the  war  into  that  country;  and  it  was  with 
this  view  that  he  made  this  attempt  upon  it:  and  to  make  his  success,  as  he 
thought,  the  surer,  he  begirt  it  with  three  hundred  thousand  men  in  ten  camps 
by  land,  and  with  four  hundred  ships  of  war  by  sea.  But  he  was  no  sooner 
sat  down  before  it  with  his  army,  but  Lucullus  sat  down  by  hirn  with  another; 
and  there,  without  coming  to  a  battle,  by  obstructing  his  supplies  of  provisions, 
by  falling  on  his  foragers,  by  cutting  off  detachments,  sent  out  on  several  occa- 
sions, and  by  taking  all  other  advantages  as  they  were  offered,  he  so  wasted  and 
distressed  him,  that  at  length  he  forced  him  to  raise  the  siege  with  disgrace, 
after  having  lost  the  greatest  part  of  his  numerous  army  in  it. 

There  being  some  confusions  in  Egypt,  on  the  dislike  which  the  people  had 
of  Alexander,  Selene,  as  sister  to  Lathy rus,  put  in  her  claim  for  that  crown, 

1  Appian.  de  Bellig  Civilibus,  lib.  1.  2  Epitome  Livii,  lib.  70.  3  Under  tlie  year  96. 

4  Plutarchiia  in  Luciillo.  5  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  12. 

0  Appian.  in  Mithridaticis.     Plutarch,  in  Luciilln.    Epitome  Livii,  lib.  93. 
•  7  Plutarch,  in  Appian.  ibid.    (;ic,ero  pro  Murena.     Memnon.  r.  39.    Eutropius,  lib.  6. 

8  Plutarch.  Appian.  et  Livius,  ibid.    Ep.  Mithridaticis  apud  Sallust,  Frag.  lib.  4. 

9  Plutarch,  in  Lucullo.  Appian.  in  Mithridaticis.  Epitome  Livii,  lib.  94.  Cicero  in  Orationibus  pro  Mu- 
rena et  pro  Legs  Manilla.    Strabo,  lib.  12.  p.  575.    L.  Florus,  lib.  3.  c.  5. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  261 

and  sent  her  two  sons,'  Antiochus  Asiaticus  and  Seleucus  (whom  she  had  by 
Antiochus  Eusebes,)  to  Rome,  to  solicit  the  senate  for  the  putting  of  her  in 
possession  of  it.  But,  after  two  years  spent  in  soUciting  this  matter,  they  were 
forced  to  return  without  success,  and  had  also  the  misfortune  to  be  robbed,  in 
their  way  home,  by  Verres,  praetor  of  Sicily,  as  they  passed  through  that  island. 
The  Roman  senators  held  them  so  long  in  hand  with  hopes  at  Rome,  only  to 
get  the  more  money  out  of  Alexander  for  the  confirming  of  him  in  that  king- 
dom. Afld  when  they  had  thus  squeezed  out  of  him  all  that  could  be  had, 
they  declared  for  him  whom  they  had  got  most  by,  and  sent  home  the  two  young 
princes  to  their  mother  with  balile  and  disappointment. 

In  Judea  the  Pharisees-  went  on  still  to  oppress  those  that  had  sided  with  the 
late  king  against  them,  accusing  them  of  being  the  advisers  and  promoters  of  all 
the  cruelties  and  misdemeanors  which  they  thought  fit  to  load  the  memory  of 
the  late  king  with:  on  which  pretence  they  had  cut  off  several  of  the  party 
adverse  to  them,  and  were  still  framing  new  accusations  of  the  same  nature 
against  such  others  of  them  as  they  most  misliked,  in  order  to  subject  them  to 
the  same  fatal  ruin. 

Jin.  72.  Alexandra  7.] — Whereon  the  friends  and  adherents  of  the  late  king,' 
seeing  no  end  of  these  prosecutions,  at  length  gathered  together  and  went  in  a 
full  body  to  the  queen,  with  Aristobulus  her  younger  son  at  the  head  of  them, 
to  remonstrate  against  these  proceedings.  On  which  occasion,  having  set  forth 
their  services  to  the  late  kin"-,  and  their  faithful  adhering  to  him  in  all  his  wars 
and  difficulties,  and  shown  how  hard  a  thing  it  was,  that  now  under  her  govern- 
ment they  should,  for  this  very  reason,  be  subjected  to  punishment,  and  be  thus 
■sacrificed  to  the  msJice  of  their  enemies,  for  no  other  guilt,  but  for  having,  in 
opposition  to  them,  been  friends  to  her  and  her  family,  they  earnestly  prayed 
of  her,  that  a  stop  might  be  put  to  these  proceedings  for  the  future;  or,  if  this 
could  not  be  done,  that  they  might  have  leave  to  depart  the  land,  and  seek  their 
safety  elsewhere;  or  else  that  tiey  might  be  dispersed  through  the  garrisons  of 
the  kingdom,  that  so  by  this  means  at  least  they  might  be  put  out  of  the  reach 
of  their  enemies.  The  queen  heartily  commiserated  their  case,  as  being  sensi- 
ble of  the  hardships  of  it,  but  was  not  able  to  help  them  as  far  as  she  could 
wish.  For  she  was  got  so  far  into  the  hands  and  power  of  the  Pharisees,  that 
she  could  do  nothing  but  what  they  liked.  To  stop  all  farther  proceedings 
against  those  men,  they  cried,  would  be  to  put  a  stop  to  the  course  of  justice, 
which  was  in  no  government  to  be  endured;  and  therefore,  they  would  not  per- 
mit her  to  do  it.  And  for  her  to  give  so  many  of  the  true  and  faithful  friends 
of  her  family  leave  to  depart  the  land,  would  be  to  leave  herself  utterly  naked 
and  helpless,  in  the  absolute  power  of  a  turbulent  faction,  and  thereby  deprive 
herself  of  all  refuge,  whereto  to  flee  in  case  of  need.  And  therefore  she  chose 
to  gratify  them  in  their  third  demand,  and  placed  them  in  the  several  garrisons 
of  the  kingdom,  which  answered  a  double  end.  For  when  they  were  thus  set- 
tled in  these  fortresses  with  their  swords  in  their  hands,  their  enemies  could  no 
more  approach  them  to  do  them  any  hurt;  and  they  were  there  a  certain  re- 
serve for  the  service  of  the  queen,  whenever  occasion  should  require. 

This  year  was  born  Herod  the  Great,  who  was  afterward  king  of  Judea  (for 
he  was  twenty -five  years  old*  when  he  was  first  made  governor  of  Galilee  in  the 
year  before  Christ  47.)  His  father  was  Antipas,^  a  noble  Idumsan,  and  his 
mother  Cyprus  of  an  illustrious  family  among  the  Arabians.  This  Antipas,  to 
bring  his  name  to  the  Greek  form,  called  himself  Antipater,  and  under  that 
name  we  shall  have  frequent  occasion  to  speak  of  him  in  the  future  series  of 
this  history.  Nicolas  Damascenus,  who  wrote  a  general  history  consisting  of 
one  hundred  and  twenty-four  books, ^  saith  Josephus,  of  one  hundred  and  forty- 

1  Cicero  in  Vefrem,  lib.  4.  s.  27.  2  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  24.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  4. 

3  Joseph,  ibid. 

4  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  17.    For  there,  instead  of  fifteen  years  of  age,  it  ought  to  be  read  twenty-fiv« 
year*.    See  Casaubnn's  first  E.^ercitation  upon  Baronius,  c.  34,  and  Usher's  Annals,  J.  P.  4C67. 

5  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  2.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  5. 

6  Vide  Vossium  de  Historicis  Graecis,  lib.  2.  c.  4. 


262  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

four,  saith  Athenseus,  having  therein  given  an  account  of  the  actions  of  Herod, 
as  far  as  they  fell  within  the  time  where  he  concludes  this  work,  and  published 
the  whole  while  Herod  was  living,  therein  to  flatter  him,'  as  being  a  great  fa- 
vourite of  his,  derives  the  pedigree  of  Antipater  his  father  from  one  of  the  prin- 
cipal Jews  that  returned  to  Jerusalem  from  the  Babylonish  captivity.  And 
others,'  to  blast  him  as  much  on  the  other  side,  relate,  that  this  Antipater  was 
no  other  than  the  son  of  one  Herod,  who  was  sexton  of  the  temple  of  Apollo 
at  Askalon,  and  that  being  taken  captive  by  some  thieves  of  Idumsei(^  while  a 
child,  and  his  father  being  so  poor  as  not  to  be  able  to  redeem  him,  he  was  made 
a  slave  in  that  country,  and  as  such,  there  bred  up  in  the  religion  of  the  Idu- 
mseans  (which  was  then  the  same  with  that  of  the  Jews,)  and  from  this  mean 
original  grew  up  to  that  figure  which  he  afterward  made  in  the  world.  But  Jo- 
sephus,  who  best  knew  the  truth,  and  is  the  likeliest  to  relate  it  without  disguise 
on  either  side,  tells  us  of  this  Antipas,  or  Antipater,  that  he  was  of  a  noble 
family  in  Idumsea;''  that  his  father,  being  also  called  Antipas,'*  was  governor  of 
Idumsea,  under  King  Alexander  Jannaeus  and  Alexandra  his  queen.  By  coun- 
try therefore  he  was  an  Idumcean,  but  by  religion  a  Jew,  as  all  other  Idumaeans 
were  from  the  time  that  Hyrcanus  brought  them  all  to  embrace  the  Jewish  reli- 
gion, of  which  I  have  above  given  an  account. 

In  the  interim,  the  Mithridatic  war  still  went  on  in  Lesser  Asia.  Mithridates 
being  forced  to  raise  the  siege  of  Cyzicus,*  with  the  loss  of  a  great  part  of  his 
army,  as  hath  been  mentioned,  fled  to  Nicomedia,  and  from  thence  by  sea  into 
Pontus,  leaving  some  part  of  his  fleet,  -with,  ten  thousand  of  his  choicest  men 
behind  him,  in  the  Hellespont,  under  the  command  of  three  of  his  prime  gene- 
rals. These  LucuUus  falling  on  with  the  Roman  fleet,  cut  most  of  them  off"  in 
two  naval  victories  which  he  gained  over  them,  the  first  at  Tenedus,  and  the 
other  near  Lemnus;  in  the  last  of  w^hich,  he  took  the  three  generals  above-men- 
tioned, of  which  one  was  Marcus  Marius,  a  Roman  senator,  sent  to  the  assist- 
ance of  Mithridates  by  Sertorius  out  of  Spain;  him  LucuUus  did  put  to  death; 
of  the  other  two,  one  poisoned  himself,  and  the  other  he  reserved  for  his  tri- 
umph. Having  by  these  two  victories  quite  cleared  all  those  coasts  of  the  enemy, 
he  turned  his  arms  on  the  continent,  and  having  reduced  first  Bithynia,  and 
next  Paphlagonia,  from  thence  marched  into  Pontus,  to  carry  the  war  home  to 
Mithridatus's  own  doors;  where  he  found  him  almost  as  much  broken  by  tem- 
pests, in  his  return  through  the  Euxine  Sea,  as  he  had  been  by  the  war:  for 
therein  he  had  lost  almost  all  the  remainder  of  his  fleet  and  army,  which  he 
was  carrying  home  for  the  defence  of  his  own  country;  and  therefore,  on  Lu- 
cullus's  arrival,  he  w^as  very  busy  in  raising  new  forces  for  the  opposing  of  him; 
and  to  strengthen  himself  the  better,  he  had  sent  ambassadors  to  Tigranes  king 
■of  Armenia,  to  the  Parthians,  to  the  Scythians,  and  to  the  other  neighbouring 
nations,  to  solicit  their  assistance.  In  the  mean  time  LucuUus  marched  into  his 
country,  and  laid  siege  to  Amisus  and  Eupatoria,  two  of  the  chief  cities  of  his 
kingdom;  the  latter  of  which  stood  nigh  the  other,  and  being  newly  built  by 
him,  was  called  Eupatoria,  from  Eupator,  his  own  surname,  and  made  by  him 
the  chief  seat  of  his  residence,  and  the  metropolis  of  his  whole  kingdom:  and 
at  the  same  time  LucuUus  sent  another  part  of  his  army  to  besiege  Themiscyra, 
a  city  on  the  River  Thermodon,  as  considerable  as  either  of  the  other  two. 

.^n.  71.  Jllexandra  8.] — While  these  sieges  w^ere  carrying  on  by  the  Romans,' 
Mithridates  having  gotten  another  army  together  early  in  the  next  spring,  took 
the  field  with  it.  Whereon*^  LucuUus,  leaving  Murena  to  carry  on  the  siege  of 
Amisus  and  Eupatoria,  marched  out  against  him  with  the  rest  of  his  army.  In 
two  conflicts,  Mithridates  had  the  better  of  him,  but  in  the  third  being  utterly 

1  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  J4.  c.  2. 

2  Africaniis  apud  Eusebium  in  Hist.  Ecclesiast.  lib.  I.  c.  7.     Ambro5iii8  in  Comment,  ad  Lucam,  c.  3. 

3  Antiq.  lib.  14.C.  2.  eldeBello  Judaico,  lib.  I.e.  5.  4  Antiq.  ibid. 

5  Pluiarch.  in  Lncnilo.     Appian.  in  Mithridaticis.     L.  Florns.  lib.  .3.  c.  .5.     Orosius,  lib.  0.  c.2. 

6  Plutarch,  in  LucuUus,  et  Appian.  Mithridaticia.  Phlegon  Trnllianus  apud  Photiura.  cod.  97.  p.  268.  M«in- 
non  apud  eundem,  c.  4.">-47.    L.  Florug.  lib.  3.c.5.     Eutropius,  lib.  6.     Epitome  Livii,  lib.  97. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  263 

broken,  he  was  forced  to  flee  into  Armenia,  there  to  pray  the  protection  and  as- 
sistance of  Tigranes  his  son-in-law;  but  he  was  so  far  from  finding  such  a  recep- 
tion from  him  as  he  desired,  that  he  was  there  a  year  and  eight  months  before 
Tigranes  would  take  any  notice  of  him,  or  as  much  as  admit  him  to  speak  with 
him.  After  his  victory,  all  places  in  Pontus  yielded  to  the  conqueror,  excepting 
Amisus  (which  held  out  to  the  beginning  of  the  next  spring,)  and  some  few 
other  fortresses:  for  the  Romans  were  forced  to  spend  two  winters  before  Ami- 
sus, ere  they  could  make  themselves  masters  of  that  important  place. 

Ptolemy,  the  son  of  Mennius,  prince  of  Chalcis,  at  the  foot  of  Mount  Liba- 
nus,  being  very  vexatious  to  his  neighbours,  and  especially  to  those  of  Damas- 
cus, Alexandra  sent  Aristobulus,'  her  younger  son,  with  an  army  to  suppress 
him,  and  under  that  pretence,  as  it  seems,  to  seize  Damascus.  But  Aristobulus  be- 
ing more  intent  to  make  an  interest  for  the  crown  against  the  time  that  his  mother 
should  die,  than  to  execute  his  commission,  made  use  of  this  opportunity  only 
to  secure  the  army  for  him.  And  therefore,  having  seized  Damascus,  he  re- 
turned without  suppressing  the  oppressor,  against  whom  he  was  sent,  or  doing 
any  thing  else  that  was  memorable  in  this  expedition. 

An.  70.  Alexandra  9.] — Selene,  after  the  return  of  her  sons  from  Rome,  find- 
ing that  her  pretences  to  the  kingdom  of  Egypt  could  not  succeed,  endeavoured 
to  enlarge  herself  in  Syria,  where  having  drawn  over  several  cities  to  revolt  to 
her,*  and  attempted  to  do  the  same  as  to  all  the  rest,  she  hereby  brought  Ti- 
granes upon  her  Avith  all  his  power.  For,  having  received  an  account  of  these 
defections  from  him  in  that  country,  he  came  thither  with  an  army  of  five  hun- 
dred thousand  men  for  the  suppressing  of  them,^  and,  having  shut  up  Selene  in 
Ptolemais,  and  laid  siege  to  the  place,  on  his  taking  of  it,  he  there  took  her  pri- 
soner, and,  on  his  return,  having  carried  her  with  him  as  far  as  Seleucia  in  Me- 
sopotamia, he  there  caused  her  to  be  put  to  death.''  She  was  the  daughter  of 
Ptolemy  Physcon  king  of  Egypt,  and  had  at  first  been  the  wife  of  Ptolemy  La- 
thyrus  her  brother,  but,  being  taken  from  him  by  her  mother,  was  given  in  mar- 
riage to  Antiochus  Grypus,  and,  after  his  death,  she  married  Antiochus  Eusebes, 
the  son  of  Antiochus  Cyzicenes,  by  whom  she  had  her  two  sons.  Appian  tells 
us,^  that  she  married  Cyzicenus  himself,  and  after  his  death  Eusebes  his  son, 
and  makes  this  remark  upon  it,  that  all  the  misfortunes  that  afterward  befel  Eu- 
sebes,* was  a  just  judgment  of  Heaven  upon  him  for  this  incest.  But  this  can- 
not be  true:  for  the  series  of  the  Syrian  history,  after  the  death  of  Grypus,  doth 
not  allow  a  place  for  any  such  marriage  of  hers  with  Cyzicenus,  neither  doth 
any  other  historian  say  it. 

While  Tigranes  lay  at  the  siege  of  Ptolemais,  Queen  Alexandra,''  fearing  his 
power,  sent  ambassadors  thither  to  him  with  large  presents,  to  court  his  favour 
and  desire  his  friendship,  whom  he  received  with  aU  seeming  kindness,  accept- 
ing the  presents,  and  granting  the  friendship  that  was  desired,  but  not  so  much 
out  of  favour  to  the  queen,  as  to  comply  with  the  exigency  of  his  own  affairs. 
For  the  progress  of  the  Romans  in  Pontus  and  Cappadocia  making  his  presence 
in  Armenia  then  necessary,  for  the  defence  of  those  parts  of  his  dominions,  he 
was  making  all  the  haste  he  could  to  return  thither;  and  therefore  was  not  at' 
leisure  to  enlarge  his  dominions  any  farther  in  Palestine,  otherwise  Jerusalem 
and  all  Judea  must  have  fallen  for  a  prey  into  his  hands,  as  well  as  Ptolemais, 
there  being  no  power  there  sufficient  to  resist  so  great  a  force  as  this  king  then 
brought  with  him  into  those  parts. 

On  his  return  from  Ptolemais  to  Antioch,  he  there  met  with  Publius  Clodius,' 
who  was  sent  thither  in  an  embassy  from  Lucullus  to  demand  Mithridates  to  be 
delivered  to  him,  with  order,  in  case  of  refusal,  to  declare  Avar  against  him. 
Clodius,  in  executing  his  commission,  having  expressed  himself  with  a  freedom 

1  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.24.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  -1.  2  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  24. 

3  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  c.  24.    Plutarch,  in  Lucullo.  4  Strabo,  lib.  16.  p.  749  5  In  Syriacis. 

6  The  apostle  St.  Paul  tells  us,  that  for  a  man  to  marry  his  father's  wife  was  a  thing  abhorred  even  by  the 
heathen.     1  Cor.  v.  I.  " 

7  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  13.  e.  24.  8  PJutarcbus  in  Lucullo.    Memnon,  c.  48. 


264  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

which  Tigranes  had  never  met  with  before  (absolute  will  and  pleasure  having 
hitherto  governed  all  his  actions,  without  admitting  the  least  contradiction  or 
control,)  he  was  very  much  offended  at  it,  but  much  more  at  the  letter  of  Lucul- 
lus  then  delivered  to  him  on  this  occasion.  For  he  had  directed  it  to  King  Ti- 
granes, without  styling  him  king  of  kings,  which  was  a  title  he  had  assumed, 
and,  out  of  his  pride,  much  affected;  and,  to  make  his  claim  to  it  the  better  ap- 
pear, on  his  having  taken  several  petty  kings  prisoners  in  his  wars  against  them, 
he  had  the  vanity  to  make  them  wait  on  him  as  his  servants  in  all  offices  of 
service  about  his  person.'  He  never  went  abroad,  but  he  had  four  of  them  to 
attend  him,  two  running  by  him  on  one  side  of  his  horse,  and  two  on  the  other; 
and  thus,  in  like  manner,  was  he  served  by  some  or  other  of  them  at  his  table, 
in  his  bed-chamber,  and  on  all  other  occasions,  but  most  especially  when  he 
gave  audience  to  ambassadors:  for  then,  to  make  the  greater  ostentation  of  his 
glory  and  greatness  to  foreign  nations,  he  made  all  these  captive  kings,  in  the 
posture  and  habits  of  servants,  to  range  themselves  on  each  side  of  him  To 
express  his  resentment  against  Lucullus  for  not  giving  him  this  title,  on  his 
writing  back  again  to  him,  he  directed  his  letter  to  him  by  the  name  of  plain 
Lucullus,  without  the  addition  of  Imperator,  or  any  other  title  usually  given  to 
the  Roman  generals.  On  his  refusal  to  deliver  Mithridates  to  Lucullus,  which 
was  the  subject  of  this  embassy  to  him,  Clodius  declared  war  from  the  Romans 
against  him,  and  returned  to  Lucullus  to  acquaint  him  of  it. 

At  this  time  Lucullus  was  in  the  province  of  the  Proper  Asia.  For,  after 
having  driven  Mithridates  out  of  Pontus,  taken  Amisus  and  Eupatoria,  and  re- 
duced most  of  the  rest  of  that  kingdom,  he  was  returned  thither,"  and  finding 
that  his  province  had  fallen  under  great  disorders  and  oppressions  from  the  ini- 
quity of  usurers  and  publicans,  he  employed  a  great  part  of  this  year  in  reform- 
ing them;  and  he  took  such  wise  order  herein,  as  effectually  removed  all  these 
mischiefs,  and  wrought  a  thorough  cure  of  them;  whereby  he  gained  to  so  great 
a  degree  the  esteem  and  affection  of  the  provincials,  that  they  instituted  games 
in  his  honour,  called  LucuUia,  which  they  annually  celebrated  for  several  years 
after;  and  he  gained  at  the  same  time  no  less  honour  and  reputation  among  the 
neighbouring  nations,  both  to  himself  and  all  the  Roman  people,  for  his  justice 
in  this  proceeding.  But  the  Roman  usurers  and  publicans,  whose  lucre  was 
much  abridged  hereby,  hastening  to  Rome  with  accusations  against  him  on  this 
account,  there  clamoured  so  loud  against  him  among  the  people,  as  first  to  beget 
in  them  that  dislike  of  him,  which,  being  afterward  improved  by  other  false 
rumours,  became  the  cause  that  he  was  at  length  recalled  much  sooner  than 
otherwise  he  would  have  been,  and  another  sent  in  his  stead  to  reap  the  laurels 
of  his  victories. 

War  being  declared  against  Tigranes,^  Lucullus  hastened  back  again  into  Pon- 
tus for  the  prosecuting  of  it;  and  having  there  made  himself  master  of  Synope, 
he  restored  both  that  and  Amisus  to  their  liberties,  and  made  them  free  cities. 
After  this,  having  left  Sornatus,  one  of  his  generals,  with  six  thousand  men,  to 
keep  Pontus  in  order,  with  the  rest  of  his  army,  consisting  of  twelve  thousand 
foot  and  three  thousand  horse,  he  marched  through  Cappadocia  to  the  Euphra- 
tes; and  having  passed  that  river  in  the  midst  of  winter,  he  continued  his  course 
to  the  Tigris,  and  having  passed  that  river  also,  marched  directly  to  Tigrano- 
certa,"*  which  lay  a  little  beyond  it,  there  to  fall  upon  Tigranes  in  his  metropo- 
lis, whither  he  was  newly  returned  from  Syria.  For  he  having  put  one  to  death 
for  telling  him  of  Lucullus's  first  march  toward  him,  no  one  durst  tell  him  any 
more  of  it,  till  he  was  now  arrived  almost  to  the  very  doors  of  his  palace.  And 
hence  it  was  that  Lucullus  had  passed  through  so  great  a  length  of  Armenia 
without  any  opposition  to  hinder  his  progress,  till  he  arrived  so  nigh  to  the 
royal  city. 

I  Pliitarchiis  in  Lucullo.    Memnon,  c.  48.  2  Plutarclius,  ibid.    Appian.  in  Mithridaticis. 

3  Pliitarchus  in  Luciilln,    Appian.  in  Mithridaticis.     Memnon,  c.  55,  .W.    Orosius,  lib.  6.  c.  .1. 

4  Tigranocerta  was  built  on  the  east  side  of  the  Tigris,  about  tvyo  days'  journey  above  the  place  where 
formerly  old  Nineveh  stood. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  265 

A  little  before  this  invasion  of  Armenia  by  the  Romans/  Alexandra,  queen 
of  Judea,  fell  sick  and  died,  being  then  seventy-three  years  old.  She  was  a 
princes  of  great  wisdom;  and,  had  she  not  gone  in  too  much  to  the  Pharisees, 
or  could  she  possibly  have  avoided  doing  so,  no  exceptions  could  have  been 
made  to  her  government.  Salome,  the  widow  of  Aristobulus,  the  elder  brother 
of  Alexander,'  having,  according  to  Josephus,  been  called  also  Alexandra  by 
the  Greeks,  this  hath  made  some  think, ^  that  this  Alexandra  and  she  was  one 
and  the  same  person,  and  that  Alexander,  after  Aristobulus's  death,  married  her, 
according  to  the  Jewish  law,  to  raise  up  seed  to  his  brother:  but  the  birth  of 
H3'rcanus,  who  is  every  where  owned  to  be  her  son  by  Alexander,  proves  the 
contrary;  for  he  was  born  of  her  at  least  five  years  before  the  death  of  Aristo- 
bulus, and  therefore  she  could  not  have  been  Aristobulus's  widow,  and  at^terward 
married  to  Alexander,  but  must  have  been  his  wife  at  least  six  years  before,  if 
not  longer.  That  Hyrcanus  was  born  of  her  five  years  before  the  death  of 
Aristobulus,  is  proved  from  the  age  which  he  was  of  at  the  time  of  his  death: 
for  that  happening  in  the  thirtieth  year  before  Christ,  he  was  then,  according 
to  Josephus,*  above  eighty;  supposing  him  to  have  been  eighty-one,  this  will 
carry  up  the  time  of  his  birth  to  the  year  before  Christ  111,  which  was  just  five 
years  before  Aristobulus  died. 

As  soon  as  Aristobulus,  the  younger  son  of  Alexandra,  saw  his  mother  was 
past  recovery,  having  long  resolved  to  seize  the  crown  on  her  death,^  he  pri- 
vately in  the  night  left  Jerusalem,  taking  only  one  servant  with  him,  and  re- 
paired to  the  castles  in  which,  by  his  procurement,  his  father's  friends  had  been 
placed  in  garrison,  by  whom  he  was  gladly  received;  and  in  fifteen  days'  time, 
•  twenty-two  of  these  fortresses,  one  after  another,  put  themselves  into  his  hands, 
and  thereby  they  made  him  in  a  manner  master  of  all  the  rest  of  the  strength 
of  the  kingdom.  And  at  the  same  time  the  army  and  the  people  were  ready 
to  declare  for  him,  as  being  weary  of  the  oppressive  administration  of  the  Pha- 
risees, who  had  the  government  of  all  public  affairs  under  Queen  Alexandra: 
for  they  had  managed  it  with  much  severity  and  insolence,  and  Avith  so  great 
an  aim  of  revenge  against  their  enemies  of  the  contrary  faction,  as  was  scarce 
any  longer  tolerable.  And  therefore,  on  this  occasion,  Aristobulus  was  flocked 
to  on  all  sides,  as  one  who,  they  knew,  would  put  an  end  to  these  men's  tyran- 
ny, which  they  could  have  no  hope  of  from  Hyrcanus,  who  was  bred  up  by 
his  mother  in  a  thorough  devotion  to  that  sect  to  which  she  had  been  always 
addicted.  And,  besides,  had  he  been  otherwise,  he  had  neither  spirit  nor  capa- 
city for  the  attempting  of  their  rehef,  as  being  a  dull  indolent  man,  of  no  acti- 
vity or  application,  and  of  little  understanding.  However,  when  the  Pharisees 
saw  how  Aristobulus  prevailed,  they,  being  greatly  disturbed  at  it,  got  Hyrcanus 
at  the  head  of  them,  and  went  to  the  dying  queen  to  acquaint  her  how  the  case 
stood,  and  to  pray  her  direction  and  assistance  in  it.  Her  answer  to  them  w^as, 
that  she  was  not  in  a  condition  any  more  to  charge  herself  with  such  affairs, 
and  therefore  remitted  all  to  their  management,  and  soon  after  died,  leaving 
Hyrcanus,  her  eldest  son,  heir  of  all  she  had;  who  accordingly,  on  her  death, 
took  possession  of  the  throne,  and  the  Pharisees  did  their  utmost  to  secure  him 
in  it.  As  soon  as  Aristobulus  had  left  Jerusalem,  they  had  procured  that  his 
wife  and  children,  whom  he  had  left  there  behind  him,  Avere  shut  up  in  the 
castle  of  Baris,  there  to  be  reserved  as  hostages  against  him.  But  this  not  stop- 
ping his  course,  they  got  ready  an  army,"  and  he  as  soon  got  ready  another: 
and  near  Jericho  it  came  to  a  decisive  battle  between  them,  in  which  most  of 
the  forces  of  Hyrcanus  going  over  to  his  brother,  he  was  forced  to  flee  to  Jeru- 
salem, and  there  shut  himself  up  in  the  castle  of  Baris,  where  the  wife  and 
children  of  Aristobulus  were  kept  as  his  prisoners,  and  those  that  adhered  to 
him  took  sanctuary  within  the  verge  of  the  temple.     But  they  soon  after  o-oin<' 

1  Joseph.  Aiiliii.  lih.  13.  c.  24.  et  de  Bello  Jiulaico,  lib.  I.  c.  4.  2  Josr|iIi.  iliid.  r.  '30. 

3  Capollu.^  aiifi  olliprs.  4  Joseph.  Atitiq.  lili.  I.'i.  c.  9. 

5  Joseph.  Anti(|.  lib.  13.  c.  21.  et  dc  Bl'IIo  Judaicn,  lib.  ].  c.  4.  0  Ibid.  lib.  14.  c.  1.  ibid. 

Vol.  II.— 34 


266  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

over  to  Aristobulus  also  this  forced  Hyrcanus  to  come  to  terms  with  him,  by 
which  it  was  agreed,  that  Aristobulus  should  have  the  crown  and  the  high-priest- 
hood, and  that  Hyrcanus,  making  full  resignation  of  both,  should  be  contented 
to  live  a  private  life,  under  the  protection  of  his  brother,  upon  his  own  private 
fortunes;  which  he  willingly  enough  submitted  to,  as  being  a  man  that  loved 
his  own  ease  and  quiet  more  than  any  thing  else.  And  thus  he  quitted  the  go- 
vernment, after  he  had  held  it  only  three  months.  And  with  it  ended  the  ty- 
ranny of  the  Pharisees,  which,  from  the  death  of  King  Alexander  Jannaeus, 
they  had  exercised  over  that  nation. 

Josephus'  tells  us,  that  it  was  in  the  third  year  of  the  177th  Olympiad,  Q. 
Hortensius  and  Q,.  Metellus  Creticus  being  then  consuls  at  Rome,  that  Hyrcanus 
began  his  reign;  and,  in  another  place,"  that  it  was  in  the  179th  Olympiad,  Caius 
Antonius  and  M.  Tullius  Cicero  being  then  consuls,  that  Jerusalem  was  taken 
by  Pompey,  and  Aristobulus  deposed;  according  to  which  account,  from  the  death 
of  Alexandra,  where  Hyrcanus  began  his  reign,  to  the  time  when  Aristobulus 
ended  his,  there  must  have  intervened  six  years,  so  much  time  having  elapsed 
from  the  first  of  these  two  consulates  to  the  other.  And  therefore,  these  two  bro- 
thers, taking  the  times  of  their  reigns  both  together,  must  have  reigned  at  least  six 
years.  But  Josephus  assigning  no  more  than  three  months  to  Hyrcanus,  and  no 
more  than  three  years  and  six  months  to  Aristobulus,^  both  these  put  together  make 
no  more  than  three  years  and  nine  months;  and  therefore  in  one  of  these  two  parti- 
culars there  must  be  an  error,  that  is,  either  in  that  which  assigns  no  more  than  three 
months  to  Hyrcanus,  or  else  in  that  which  assigns  no  more  than  three  years  and  six 
months  to  Aristobulus:  for  either  the  one  or  the  other  of  them  must  have  reigned 
longer  to  make  up  the  time,  which,  according  to  the  interval  of  the  consulates 
above  mentioned,  must  be  assigned  to  both.  Archbishop  Usher's  opinion  is,''  that 
the  error  is  in  the  former  of  these  particulars,  that  is,  that  in  the  place  in  Jose- 
phus, where  we  read,  that  Hyrcanus  reigned  only  three  months,  it  ought  to  be 
three  years,  and  that  it  was  so  in  the  original,  but  that  there  the  Greek  word  for 
months  crept  in  instead  of  that  which  is  for  years,  by  the  error  of  some  scribe 
that  wrote  out  the  copy.  Another  learned  man,^  to  solve  this  dithculty,  thinks 
that  Hyrcanus,  though  outed  of  the  kingdom,  yet  held  the  high-priesthood  till 
his  flight  to  Aretas,  which  will  be  hereafter  mentioned;  and  that  the  three  years 
and  six  months  which  Josephus  assigns  to  Aristobulus,  are  to  be  understood  only 
of  the  time  after  his  flight,  when  Aristobulus,  according  to  this  author,  first  added 
the  pontifical  tiara  to  his  crown,  and  took  the  high-priesthood  also;  so  that,  by  the 
three  years  and  six  months  assigned  to  Aristobulus,  we  are  to  understand,  ac- 
cording to  this  author,  only  the  time  in  which  he  held  the  high-priesthood,  and 
not  the  whole  of  his  reign.  But  neither  of  these  suppositions  can  hold  good:  not 
the  former,  because  Josephus,  from  whom  alone  we  have  this  relation  of  Hyr- 
canus's  quitting  the  crown  to  his  brother,  sets  forth  that  matter  as  transacted 
immediately  after  the  death  of  Alexandra:  and  therefore,  the  putting  of  it  at 
three  years'  distance,  seems  utterly  inconsistent  with  that  history.  And  as  to 
the  other  supposition,  it  is  ])lain,  from  the  same  Josephus,  that  when  Hyrcanus 
resigned  the  kingdom,  he  resigned  the  high-priesthood  also;  and  that  all  the 
while  Aristobulus  held  the  one,  he  held  the  otlier  together  Avith  it.  It  seems 
most  likely,  therefore,  that  the  error  was  in  the  second  particular,  which  assigns 
to  Aristobulus  only  three  years  and  six  months,  and  that  here  the  scribe  made 
the  mistake,  by  writing  three  years  instead  of  six:  for  that  six  years  at  least  must 
have  intervened  between  the  death  of  Alexandra,  and  the  deposing  of  Aristobu- 
lus, and  that  Hyrcanus  reigned  only  three  months,  hath  already  been  shown; 
and  therefore  the  remainder  must  belong  to  the  reign  of  Aristobulus.  The  whole 
of  the  matter  I  take  to  have  been  thus: — In  the  beginning  of  the  consulate  of 
Q.  Hortensius  and  Q.  Metellus  Creticus,  who  entered  that  office  at  Rome  about 
the  middle  of  our  October,^  Hyrcanus,  on  the  death  of  Alexandra,  took  the  crown, 

I  Anliq.  lib.  14.  c  1.  2  Ibid.  c.  8.  3  Ibid.  c.  11.  et.  lib.  20.  c.  8. 

4  Annates  sub  anno  J.  P.  4647.  5  Petavius.  6  Vide  Calvisium  sub  Anno  Mundi  3880. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTA.MENT.  267 

and  held  it  three  mouths,  that  is,  till  about  the  middle  of  our  January,  and  from 
that  time  Aristobulus  reigned  six  years  and  six  months,  that  is,  till  about  the 
time  of  our  Midsummer  in  the  seventh  year,  and  then,  j\I.  Tullius  Cicero  and 
Caius  Antonius  being  consuls,  he  was  deposed  by  Pompey,  and  Hyrcanus  was 
again  restored:  and  this  seventh  year  is  the  first  of  those  twenty-four  years 
during  which  Hyrcanus  is  said,  after  that  restoration,  to  have  held  the  govern- 
ment of  the  kingdom  and  the  pontificate  together.  And,  therefore,  the  error  of 
the  scribe  must  have  been  in  putting  three  years  and  six  months,  instead  of  six 
years  and  six  months,  for  the  reign  of  Aristobulus;  and  not  in  putting  of  three 
months,  instead  of  three  years,  for  the  reign  of  Hyrcanus.  And  it  is  an  argu- 
ment for  this  opinion,  that  a  mistake,  in  putting  three  months  for  three  years, 
must  be  made  b\-  the  change  of  words,  that  is,  of  months  for  years;  but  a  mis- 
take in  putting  three  years  for  six  years,  is  made  by  the  change  of  a  numerical 
letter  onfy.  For  a  mistake  by  the  change  of  a  numerical  letter  may  easily  be 
made,  but  not  so  by  the  change  of  one  word  for  another,  especially  when  the 
words  have  no  similitude  the  one  with  the  other,  as  in  the  present  case.  But  in 
objection  hereto  it  may  be  said,  that  Josephus  doth  not  in  one  place  alone  (that 
is,  in  the  fourteenth  book  of  his  Antiquities,  ch.  11.)  assign  three  years  only  to 
Aristobulus,  but  after  that  in  another  place  (that  is,  in  the  twentieth  book  of  the 
said  Antiquities,  ch.  8.)  doth  the  same,  and  that  therefore  what  is  said  in  the 
former  place  is  confirmed  by  what  is  said  in  the  latter.  In  answer  hereto,  I  ac- 
knowledge it  would  be  so,  did  both  places  agree  Avith  each  other,  which  they  do 
not:  for  in  the  first  of  these  two  places  it  is  three  years  and  six  months;  and  in 
the  latter,  three  years,  and  an  equal  number  of  months,  that  is,  three  months. 
'  But  three  years  and  six  months,  and  three  years  and  three  months,  do  not  a^ree; 
and  therefore  these  two  places  cannot  be  said  by  their  agreement  to  confirm  each 
other.  It  is  not  to  be  doubted,  but  that  they  did  both  agree  in  the  original  copy 
of  the  author;  and  the  true  way  again  to  restore  this  agreement,  is  to  find  out 
where  the  error  is,  which  will  be  best  discovered  b}-  comparing  these  two  places 
together;  and  this  will  afford  another  argument  to  prove,  that  in  both  places  it 
ought  to  be  six  years,  and  not  three:  for  if  six  months  in  the  first  place  be  the 
true  reading  (as  I  think  it  certainly  is.)  then  these  words  in  the  second  place, 
"  and  an  equal  number  of  months,"  must  imph'  just  as  many  months  in  this 
place  as  are  expressed  in  the  other,  that  is,  six  months;  and  then,  as  in  this  place, 
the  months  must  be  six,  so  must  the  years  be  six  also  (otherwise  their  numbers 
will  not  be  equal  to  each  other:)  and  if  this  proves  the  years  in  the  second  place 
to  be  six,  it  will  prove  them  to  be  six  also  in  the  first,  and  hereby  the  errors  will 
be  corrected  in  both:  and  each  of  them  being  made  by  this  correction  six  years 
and  six  months,  each  wiU  be  made  to  agree  with  each  other,  and  both  best  to 
accord  with  the  series  of  the  history  that  is  related  concerning  this  matter.  It 
maybe  said,  in  opposition  hereto,  that  ihree  years}  in  the  last  place,  is  expressed 
by  words  at  length,  and  not  by  a  numerical  letter  as  in  the  first,  and  herein  I 
have  allowed  a  mistake  is  not  so  easily  made.  The  answer  hereto  is,  that  the 
alteration  in  this  last  place  seems  not  to  be  made  by  casual  mistake,  but  by  de- 
sign.. I  take  the  whole  to  have  been  done  in  manner  as  foUoweth: — The  nu- 
merical letter  for  six  before  the  word  years  in  the  first  place  of  Josephus  above 
mentioned,  being  by  the  casual  mistake  of  some  transcriber  changed  into  the 
numerical  letter  for  ihree,  when  it  had  gone  so  for  some  time  in  other  copies 
transcribed  from  it,  some  critic,  to  make  Josephus  agree  with  himself  in  both 
places,  instead  of  mending  the  first  place,  where  the  error  was  by  the  second, 
altered  the  second,  where  there  was  no  error,  to  make  it  accord  with  the  first, 
and  thereby  brought  error  into  both:  although  in  that  ver}'  place,  when  he  had 
there  made  it  three  years,  by  leaving  in  these  words  that  followed,  "  and  an 
equal  number  of  months,"  he  made  by  that  alteration  the  same  disasjeement  in 
the  months  which  he  mended  in  the  years,  and  by  this  blunder  discovered  the 
error  of  his  emendation:  and  thereby  also  left  sufficient  fight,  whereby  to  guide 

1  For  the  Greek  original  is  in  words  at  length  thus,  'Evii  ii  Tf ir™  Tt.?  oanXM*,-  xai  tci,-  .ano-i  3-f:;  ie-:i;. 


268  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

us  for  the  setting  of  the  whole  again  at  rights.  For  if  both  places  must  be  made 
to  agree  with  each  other  (as  it  is  not  to  be  doubted  but  that  at  first  both  did,) 
then  as  six  months  are  expressed  in  the  first  place,  so  six  months  must  be  im- 
plied by  the  expression  above  mentioned  in  the  second  place;  and  if  six  months 
were  there  originally  implied  in  it,  it  must  infer  the  words  immediately  preced- 
ing to  have  been  originally  six  years  also,  and  not  three,  as  in  our  present  copy- 
For  as  six  years  can  have  none  but  six  months,  so  six  months  can  have  none 
but  six  years  in  that  place,  of  equal  number  with  them:  and  therefore,  as  it  must 
be  read  six  years  and  six  months  in  the  first  place,  so  also  must  it  be  read  six 
years  and  an  equal  number  of  months  in  the  second  place;  and  this  will  make  all 
agree  in  both  places,  that  is,  each  with  the  other,  and  both  with  what  is  written 
in  the  history  mentioned  concerning  the  reign  of  these  two  brothers. 

An.  69.  Arisiobulas  II.  ].] — Tigranes  having  found,  by  the  declaration  of 
Clodius,  that  war  was  intended  against  him  by  LucuUus,  on  his  return  into  Ar- 
menia from  his  Syrian  expedition,  admitted  Mithridates  into  conference  with 
him,'  that,  consulting  together  about  the  operations  of  the  ensuing  war,  they 
might  agree  on  such  methods,  as  they  should  judge  most  proper  for  the  prose- 
cuting of  it  with  the  best  advantage  for  the  common  interest  of  both.  The  result 
hereof  was,  Mithridates  was  sent  back  into  Pontus  with  ten  thousand  horse,  in 
order  there  to  get  together  more  forces,  and  to  return  again  with  them  to  the  as- 
sistance of  Tigranes,  in  case  Lucullus  should  invade  Armenia.  And  in  the  in- 
terim Tigranes, °  remaining  at  Tigranocerta,  there  gave  out  his  orders,  and  sent 
them  through  all  his  dominions,  for  the  raising  of  a  very  numerous  army  for 
this  war;  but,  before  they  could  all  come  together,  Lucullus  was  advanced  near 
upon  him,  as  hath  been  above  mentioned.  The  first  that  durst  tell  him  of  this, 
after  his  putting  to  death  the  first  messenger  of  this  invasion,  was  Mithrobar- 
zanes,  one  of  his  chief  favourites,  who  had  for  his  reward  the  commission  of 
opposing  the  invader,  in  the  execution  of  which  he  perished.  For  he  (being 
immediately,  on  his  giving  the  king  this  intelligence,  sent  forth  with  an  army, 
and  commanded  to  take  Lucullus  alive,  and  bring  him  prisoner  to  him,  as  if  the 
thing  were  as  easily  to  be  done  as  said,)  was  cut  off  in  the  attempt,  and  most 
of  his  forces  with  him.  Hereon  Tigranes  left  Tigranocerta,  and  fled  to  Mount 
Taurus,  ordering  all  his  forces  there  to  rendezvous  to  him.  In  the  interim  Lu- 
cullus laid  siege  to  Tigranocerta,  and,  by  his  lieutenants  sent  abroad  with  de- 
tachments from  the  main  army,  did  cut  off  several  parties  of  Tigranes's  forces, 
as  they  were  marching  from  their  several  quarters  to  the  places  of  general  ren- 
dezvous. As  soon  as  Tigranes  had  gotten  all  his  army  together,  to  the  number 
of  about  three  hundred  and  sixty  thousand  men  of  all  sorts,  he  marched  with  it 
to  tlie  relief  of  Tigranocerta.  Whereon  Lucullus,^  leaving  Murena  with  six 
thousand  men  to  continue  the  siege,  marched  with  the  rest  of  his  forces  to 
meet  the  enemy,  and,  although  he  scarce  reached  the  twentieth  part  of  their 
number,  yet  with  these  only  he  fought  this  numerous  army,  and  got  an  abso- 
lute victory  over  them,  slaying  great  numbers  of  them,  and  putting  the  rest  to 
flight,  and  Tigranes  himself  hardly  escaped.  So  that  it  is  remarked  of  this  bat- 
lie,  that  the  Romans  never  at  any  other  time  fought  an  enemy  with  a  force  so 
much  inferior  in  number,^  or  ever  was  there  a  more  glorious  victory  obtained 
by  them.''  Tigranes  in  his  flight  met  with  Mithridates  coming  out  of  Pontus  to 
his  relief.  He  had  heard  of  his  march  toM^ard  him  before  the  battle,  but,  making 
sure  of  vanquishing  the  enemy,  hastened  to  fight  before  his  arrival,  that  he 
might  not  share  with  him  in  the  glory  of  the  victory;  but  instead  of  this  he 
came  only  to  take  his  part  in  the  grief  and  regret  for  the  loss  of  it.  However, 
finding  Tigranes  much  dejected  under  this  misfortune,  he  comforted  him  as 
much  as  he  could,  and  gave  him  the  best  advice  for  the  repairing  of  his  shat- 

1  Memnon  apufi  Photium.c.  57.     Pliitaicli.  in  LucuUo.  2  Plutarch,  ibid.     Appian.  in  :Mithridaticis. 

3  Memiion,  c.  58,  5^1,     Pint,  pt  Appian.  in  jMithridat.     Ep.  Livii,  lib.  98. 

4  Plutarch,  in  the  life  of  Lucullus,  quotes  Livy  for  the  first  of  these  remarks,  and  Antiochus,  an  eminent 
philosopher  of  those  times,  for  the  other. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  ogg 

tered  fortunes,  that  they  were  capable  of.  Whereon  Tigranes,  as  a  man  utterly 
confounded  under  the  sense  of  the  calamity  he  was  fallen  into  by  the  late  over- 
throw, remitted  all  to  the  direction  and  management  of  Mithridates,  as  one  bet- 
ter experienced  in  the  affairs  of  war,  and  better  acquainted  with  the  Roman 
way  of  managing  it.  The  resolutions  taken  in  their  consultations  were,  to  get 
together  another  army  with  all  the  speed  and  by  all  the  means  they  were  able. 
In  order  hereto,  they  went  round  the  country  to  raise  more  forces,  and,  at  the 
same  time,  sent  to  all  the  neighbouring  nations  to  pray  their  assistance,  espe- 
cially to  the  Parthians,  who  lay  nearest  to  them,  and,  by  the  greatness  of  their 
power,  were  best  able  to  help  them  in  this  distress.  And  the  letter  which  Mith- 
ridates, on  this  occasion,  wrote  to  Arsaces  king  of  Parthia,'  is  still  extant  in  the 
fourth  book  of  the  fragments  of  the  general  history  of  Sallust.  In  the  interim 
Lucullus  made  himself  master  of  Tigranocerta,  Avhere  he  found  vast  treasures, 
among  which  were  eight  thousand  talents  of  coined  money.  And,  whereas  this 
city  had  been  planted  with  colonies  forcibly  brought  thither  out  of  Cappadocia, 
Cilicia,  and  other  places,  as  hath  been  above  related,  Lucullus,  on  his  taking  of 
it,  gave  all  these  liberty  again  to  return  to  their  former  habitations;'^  which  all 
gladly  accepted  of,  Tigranocerta,  from  a  great  city,  was  on  a  sudden  reduced  to 
a  small  village,  and  no  more  made  any  figure  in  that  country.  Had  Lucullus 
immediately  after  this  pursued  Tigranes,^  and  not  given  him  the  opportunity  of 
raising  new  forces,  he  must  either  have  taken  him  prisoner,  or  driven  him  out 
of  the  country,  and  thereby  put  an  end  to  the  war.  His  omitting  to  do  this  dis- 
pleased the  Romans,  as  v/ell  in  the  camp  as  in  the  city  at  home,  as  if  his  ne- 
glect herein  had  been  out  of  design  to  draw  out  the  war  for  the  continuing  of 
himself  the  longer  in  command;  and  the  discontent  which  was  hereby  created 
against  him,  gave  the  justest  reason  for  that  resolution,  which  was  taken  here- 
upon of  sending  him  a  successor,  though  it  was  not  executed  till  two  years  after. 

Among  other  methods  taken  by  Tigranes  for  the  bringing  of  another  army 
into  the  field  against  Lucullus,  one  was,**  he  recalled  Megadates  out  of  Syria, 
ordering  him  to  come,  with  all  the  forces  he  had  in  that  country,  for  his  assist- 
ance at  this  pinch.  Whereon  Syria  being  left  naked,*  Antiochus  Asiaticus,  the 
son  of  Antiochus  Eusebes,  to  whom  of  right  the  inheritance  of  that  country  be- 
longed, as  being  the  next  surviving  heir  of  the  Seleucian  family,  took  possession 
of  some  parts  of  it,  and  there  quietly  reigned  four  years,''  without  the  least  con- 
tradiction or  disturbance  from  Lucullus,  or  any  one  else.  But  when  Pompey 
came  into  Syria,  he  took  from  him  what  Lucullus  had  allowed  him  to  enjoy, 
and  reduced  that  country  to  the  form  of  a  Roman  province. 

An.  68.  Aristohulus  11.  2.] — By  these  means  Tigranes  and  Mithridates,''  hav- 
ing gotten  together  an  army  of  seventy  thousand  choice  men,  and  exercised 
them  in  the  Roman  way  of  fighting,  about  the  middle  of  the  summer  took  the 
field  with  them.  But  strongly  encamping  themselves  on  all  their  movements 
in  advantageous  places,  where  they  could  not  be  attacked,  and  not  being  to  be 
drawn  by  Lucullus  to  hazard  another  battle  by  all  the  means  he  made  use  of  for 
this  purpose,  they  must  at  length  have  worn  him  out  of  the  country  for  want 
of  provisions;  which  being  what  they  aimed  at  by  this  delay,  Lucullus  found  it 
necessary  to  break  their  measures  herein,  and  at  length  resolved  on  an  expedi- 
ent, which  effectually  accomplished  it.  For  Tigranes  having  left  his  wives  and 
children  at  Artaxata,  the  old  metropolis  of  Armenia,  and  there  deposited  the 
most  and  best  of  his  effects  and  treasures,®  Lucullus  set  himself  and  all  his  army 
on  a  march  thither,  for  the  taking  of  that  place,  concluding  that  Tigranes  would 
not  bear  this,  but  forthwith  march  after  him  for  the  preventing  of  it,  and  there- 
by give  him  the  opportunity  of  forcing  him  to  a  battle;  and  so  it  accordino-ly 

1  Arsaces  was  a  name  common  to  all  the  kings  of  Parthia  of  this  race.    The  proper  name  of  him  that  now 
reigned  was  Sinatrux,  who,  dying  in  the  year  67,  was  sdcceeded  by  Phrahates  \l. 

2  Strabo,  lib.  11.  p.  532.  eti'ib.  12.  p.  539.    Plutarch,  in  Lucnllo.  3  Dion.  Cassius,  lib.  35. 
4  Appian.  in  Syriacis.                                                 5  Appian.  ibid.     Justin,  lib.  40.  c.  2. 

6  These  four  years  are  part  of  the  eighteen  assigned  to  Tigranes:  for  he  was  not  wholly  dispossessed  of 
Syria,  till  it  was  made  a  Roman  province,  but  there  retained  part,  while  Asiaticus  reigned  in  the  other. 

7  Appian.  in  Mithridaticis.  8  Plutarch,  in  Lucullo. 


270  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

happened.  For  as  soon  as  Tigranes  knew  of  LucuUus's  design,  he  immediately 
made  after  him  with  all  his  army,  to  hinder  the  execution  of  it,  and,  in  four 
days'  time  having  by  long  marches  gotten  before  him,  took  post  on  the  farther 
side  of  the  River  Arsamia,  over  which  LucuUus  was  to  pass  in  his  Avay  to  Ar- 
taxata,  resolving  there  to  oppose  his  farther  progress,  which  brought  it  to  a  bat- 
tle between  them,  in  which  the  Romans  again  obtained  a  very  signal  victory. 
There  were  three  kings  present  in  this  battle  in  the  Armenian  army,'  of  which 
Mithridates  behaved  himself  the  worst.  For  not  being  able  to  bear  the  sight  of 
the  Roman  legions,  as  soon  as  they  came  on  to  the  assault,  he  turned  his  back 
and  fled,  which  cast  such  a  damp  upon  the  whole  army,  that  they  all  lost  their 
courage  hereon,  and  this  became  the  cause  that  they  lost  the  battle  also.  Lu- 
cuUus, after  this  victory,  would  have  continued  his  march  to  Artaxata,  the  taking 
of  which  would  have  put  an  end  to  the  war;  but  it  lying  at  the  distance  of 
many  days'  march  to  the  north,  and  winter  coming  on,  with  snowy  and  tempes- 
tuous weather,  his  soldiers,  weary  of  the  fatigues  of  so  incommodious  a  cam- 
paign, would  follow  him  no  farther  into  those  cold  regions;  whereon,  being 
forced  to  yield  to  this  necessity,  he  marched  back  to  the  southward,^  and,  pass- 
ing Mount  Taurus,  entered  into  Mesopotamia,  and  having  taken  the  strong  city 
of  Nisibis,  there  put  his  army  into  winter-quarters.  In  those  quarters  that  spirit 
of  mutiny  first  began  to  appear  in  LucuUus's  army,  which  hindered  him  from 
doing  any  farther  service  with  it  after  that  time.  Publius  Clodius,  brother  of 
LucuUus's  wife,  was  the  prime  incendiary  of  this  disorder,  for  reasons  which 
will  be  hereafter  mentioned.  In  the  interim,^  Mithridates,  with  four  thousand 
men  of  his  own,  and  four  thousand  more  which  he  received  from  Tigranes,  was 
returned  into  Pontus,  and  had  there  vanquished  Fabius,  and  distressed  Triarius 
and  Sornatius,  LucuUus's  lieutenants  in  those  parts. 

Jin.  67.  Aristobulus  II.  3.] — Hereon  Lucullus,''  with  some  difficulty,  at  length 
prevailed  with  his  mutinous  army  to  march  out  of  their  quarters  for  their  relief. 
But  they  came  too  late  for  it.  For  Triarius,  before  their  arrival,  having  rashly 
engaged  in  battle  with  Mithridates,*  was  vanquished  with  the  loss  of  seven  thou- 
sand of  his  men,  among  whom  were  a  hundred  and  fifty  centurions,  and  twenty- 
four  military  tribunes,  which  made  this  overthrow  one  of  the  most  considerable 
blows  that  the  Romans  had  in  many  years  received.  On  LucuUus's  arrival,  he 
found  the  dead  bodies  lying  on  the  field  of  battle,  but  neglecting  to  bury  them,^ 
this  farther  exasperated  his  soldiers  against  him.  After  this,^  the  spirit  of  mu- 
tiny prevailed  so  much  among  them,  that  thenceforth,  retaining  no  more  regard 
to  him  as  their  general,  they  treated  him  only  with  insolence  and  contempt  on 
all  occasions,  although  he  went  from  tent  to  tent,  and  almost  from  man  to  man, 
to  entreat  them  to  march  out  against  Mithridates  and  Tigranes  (who  taking  the 
advantage  of  this  disorder,  the  former  of  them  had  recovered  Pontus,  and  the 
other  was  then  harassing  Cappadocia,)  yet  he  could  not  get  them  to  stir.  AU 
that  he  could  obtain  of  them  was,  that  they  would  stay  with  him  all  the  ensuing 
summer,  but  would  not  move  out  of  the  camp  for  any  military  action  under  his 
command;  and  they  had  received  accounts  from  Rome  of  some  votes  there 
passed  to  the  disadvantage  of  Lucullus,  which  encouraged  them  herein.  So 
that  he  was  forced  to  lie  still  in  his  camp,  and  suffer  the  enemy  to  range  over 
the  country,  without  being  able  to  do  any  thing  to  oppose  them.  And  thus  the 
case  stood  with  him,  till  Pompey,  being  sent  by  the  people  of  Rome  to  succeed 
him  in  the  management  of  this  war,  arrived  to  take  it  out  of  his  hands. 

An.  (>().  Anstobulus  II.  4.] — This  happened  in  the  beginning  of  the  next  year; 
for  then  Pompey  coming  into  Galatia  with  this  commission  from  the  Romans,® 
Lucullus  there  delivered  over  the  army  to  him,  and  returned  to  Rome,  leaving 

1  Mithridates  and  Tigranes  were  two  of  those  kings,  the  third  is  not  named,  but  seems  to  have  been  Da- 
rius, king  of  Media. 

2  Plutarch,  in  Lucullo.     Orosiiis,  lib.  6.  c.  3.     Dion  Cassius,  lib.  35.  c.  3. 

3  Dion  Cassius.  lib.  35.     Appian.  in  Mithridaticis.  4  Plutarch,  in  LucuUo. 

5  Ibid.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  35.  p.  5,  6.    Appian.  in  Mithridaticis.    Cicero  in  Oratione  pro  Lege  Manilia. 
C  Plutarch,  in  Pompeio.  7  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  35.     Plutarch,  in  LucuUo. 

8  Plutarchus  in  LucuUo  et  Pompeio.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  36.  p.  22. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  271 

his  successor  to  reap  the  laurels  of  his  victories.  He  carried  with  him  a  great 
number  of  books,'  which  he  had  gathered  together  out  of  the  spoils  of  this  war, 
and  with  them  he  erected  a  great  library  at  Rome,  which  he  made  free  for  the 
use  of  all  learned  men,  who  in  great  numbers  after  this  resorted  to  his  house  for 
it,  and  there  they  always  found  a  kind  and  generous  entertainment. 

Pompey,  on  his  first  entering  on  this  war,^  drew  into  alliance  and  confederacy 
with  him  Phrahates,  who  had  the  year  before  succeeded  in  the  kingdom  of  Par- 
thia;  and  also  made  an  offer  of  peace  to  Mithridates:^  but  he,  reckoning  him- 
self as  sure  of  the  friendship  and  assistance  of  Phrahates,  would  not  hearken  to 
the  proposal.  But  when  he  heard  Pompey  had  been  beforehand  with  him  as  to 
Phrahates,  he  sent  ambassadors  to  Pompey  to  treat  about  it.  But  Pompey's  pre- 
liminaries being,  that  he  should  forthwith  lay  down  his  arms,  and  dehver  up  to 
him  all  deserters,  this  had  like  to  have  raised  a  mutiny  in  his  army.  For  there 
being  in  it  a  great  number  of  deserters,  they  could  not  bear  the  mention  of  their 
being  delivered  up  to  Pompey,  nor  the  rest  of  the  army  to  be  deprived  of  their 
assistance  in  the  war.  Whereupon,  to  quiet  this  matter,  Mithridates  was  forced 
to  pretend  to  them,  that  his  ambassadors  \ver%  sent  with  no  other  intention  than 
to  spy  out  the  strength  and  state  of  the  Roman  army,  and  also  at  the  same  time 
to  swear  to  them,  that  he  would  never  make  peace  with  the  Romans,  either  on 
these  or  any  other  terms  whatsoever.  And  indeed  he  was  now  better  furnished 
for  the  war  than  he  had  been  for  many  years  before.  For  the  mutiny  of  Lu- 
cullus's  soldiers  having  hindered  him  from  entering  on  any  action  of  Avar  all 
the  last  year,  Mithridates  took  the  advantage  hereof  to  recover  most  of  his  lost 
kingdom,''  and  there  had  gotten  together  another  well-appointed  army,  for  the 
farther  prosecution  of  the  war;  and  thinking  that  the  wearymg  out  of  the  Ro- 
mans by  delays,  and  distressing  them  in  obstructing  their  supplies  of  provisions, 
was  the  readiest  way  to  vanquish  them,  he  for  some  time  followed  this  method, 
wasting  the  country  before  them,  and  refusing  to  fight.  And  he  had,  in  part, 
the  success  he  proposed.  For  Pompey  was  hereby  so  far  distressed,  that  he  was 
forced  to  remove  out  of  Pontus  in  Cappadocia  into  the  Lesser  Armenia,  for  the 
better  furnishing  of  his  army  with  provisions,  and  other  necessaries  for  their 
subsistence,  and  Mithridates  followed  after  him  thither  for  the  carrying  on  there 
also  of  the  same  methods  of  distressing  him.  But  while  he  was  thus  endea- 
vouring it  in  that  country,  he  was  there  surprised  by  Pompey  in  a  night-march/ 
and  utterly  vanquished,  with  the  loss  of  the  major  part  of  his  army,  and  him- 
self hardly  escaping,  was  forced  to  flee  northward  beyond  the  springs  of  the 
Euphrates,  for  the  seeking  of  his  safety.  Whereon  Pompey,**  having  ordered 
the  building  of  a  new  city  in  the  place  where  this  victory  was  gained,  which, 
in  commemoration  of  it,  he  called  Nicopolis,  i.  e.  the  City  of  Victory,  left  there 
for  the  inhabiting  of  it  such  of  his  soldiers  as  were  wounded,  sick,  aged,  or 
otherwise  disabled  for  the  fatigues  of  war;  and  then  marched  with  the  rest  into 
the  Greater  Armenia  against  Tigranes,  as  being  a  confederate  of  Mithridates  in 
this  war  against  the  Roman  people. 

At  this  time  Tigranes  was  at  war  with  his  son,  of  the  same  name.  It  hath 
been  before  mentioned,  that  he  married  Cleopatra,  the  daughter  of  Mithridates. 
By  her  he  had  three  sons,'^  two  of  which,  on  light  occasions,  he  had  put  to 
death;  whereon  Tigranes,  the  third  of  them,  not  thinking  his  life  safe  within 
the  power  of  so  cruel  a  father,'  fled  to  Phrahates  king  of  Parthia,  whose  daugh- 
ter he  had  married,  who  brought  him  back  into  Armenia  with  an  army,  and  laid 
siege  to  Artaxata,  the  capital  of  the  kingdom.  But  finding  the  place  strong,  and 
well  provided  with  all  necessaries  long  to  hold  out,  he  left  his  son-in-law  there 
with  one  part  of  the  army  to  carry  on  the  siege,  and  returned  into  Parthia  with 

1  Pliitarchus  in  Liiculln.    Isidor.  Orifren.  lib.  6.  c.  3.  2  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  36.    Epitome  Livii,  lib.  100. 

3  Ibid.  lib.  36.  p.  22.     Appiaii.  in  Mithridaticis. 

4  Plutarclius  in  Lucullo  et  Pompeio.    Appian.  in  Mithridaticis.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  36. 

5  Plutarchus  in  Pnuipeio.     Dion  Cassius,  lib.  36.     Epitome  Livii,  lib.  100.     L.  Llorus,  lib.  3..c.  5.     Appian- 
in  Mithridaticis.     Eutropius.  lib.  6.     Oriisius,  lib.  C.  c.  4. 

6  Dion  et  Appian.  ibid.     Strabo  lib.  12.  p.  555.  7  Appian.  in  Mithridaticiii. 


272  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

the  other.  Whereon  Tigranes,  the  father,  falling  on  his  son  with  all  his  power, 
got  a  thorough  victory  over  him,  and  drove  him  out  of  the  country.  In  this 
distress,  he  pui-posed  to  betake  himself  to  Mithridates  his  grandfather;  but  meet- 
ing, in  his  way  to  him,  the  news  of  his  defeat,  and  that  therefore  no  help  was 
to  be  had  from  him,'  he  fled  to  the  Roman  camp,  and  there,  by  way  of  a  sup- 
plicant, cast  himself  into  the  hands  of  Pompey,  who  received  him  very  kindly, 
and  was  glad  of  his  coming:  for,  being  then  on  his  march  into  Armenia,  he 
needed  one  that  knew  the  country  to  be  his  guide  in  it;  and  therefore,  making 
use  of  him  for  this  purpose,  marched  under  his  guidance  directly  toward  Ar- 
taxata.  At  the  news  whereof  Tigranes  being  much  terrified,'  as  not  being  suf- 
ficiently provided  to  resist  the  power  that  was  coming  against  him,  resolved  to 
cast  himself  upon  the  generosity  and  clemency  of  the  Roman  general,  and,  to 
make  way  for  it,  sent  to  him  the  ambassadors  of  Mithridates.  For  Mithridates, 
on  his  late  defeat,^  sent  ambassadors  to  him  to  desire  refuge  in  his  country,  and 
his  help  for  the  repairing  of  his  loss.  But  Tigranes  not  only  denied  him  his 
help,  and  all  admission  in  his  country,  but  also  seized  his  ambassadors,  and  cast 
them  into  prison,  and  did  set  a  price  of  one  hundred  talents  upon  the  head  of 
Mithridates  himself,  should  he  be  any  where  found  within  his  dominions,  pre- 
tending for  all  this  that  it  was  by  his  instigation  that  his  son  was  in  rebellion 
against  him,  but  the  true  reason  was,  to  make  way  for  his  reconciliation  with 
the  Romans:  and  therefore  he  delivered  these  ambassadors  unto  them,  and  soon 
after  followed  himself,^  without  any  precaution  taken,  and,  entering  the  Roman 
camp,  resigned  both  himself  and  kingdom  to  the  pleasure  and  disposal  of  Pom- 
pey and  the  Romans;  and,  in  the  doing  hereof,  debased  himself  to  so  mean  and 
abject  an  humiliation,  that,  as  soon  as  he  appeared  in  the  presence  of  Pompey, 
he  plucked  his  crown  or  royal  tiara  from  olf  his  head,  and  cast  himself  pros- 
trate on  the  ground  before  him.  Pompey,  hereon  much  commiserating  his  case, 
leaped  from  his  seat,  and  kindly  taking  him  by  the  hand,  lifted  him  up,  put  his 
crown  again  upon  his  head,  and  placed  him  on  a  seat  at  his  right  hand,  and  his 
son  on  another  at  his  left;  and  having  appointed  the  next  day  for  the  hearing 
of  his  cause,  invited  him  and  his  son  that  night  to  sup  with  him.  But  the  son 
refusing  to  come,  out  of  displeasure  to  his  father,  and  neglecting  to  show  him 
any  respect,  or  to  take  the  least  notice  of  him  at  the  interview,  he  much  of- 
fended Pompey  by  his  conduct.  However,  on  having  heard  the  cause,  he  did 
not  wholly  neglect  his  interest.  For,  after  having  decreed  that  King  Tigranes 
should  pay  the  Romans  six  thousand  talents  for  making  war  upon  them  without 
cause,  and  yield  up  to  them  all  his  conquests  on  this  side  the  Euphrates,  he 
ordered  that  he  should  still  reign  in  his  paternal  kingdom  of  Armenia  the 
Greater,  and  his  son  in  Gordena  and  Sophena  (two  provinces  bordering  on  Ar- 
menia) during  his  father's  lifetime,  and  succeed  him  in  all  the  rest  of  his  do- 
minions after  his  death,  reserving  to  the  father  out  of  Sophena  the  treasure  which 
he  had  there  deposited,  without  which  he  would  not  have  been  able  to  pay  the 
mulct  of  six  thousand  talents  imposed  on  him.  Tigranes  the  father  joyfully 
accepted  these  terms,  being  glad  even  thus  to  be  again  admitted  to  reign.  But 
the  son,  having  entertained  expectations  that  were  not  answered  by  this  decree, 
was  highly  displeased  at  it,  and  made  an  attempt  to  have  fled  for  the  raising  of 
new  disturbances:  whereon  Pompey  put  a  guard  upon  him,  and,  on  his  refusal 
to  permit  his  father  to  take  away  his  treasure  in  Sophena,  cast  him  into  prison, 
and  afterward,  on  his  being  detected  to  have  solicited  the  nobility  of  Armenia 
to  renew  the  war,  and  also  tlie  Parthians  to  join  in  it,  Pompey  put  him  among 
those  whom  he  reserved  for  his  triumph,  and  after  that  triumph  left  him  in 
prison;  whereas  most  of  the  other  captives,  after  they  had  borne  their  part  in 
that  show,  were  released,  and  again  sent  home  into  their  own  countries.  Ti- 
granes the  father,  after  the  receipt  of  his  treasure  out  of  Sophena,  paid  the  six 
thousand  talents  in  which  Pompey  had  mulcted  him,  and  added  over  and  above 

J  Plutarch,  in  Potiipeio.     Appian.  ct  Dion  Cassius,  ibid.  2  Plutarch,  Appiaii.  ibid. 

J  Plutarcli.     Uioii  et  Appian.  ibid.    Eutrop.  lib.  6.     Velleius  Paterculus  lib.  2.  c.  ;!7. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  273 

a  donative  to  the  Roman  army,  giving  every  common  soldier  fifty  drachms,  each 
centurion  one  thousand,  and  each  military  tribune  ten  thousand,  whereby  he 
obtained  to  be  declared  a  friend  and  an  ally  of  the  Roman  people. 

Pompey,  having  thus  composed  matters  in  Armenia,'  marched  northward  after 
Mithridates.  On  his  coming  to  the  River  Cyrus,  he  was  opposed  by  the  Alba- 
nians and  the  Iberians,  two  potent  nations  dwelling  between  the  Caspian  and  the 
Euxine  Seas,  and  confederates  of  Mithridates;  but,  having  overcome  them  in 
battle,  he  forced  the  Albanians  to  sue  for  peace,  and  having  granted  it  to  them, 
wintered  among  them. 

An.  65.  Arisiohidus  II.  5.] — Early  the  next  year  after,^  he  marched  against 
the  Iberians,  a  warlike  nation,  which  had  never  yet  yielded  to  any  superior, 
but  had  always  held  out  against  the  Medians,  Persians,  and  Macedonians,  and 
submitted  to  neither  of  them  during  all  the  time  that  they,  in  succession  one 
after  the  other,  held  the  empire  of  Asia.  Pompey,  althou2;h  he  found  some 
difficulties  in  this  war,  yet  soon  mastered  them,  and  forced  the  Iberians  to  terms 
of  peace.  After  his  having  reduced  the  people  of  Colchis  also  to  a  submission 
to  him,  and  taken  Olthaces  their  king  prisoner  (whom  he  afterward  caused  to 
be  led  before  him  in  his  triumph,)  he  marched  back  again  upon  the  Albanians, 
who,  while  he  was  engaged  with  the  Iberians  and  Colchians,  had  renewed  the 
war;  but  having  overthrown  them  in  battle  with  a  great  slaughter,  and  slain 
therein  Cosis,  the  brother  of  Orodes  their  king,^  who  commanded  the  army,  he 
thereby  forced  Orodes  to  purchase  the  renewal  of  the  last  year's  peace  by  large 
gifts,  and  also  to  send  his  sons  to  him  as  hostages  for  the  keeping  of  it. 

In  the  interim,  Mithridates,^  having  wintered  at  Dioscurias,  a  place  upon  the 
'  Euxine  Sea,^  and  there  situated  in  the  farthest  part  of  the  isthmus  which  lies 
between  that  sea  and  the  Caspian,*^  early  the  next  spring  did  set  out  from  thence 
for  the  country  of  the  Cimmerian  Bosphorus,''  making  his  way  thither  through 
several  Scythian  nations  that  lay  between,  obtaining  his  passage  of  some  of  them 
by  fair  means,  and  of  others  by  force.  This  kingdom  of  the  Cimmerian  Bos- 
phorus'  is  the  same  which  is  now  the  country  of  the  Crim  Tartars,  and  was  then 
a  province  of  the  empire  of  Mithridates.  He  had  placed  one  of  his  sons,*  called 
Machares,  there  to  reign.  But  this  young  prince  having  been  hard  pressed 
upon  by  the  Romans,  while  they  lay  at  the  siege  of  Sinope,  and  had  then,  by 
their  fleet,  the  mastery  of  the  Euxine  Sea  (which  lay  between  that  city  and 
the  kingdom  of  Machares,)  he  made  peace  with  them,^  and  had  ever  since 
maintained  the  terms  of  it:  by  which  having  much  angered  his  father,  he  dreaded 
his  approach;  and  therefore,  while  he  was  on  the  way,"^  he  sent  ambassadors  to 
him  to  make  his  peace  with  him,  urging  for  his  excuse,  that  what  he  did  was 
by  the  necessity  of  his  affairs  driving  him  to  it,  «,nd  not  by  choice.  But,  find- 
ing that  his  father  was  implacable,  he  endeavoured  to  make  his  escape  by  sea; 
but,  being  intercepted  by  such  ships  as  Mithridates  had  sent  out  for  this  purpose, 
•  he  slew  himself,  to  avoid  falling  into  his  hands. 

Pompey,  having  finished  this  war  in  the  north,  and  finding  it  impracticable 
to  pursue  Mithridates  any  farther  that  way,  led  back  his  army  again  into  the 
southern  parts,  and,"  in  his  way  thither,  having  subdued  Darius  king  of  Media, 
and  Antiochus  king  of  Commagena,  he  came  into  Syria, '■  and  having  by  Scaurus 
reduced  Coele-Syria  and  Damascus,'^  and  by  Gabinius  all  the  rest  of  those  parts 
as  far  as  the  Tigris,'''  he  made  himself  master  of  all  the  Syrian  empire.  Whereon 
Antiochus  Asiaticus,'*  the  son  of  Antiochus  Eusebes,  the  remaining  heir  of  the 

1  Epitome  Livii,  lib.  101.     Plutarch,  in  Pompeio.     DionCassius,  lib.  36.     Appian.  in  Mithridaticis. 

2  Plutarch,  ibid.     Dion  Cassius,  lib.  37.  p.  29. 

3  So  Florus,  Eutropius,  and  Orosius,  call  him,  but  the  name  given  by  others  is  Creeses. 

4  Appian.  in  Mithridaticis.  5  See  Strabo,  lib.  11.  p.  49S. 

6  Appian.  in  Mithridaticis.    Epitome  Livii,  lib.  101.     Dion  Cassius,  lib.  36.  p.  25.    Strabo,  lib.  11.  p.  496. 

7  Strabo,  lib.  11.  8  Mohinoii,  c.  50.    Appian.  ibid. 

9  Epit.  Liv.  lib.  08.    Plutarch,  in  Lucullo.     Appian.  et  Memnon,  ibid. 

10  Appian.  Ht  Dion  Cassius,  ibid.     Orosius,  lib.  ti.  r.5.  11  Appian.  in  ^litliridatiris.  1-2  Appian.  ibid. 

13  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  4.  ct  de  Bello  Jiidaico,  lib.  ).  r.  5.  11  Dion  Ca.ssius,  lib.  37   p.  :!1. 

15  Appian.  in  Mithridaticis. Justin,  lib.  40.  c.  2.  Porphyrius  in  Grsecis  Eusebianus  Scaligcri.  Xiphilinus  ex 
Dionc. 

Vol.  II.— 35 


274  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

Seleucian  family,  who,  by  the  permission  of  Lucullus,  had  now  for  four  years 
reigned  in  some  part  of  that  country,  aftei  Tigranes  had  been  forced  to  with- 
draw his  forces  from  it,  apphed  to  him  to  desire  to  be  re-established  in  the  king- 
dom of  his  forefathers.  But  Pompey,  refusing  to  hearken  to  him,  stripped  him 
of  all  his  dominions,  and  reduced  them  into  the  form  of  a  Roman  province. 
And  thus,  at  the  same  time,  when  Tigranes  was  permitted  to  reign  in  Armenia, 
who  had  much  damaged  the  Roman  interest  by  a  long  war,  Antiochus  was  strip- 
ped of  all,  who  never  did  them  any  hurt,  or  ever  deserved  any  ill  from  them.  The 
reasons  given  for  it  were,  that  the  Romans  had  taken  this  country  by  conquest 
from  Tigranes,  and  therefore  were  not  to  loose  the  fruits  of  their  victory;  and 
that  Antiochus  Avas  a  weak  prince,  of  no  courage  or  capacity  to  protect  that 
country;  and  that  therefore  the  putting  of  it  into  his  hands  would  be  to  betray 
it  to  the  ravages  and  depredations  of  the  Jews  and  Arabs,  wliich  Pompey  could 
not  consent  to.  And  therefore  Antiochus,'  being  thus  deprived  of  his  crown, 
was  reduced  to  a  private  condition  of  life.  And  here  ended  the  empire  of  the 
Seleucidie  in  Asia,  after  it  had  there  lasted  two  hundred  and  fifty-eight  years. 

While  these  things  Avere  doing  by  the  Romans,  there  happened  great  distur- 
bances and  revolutions  in  Egypt  and  Judea.  For,  in  Egypt,  the  Alexandrians, 
being  weary  of  Alexander,  their  king,  rose  in  a  mutiny  against  him,  and  drove 
him  out  of  their  kingdom,-  and  called  Ptolemy  Auletes  to  the  crown.^  He  was 
the  bastard  son  of  Ptolemy  Lathyrus:  for  Lathyrus  had  no  male  issue  by  his  wife 
that  survived  him;''  but  he  had  several  by  his  concubines:  one  of  which  was, 
that  Ptolemy  Avho  had  the  kingdom  of  Cyprus  after  his  father's  death,*  and  there 
reigned  till  injuriously  deprived  of  it  by  the  Romans,  as  Avill  hereafter  be  related. 
Another  Avas  this  Auletes;*  he  was  also  called  Dionysius  Neos,  or  the  NeAv  Bac- 
chus; both  Avhich  names  he  had  from  infamous  causes:  for  he  had  much  used 
himself  to  play  on  the  pipe,**  and  valued  himself  so  much  upon  his  skill  herein, 
that  he  would  expose  himself  to  contend  for  victory  in  the  public  shows;  hence 
he  had  the  name  of  Auletes,  that  is,  the  Piper:  and  he  would  often  imitate  the 
effeminacies  of  the  Bacchanals;^  and  in  the  same  manner  as  they  dance  their 
measures  m  a  female  dress;  and  hence  it  was  that  he  Avas  called  Dionysius  Neos, 
or  the  New  Bacchus.  He  is  reckoned  to  have  as  much  exceeded  all  that  reigned 
before  him  of  his  race  in  the  effeminacy  of  his  manners,^  as  his  grandfather 
Physcon  did  in  the  Avickedness  of  them.  Alexander,  on  his  expulsion,^  fled  to 
Pompey,  to  pray  his  assistance  for  his  restoration,  and  offered  him  great  gifts, 
and  promised  him  more,  to  induce  him  hereto.  But  Pompey  refused  to  meddle 
with  this  matter,  as  being  without  the  limits  of  his  commission.  Whereon  Alex- 
ander retired  to  Tyre,"^  there  to  wait  a  more  favourable  juncture,  and  soon  aftd!r 
died  in  that  city.  It  is  here  ^o  be  remarked,  that  Ptolemy  the  astronomer,  in 
his  chronological  canon,  names  not  Alexander  at  all  among  the  kings  of  Egypt, 
but  begins  the  reign  of  Auletes  from  the  death  of  Lathyrus,  although  it  appears," 
both  from  Cicero  and  Suetonius,  that  Alexander  reigned  fifteen  years  between.' 

Perchance,  as  Ptolemy,  king  of  Cyprus,  had  that  island  immediately  on  his 
father's  death,  so  likeAvise  Auletes  had,  at  the  same  time,  some  other  part  of  the 
Egyptian  empire  for  his  share  of  it;  and  for  this  reason  Ptolemy  the  astronomer 
makes  him  the  immediate  successor  of  Lathyrus,  though  he  had  not  the  Avhole 
kingdom  of  Egypt  till  fifteen  years  after. 

The  disturbances  which  Avere  at  this  time  in  Judea,  and  the  reA'olution  which 
happened  thereon,  had  their  original  from  the  ambition  and  aspiring  spirit  of 
Antipater,  the  father  of  Herod.  Of  his  original  I  have  before  spoken.  He  having 
had  his  education  in  the  court  of  Alexander  Jannceus,  and  Alexandra  his  queen, 

1  Some  confoiHiil  this  Antiochus  with  AntioclmsCommaKciiiis,  nm]  hold,  that  Commagena  was  given  hira 
by  Pninpey,  when  strippi'd  of  all  thorest.     Hut  the  testimony  of  history  is  contrary  to  this  conjecture. 

2  PuPtonius  in.liili(.(VcCs:ire,c.  11.     Troiius  in  Prologo  39.  3  Trogus,  ibid. 

4  I'ausanias  in  Atlicis;  iliienim  dicit  euni,  Bereniceiu  solaiii,  cum  obiisset,  prolem  legitimain  sibi  supersti- 
tem  reliquisso.  5  Trogus  in  Prologo  40.  6  Strabo,  lib.  17.  p.  79ti. 

7  I.ucian.  de  non  temere  Credcndo  Calumnias.  8  Strabo,  lib.  17.  p.  796. 

9  Appian.  in  Milhridaticis.       10  Cicero  in  Orationo  Secunda  contra  Rullum.        11  VideasNotas(g)ct{p.) 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  275 

who  reigned  after  him,  there  wrought  himself  into  the  good  Hking  of  Hyrcanus,' 
the  eldest  of  their  sons,  hoping  to  rise  by  his  favour  when  he  should  come  to 
the  crown  after  his  mother.  But,  when  Hyrcanus  was  deposed,  and  Aristobulus 
made  king  in  his  place,  these  measures  which  he  had  taken  for  his  advance- 
ment were  aU  broken;  and  his  engagements  in  them  having  rendered  him  so 
obnoxious  to  Aristobulus,  as  to  exclude  him  all  prospect  of  favour  from  him,  he 
set  himself,  Avith  all  the  craft  which  he  was  signally  endowed  with,  to  repair 
the  fortunes  of  Hyrcanus,  and  restore  him  again  to  his  crown:  in  order  whereto, 
he  treated  with  Aretas  king  of  Arabia  Petrrea,  and  engaged  him  to  help  Hyrca- 
nus with  an  army  for  the  accomplishing  of  this  design,  and  had,  by  clandestine 
applications,  drawn  in  great  numbers  of  the  Jews  for  the  promoting  of  the  same 
purpose.  But  his  greatest  difficulty  was  to  excite  Hyrcanus  himself  to  the 
undertaking:  for,  being  a  quiet  indolent  man,  who  loved  ease  more  than  any 
thing  else,  he  had  no  ambition  for  reigning,  and  therefore  had  no  inclination  to 
stir  a  foot  for  the  obtaining  of  it.  But  at  length  being  made  believe  that  his  life 
was  in  danger,  and  that  he  had  nothing  to  choose  between  reigning  and  dying, 
if  he  stayed  in  Judea,  he  was  roused  up  by  this  argument  to  flee  for  his  safety, 
and  put  himself  into  the  hands  of  Aretas,  who,  according  to  his  agreement  with 
Antipater,  brought  him  back  into  Judea  with  an  army  of  fifty  thousand  men," 
and,  having  there  joined  the  Jews  of  Hyrcanus's  party,  gave  battle  to  Aristo- 
bulus, and  gaining  an  absolute  victory  over  him,  pursued  him  to  Jerusalem, 
and,  entering  it  without  opposition,  drove  liim,  with  all  his  party,  to  take  re- 
fuge in  the  mountain  of  the  temple,  and  there  besieged  him,  where  all  the 
priests  stood  by  him;  but  the  generality  of  the  people  declared  for  Hyrcanus. 
•This  happened  in  the  time  of  their  passover;  whereon  Aristobidus,  wanting 
lambs  and  beasts  for  the  sacrifices  of  that  solemnity,  agreed  with  the  Jews 
that  were  among  the  besiegers  to  furnish  him  with  them  for  a  sum  con- 
tracted. But,  when  they  had  the  money  let  down  to  tliem  over  the  wall, 
they  refused  to  deliver  the  sacrifices,  and  thereby  impiously  and  sacrile- 
.  giously  robbed  God  of  that  part  of  his  Avorship  which  was  tlien  to  have  been 
performed  to  him.  And  at  the  same  time  they  added  another  very  heinous 
wickedness  to  this  guilt:  for  there  being  then  at  Jerusalem  one  Onias,  a  man 
of  great  reputation  for  the  sanctity  of  his  life,  who  had  been  thought  by  his 
prayers  to  have  obtained  rain  from  heaven  in  a  time  of  drought,  they  brought 
him  forth  into  the  army;  and,  concluding  his  curses  would  be  as  prevalent  as 
his  prayers,  pressed  him  to  curse  Aristobulus,  and  all  that  were  with  him.  He 
long  resisted  to  hearken  to  them;  but  at  length,  finding  no  rest  from  their  im- 
portunities, he  Ufted  up  his  hands  toward  heaven,  as  standing  in  the  midst  of 
them,  and  prayed  thus:  "  O  Lord  God,  Rector  of  the  universe,  since  those  that 
are  with  us  are  thy  people,  and  they  that  are  besieged  in  the  temple  are  thy 
priests,  I  pray  that  thou  wouldst  hear  the  prayers  of  neither  of  them  against  the 
other."  Hereon,  they  that  brought  him  thither  were  so  enraged  against  the 
good  man,  that  they  fell  upon  him  with  stones,  and  stoned  him  to  death.  But 
this  was  soon  revenged  upon  them.  For  Scaurus"  being  by  this  time  come  to 
Damascus  with  a  Roman  army,  Aristobulus  sent  thither  to  him,  and,  by  the 
promise  of  four  hundred  talents,  engaged  him  on  his  side.  Hyrcanus  offered 
him  the  like  sum:  but  Scaurus,  looking  on  Aristobulus  as  the  more  solvent  of 
the  two,  and  for  other  reasons  taking  the  better  liking  to  him,  chose  to  embrace 
his  cause  before  the  other's;  and  Gabinius,  by  a  present  of  three  hundred  ta- 
lents more  out  of  Aristobulus's  purse,  was  induced  to  do  the  same.  And  there- 
fore they  both  sent  to  Aretas  to  withdraw,  threatening  him  with  the  Roman 
arms  in  case  of  refusal.  Whereon,  Aretas  raising  the  siege,  and  marching  off 
toward  his  own  country,  Aristobulus  got  together  all  the  forces  he  could,  and 
pursued  after  him,  and,  having  overtaken  him  at  a  place  called  Papyrion,  over- 
threw him  in  battle  with  a  great  slaughter,  in  Avhich  perished  many  of  the  Jews 
of  Hyrcanus's  party,  and  among  them  Caephalion,  the  brother  of  Antipater. 

1  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  1-1.  c.  2.  et  dfi  Bello  Judaico.  lib.  ].  c.  5.  2  Ibid.  3  Ibid. 


276  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

About  this  time  Pompey  himself  came  to  Damascus,'  where  resorted  to  him 
ambassadors  from  all  the  neighbouring  countries,  especially  from  Egypt  and 
Judea:  for  the  kings  of  both  these  countries  reigning  in  them  by  the  expulsion 
of  their  immediate  predecessors,  thought  it  their  interest  to  get  the  Roman  power 
on  their  side  for  the  maintaining  of  their  usurpations.  For  this  reason  the  am- 
bassadors from  Egypt  presented  Pompey  with  a  crown  of  gold  of  the  value  of 
four  thousand  pieces  of  gold  money,  and  those  from  Judea  with  a  vine  of  gold," 
of  the  value  of  four  hundred  talents,  which  was  afterward  deposited  in  the  tem- 
ple of  Jupiter  in  the  capitol  at  Rome,^  and  there  inscribed  as  the  gift  of  Alexan- 
der king  of  the  Jews.  It  seems  they  would  not  own  Aristobulus  to  be  king,  and 
therefore  did  put  his  father's  name  upon  it  instead  of  his.  While  Pompey  was 
in  these  parts,  there  came  to  him  no  fewer  than  twelve  kings  to  make  their 
court  to  him,''  and  were  all  seen  at  the  same  time  attending  upon  him. 

But  many  fortresses  and  strong  places  in  Pontus  and  Cappadocia  still  holding 
out  for  Mithridates,  Pompey  found  it  necessary  to  march  again  into  those  parts 
to  reduce  them,  which  having  on  his  arrival  in  a  great  measure  accomplished, 
he  took  up  his  winter-quarters  at  Aspis,^  in  Pontus.  Among  the  places  which 
he  reduced,  one  called  kx.,,^^  i.  e.  Newcastle,  was  the  strongest.  There  Mithri- 
dates had  laid  a  great  part  of  his  treasure,  and  the  best  of  his  other  effects,  as 
reckoning  the  place  impregnable;  but  it  was  not  so  against  the  Romans.  Pompey 
took  the  place,  and  in  it  all  that  was  there  deposited.  Among  other  things  there 
found,  were  the  private  memoirs  of  Mithridates,  which  made  discovery  of  many 
of  his  transactions  and  secret  designs.  And  there  also  were  found  his  medicinal 
commentaries,^  which  Pompey  caused  to  be  translated  into  Latin  by  Lenaeus,  a 
learned  grammarian,  that  was  a  freedman  of  his;  and  they  were  aftenvard  pub- 
hshed  by  him  in  that  language:  for  among  many  other  extraordinary  endowments 
with  which  this  prince  had  accomplished  himself,  he  was  eminently  skilled  in 
the  art  of  physic:  and  particularly  it  is  to  be  remarked  of  him,  that  he  was  the 
author  of  that  excellent  alexipharmical  medicine,  which  from  his  name  is  now 
called  Mithridate,  and  hath  ever  since  been  in  great  use  among  physicians,  and 
is  so  even  to  this  day. 

^n.  64.  Jiristobulas  II.  6.] — Pompey  having  while  he  lay  at  Apis  settled  the 
affairs  of  the  adjacent  countries,  as  well  as  their  circumstances  would  then  admit, 
as  soon  as  the  spring  began,*  returned  again  into  Syria,  there  to  do  the  same. 
For  Mithridates  being  gotten  into  the  kingdom  of  Bosphorus,  on  the  other  side 
of  the  Euxine  Sea,  there  was  no  pursuing  of  him  thither  by  a  Roman  army,  but 
round  that  sea  a  great  way  about,  through  many  barbarous  Scythian  nations,  and 
several  deserts,  which  was  not  to  be  attempted  without  manifest  danger  of  a 
total  miscarriage.  And  therefore  all  that  Pompey  could  do  in  this  case,^  was  to 
order  the  stations  of  the  Roman  navy,  in  such  manner,  as  to  hinder  all  supplies 
of  provisions  and  other  necessaries  from  being  carried  to  him;  which  having 
taken  full  care  of,  he  thought  by  this  method  he  should  soon  break  him,  and 
therefore  on  his  quitting  Pontus,"  he  said  he  had  left  behind  him  against  Mithri- 
dates a  fiercer  enemy  than  the  Roman  army,  that  is,  famine  and  the  want  of  all 
necessaries.  That  which  made  him  so  fond  of  this  march  into  Syria  was,'"  a  vain 
and  ambitious  desire  he  had  of  extending  his  conquests  to  the  Red  Sea.  He  had 
formerly,  while  he  commanded  first  in  Africa,  and  afterward  in  Spain,  carried 
them  on  to  the  western  ocean  on  both  sides  the  Mediterranean,  and  had  lately 
in  his  Albanian  war  made  them  reach  as  far  as  the  Caspian  Sea,  and  if  he  could 
do  the  same  as  to  the  Red  Sea  also,  he  thought  it  would  complete  his  glory.  On 
his  coming  into  Syria,  he  made  Antioch,"  and  Seleucia  on  the  Orontes,'-  free 
cities,  and  then  continued  his  march  to  Damascus,'^  intending  from  thence  to 
make  war  upon  the  Arabians,  for  the  carrying  on  of  his  victories  to  the  Red  Sea.'* 

I  Joseph.  Anti(|.  lib.  14.  c.  4.  nt  Ac  lielln  Jrjclaico,  lib.  J.  c  ,').  Xipliilin.  ex  Dione.  2  Tbid. 
3  Strabo  and  Joseph.  .Aiiti(|.  lib.  14.  c.  5.  Pliniu.s,  lib.  :{7.  c.  2.  4  Plutarch,  in  Pomppin.  5  Ibid. 
6  Strabo,  lib,  12.  p.  .551!.  Plutarch,  ibid.  7  Plinius,  lib.  25.  c.  2.  8  Joseph.  Aiitiq.  lib.  J4.  c.  5. 
9  Dion  Cassias,  lib.  37.     Plutarch,  in  Pompeio.                                    10  Plutarch,  ibid. 

II  Porphyrius  in  Gr?eris  Euscbianis  Scaligeri.  12  Strabo.  lib.  16.  p.  751.     Eutropius,  lib.  6. 
13  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  5.             14  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  37.    Plutarch,  in  Pompeio.    Joseph,  ibid.  c.  6. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  277 

But  in  his  way  thither,  he  made  many  stops  to  examine  into  the  conduct  of  the 
princes  of  those  parts,  and  to  hear  the  complaints  that  were  made  against  them. 
For  in  the  declension  of  the  Syrian  empire,  many  petty  princes  had  set  up  on 
its  ruins,  and  liad  cantoned  themselves  in  several  parts  and  districts  of  it,  and 
there  exercised  great  tyranny  over  their  people,  and  as  great  depredations  on 
their  neighbours  round  them.  These  Pompey,  as  he  passed  through  the  coun- 
try, summoned  to  him,  and,  on  hearing  their  causes,  some  of  them  he  confirmed 
in  their  toparchies,'  under  the  condition  of  becoming  tributaries  to  the  Romans, 
others  he  deprived,  and  some  of  them  he  condemned  to  death  for  their  malead- 
ministrations.  But  Ptolemy,  the  son  of  Mennteus,  prince  of  Chalcis,  who  was 
the  worst  and  wickedest  of  them  all,  escaped  by  virtue  of  his  money.  For  having 
made  himself  very  rich  with  the  oppressions  upon  his  people,  and  his  plunders 
upon  his  neighbours,  he  presented  Pompey  with  a  thousand  talents,  and  thereby 
redeemed  both  his  life  and  his  principality,  and  continued  in  the  enjoyment  of 
both  a  great  number  of  years  after. 

On  Pompey's  coming  into  Ccele-Syria,  Antipater  from  Hyrcanus,"  and  one 
Nicodemus  from  Aristobulus,  addressed  themselves  to  him  about  the  controversy 
that  was  between  these  two  brothers,  each  of  them  praying  his  patronage  to  the 
party  from  which  they  were  delegated.  Pompey  having  heard  what  was  said 
by  them  on  both  sides,  dismissed  them  with  fair  words,  ordering  that  both  bro- 
thers should  appear  in  person  before  him,  promising  that  then  he  would  take 
full  cognizance  of  the  whole  cause,  and  determine  it  as  justice  should  direct. 
At  this  audience  Nicodemus  did  much  hurt  to  the  cause  of  his  master,  by  com- 
plaining of  the  four  hundred  talents  which  Scaurus,  and  the  three  hundred 
which  Gabinius,  had  extorted  from  him.  For  this  made  them  both  to  be  his 
enemies,  and  they  being  two  of  the  greatest  men  in  the  army  next  to  Pompey, 
he  Avas  afterward  influenced  by  them  to  the  damage  of  the  complainant.  But 
Pompey,  being  then  intent  upon  making  preparations  for  his  Arabian  war,  could 
not  immediately  find  leisure  for  this  matter,  and  soon  after  an  occasion  happen- 
ed, which  forced  him  to  lay  aside  for  the  present  whatever  he  had  to  do  in  Sy- 
ria, and  march  again  into  Pontus;  it  was  as  foUoweth: — 

Before  Pompey  left  Syria  in  the  former  year,  there  came  thither  to  him  am- 
bassadors from  Mithridates  out  of  Bosphorus  with  proposals  of  peace.^  They 
offered  in  his  behalf,  that,  in  case  he  might  be  allowed  to  hold  his  paternal 
kingdom,  as  Tigranes  had  been,  he  would  pay  tribute  to  the  Romans  for  it,  and 
quit  to  them  all  his  other  dommions.  To  this  Pompey  answered,  that  he  should 
then  come  to  him  in  person  in  the  same  manner  as  Tigranes  did.  This  Mithri- 
dates would  not  submit  to,  but  offered  to  send  his  sons,  and  some  of  his  princi- 
pal friends;  but  this  not  being  accepted  of,  he  set  himself  to  make  new  prepa- 
rations for  war  with  as  great  vigour  as  at  any  time  before.  Pompey,  having  no- 
tice hereof,  found  it  necessary  to  hasten  back  again  into  Pontus  to  watch  his 
proceedings.  On  his  arrival  thither,  he  fixed  his  residence  for  some  time  at 
Amisus,*  the  ancient  metropolis  of  that  country,  and,  while  he  continued  in 
that  place,  practised  the  same  thing  which  he  had  before  blamed  in  Lucullus. 
For  he  there  settled  the  dominions  of  Mithridates  into  provinces,*  and  distri- 
buted rewards,  as  if  the  war  had  been  ended.  Whereas  Mithridates  was  then 
still  alive,  and  with  an  army  about  him  for  the  making  of  a  terrible  invasion 
into  the  very  heart  of  the  Roman  dominions.  In  the  distributing  of  his  rewards, 
he  gave  the  Lesser  Armenia,'^  with  several  other  territories  and  cities  adjoining, 
to  Deiotarus,  one  of  the  princes  of  the  Galatians,  to  recompense  him  for  his  ad- 
hering to  the  Roman  interest  during  all  this  war,  and  honoured  him  with  the 
title  of  king  of  these  countries,  whereas  before  he  was  only  a  tetrarch  among 
the  Galatians.''     This  is  the  same  King  Deiotarus,  in  whose  behalf  Cicero  after- 

1  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  5.    Xiphilin.  ex  Dione  Cassio.  2  Josopli.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  5. 

3  Appian.  in  Mitliiidatieis.  4  Plutarch,  in  Poinpeio. 

5  Plutarch,  ibid.    Epitome  Livii,  lib.  102.     Strabo,  lib.  12.  p.  541. 

6  Strabo,  lib.  12.  p.  547.    Eutropius,  lib.  C.  7  Strabo,  ibid. 


278         '  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

ward  made  one  of  his  orations.'  And  at  the  same  time  he  made  Archelaus  high- 
priest  of  the  moon,'"^  the  great  goddess  of  the  Comanians  in  Pontus,  with  sove- 
reign authority  over  the  inhabitants  of  the  place,  among  whom  they  were  no 
fewer  than  six  thousand  persons  devoted  to  the  service  of  the  goddess.  This 
Archelaus  was  the  son  of  that  Archelaus'  who  had  the  chief  command  of  Mi- 
thridates's  forces  in  Greece,  during  his  first  war  with  the  Romans;  but  after 
that  falling  into  disgrace  with  his  master,  fled  to  the  Romans;  and  he  and  his 
son  having  from  that  time  adhered  to  the  Roman  interest,  and  done  them  there- 
by much  service  in  all  their  wars  in  Asia,  the  father  being  now  dead,  the  son, 
for  the  reward  of  both,  had  this  high-priesthood  of  Comana  conferred  on  him, 
which  made  him  also  prince  of  that  place,  and  the  territory  belonging  thereto. 
He  is  the  same  who  afterward  reigned  in  Egypt,  as  will  be  hereafter  related. 

While  Pompey  was  thus  absent  in  Pontus,''  Aretas,  king  of  Arabia  Petra-a, 
took  the  advantage  of  it  to  infest  Syria,  making  incursions  and  depredations 
upon  several  parts  of  it.  This  called  Pompey  back  again  into  that  country.'* 
In  his  way  thither,  marching  by  the  place  where  the  bodies  of  the  Romans  lay 
dead  that  had  been  slain  in  the  defeat  of  Triarius,  he  buried  them  with  great 
solemnity;'^  which  much  ingratiated  him  with  the  army,  whose  greatest  disgust 
against  Lucullus  was  his  having  omitted  it,  when  he  marched  by  the  same  place 
soon  after  that  defeat.  From  thence  Pompey  marched  into  Syria  for  his  carry- 
ing on  of  the  Arabian  war,  according  to  the  project  above  mentioned. 

In  the  interim  died  Mithridates,'  being  driven  by  his  own  son  to  that  hard 
fate  of  slaying  himself.  Finding  no  hopes  of  making  peace  with  the  Romans 
upon  any  tolerable  terms,  he  resolved  to  make  a  desperate  expedition,*  through 
the  way  of  Pannonia  and  the  Trentine  Alps,  into  Italy  itself,  and  there  assault 
them,  as  Hannibal  did,  at  their  own  doors.  In  order  hereto,  he  got  many  forces 
together  out  of  the  Scythian  nations  for  the  augmenting  of  his  former  army, 
and  sent  agents  to  engage  the  Gauls  to  join  with  him  on  his  approach  to  the 
Alps.  But  this  undertaking  containing  a  march  of  above  two  thousand  miles, 
through  all  those  countries  which  are  now  called  Tartaria  Crimtea,  Podolia, 
Moldavia,  Walachia,  Transylvania,  Hungaria,  Stiria,  Carinthia,  Tyrol,  and  Lom- 
bardy;  and  over  the  three  great  rivers  of  the  Borysthenes,  the  Danube,  and  the 
Po;  the  thought  hereof  so  frighted  his  army,  that,  for  the  avoiding  of  it,  they 
conspired  against  him,  and  made  Pharnaces  his  son  their  king;  whereon  finding 
himself  deserted  of  all,  and  his  son  not  to  be  prevailed  upon  to  let  him  escape 
elsewhere,  he  retired  into  his  apartment,  and,  having  there  distributed  poison 
to  his  wives,  his  concubines,  and  daughters,  that  were  then  with  him,  he  took 
a  dose  of  it  himself,  but  that  not  operating  upon  him,  he  had  recourse  to  his 
sword  to  complete  the  work;  but  failing  with  that  to  give  himself  such  a  wound 
as  was  sufficient  to  cause  his  death,  he  was  forced  to  call  a  Gallic  soldier  unto 
him,  who  had  then  newly  broken  into  the  house,  to  help  despatch  him,  and  so 
died,  after  he  had  lived  seventy-two  years,  and  reigned  sixty  of  them.  He 
dreaded  nothing  more  than  to  fall  into  the  hands  of  the  Romans,  and  be  led  in 
triumph  by  them;  and  therefore,  for  the  })reventing  of  this,  he  always  carried 
poison  about  him,  that,  if  he  could  no  other  way  escape  their  hands,  he  might 
this  way  deliver  himself  from  them.  And  the  apprehension  that  his  son 
might  deliver  him  to  Pompey,  caused  that  at  this  time  he  was  so  eager  to  des- 
patch himself.  It  is  commonly  said  that  the  poison  did  not  work  upon  him, 
because  he  had,  by  the  frequent  taking  of  his  IMithridate,  so  fortified  his  body 
against  all  poisons,  that  none  could  hurt  him:  but  this  cannot  be  true;  for  Mith- 

1  This  oration  was  spoknti  in  behalf  of  King  Deiotarus  before  Julius  Cssar,  and  is  still  extant  under  the 
title  of  Pro  Rcge  Deiotnro.  Galatia  was  formerly  soverned  by  four  tetrarchs,  of  which  Deiotarus  was  now 
one.  To  this  tetrarchy  Pompoy  added  his  f:rants  without  dispossessing  the  othrr  tetrarchs.  But  afterward, 
Deiotarus  swallowed  the  other  three  tetrarchies,  and  had  all  Galatia,  when  Cicero  pleaded  for  him.  Strabo, 
lib.  12.  p.  .5U7. 

2  Appiau.  in  Mithridaticis.    Strabo,  lib.  12.  p.  .5.5R.  et  lib.  17.  p.  790.  3  Plutarch,  in  Sylla. 
4  Dion  Cassiiis,  lib.  37.                               .5  Plutarch,  in  Pompeio.                             fi  Ibid. 

7  Ibid.     Dion  Oassius,  lib.  37.    Appian.  in  Mithridaticis.    Kpitome  Livij,  lib.  J02.    L.  Florus.  lib.  3.  c.  5. 

8  Appian.  in  Milhridaticis.    Dion  Cassius,  L.  Florus,  lib.  3.  c.  5. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  279 

ridate  hath  no  such  effect  against  deadly  poisons.     Besides,  poisons,  according 
to  their  different  sorts,  operating  different  ways,  that  is,  some  by  corroding,  and 
some  by  inflaming,  and  others  otherwise,  not  any  one  sort  of  medicine  can  be  ■ 
a  universal  antidote  against  all  of  them. 

As  to  the  character  of  this  prince,  he  was  a  very  extraordinary  person,  both 
for  the  greatness  of  his  spirit,  and  the  endowments  of  his  mind.  He  was  natu- 
rally of  a  great  capacity  and  understanding,  and  had  added  thereto  all  manner 
of  acquired  improvements:  for  he  was  learned  in  all  the  learning  of  those  times; 
and  although  he  had  twenty-two  several  nations  under  his  dominion,  he  could 
speak  to  everyone  of  them  in  their  own  proper  language.*  And  he  was  of  that 
great  sagacity,  and  employed  it  so  effectually  in  the  observation  and  inspection 
of  his  affairs,  that  although  a  great  number  of  plots  and  conspiracies  had  from 
time  to  time  been  framed  against  him,  none  of  them  escaped  his  discovery,  ex- 
cepting that  in  which  he  perished.  He  was  a  prince  of  great  undertakings,^ 
and  although  he  failed  in  most  of  those  wherein  he  had  to  do  with  the  Romans, 
yet  his  spirit  never  sunk  with  his  fortune,  but  it  ever  bore  him  up  against  all 
his  misadventures;  and,  after  his  greatest  losses,  his  wisdom  and  application  al- 
ways found  means  in  some  measure  to  repair  them,  and  bring  him  again  upon 
the  scene  of  action;  and  thus  it  was  with  him  to  the  last,  having  always,  as  often 
as  overthrown,  Antseus  like,  risen  up  again  with  new  vigour  to  maintain  his  pre- 
tensions. And  his  last  undertaking  for  the  invading  of  Italy  sufficiently  shows, 
that,  though  his  fortune  often  forsook  him,  yet  his  stout  heart,  his  courageous 
spirit,  and  his  enterprising  genius,  never  did.  And  had  not  the  treason  of  his 
own  people  at  last  cut  him  off,  perchance,  in  the  latter  part  of  his  life,  the  Ro- 
mans might  have  found  him  a  much  more  dangerous  enemy  to  them  than  at  any 
time  before.  Cicero  saith  of  him,^  that  he  M'as  the  greatest  of  kings  next  Alex- 
ander. It  is  certain  the  Romans  had  never  to  do  with  a  greater  crowned  head 
in  all  their  wars.  But  his  vices,  on  the  other  hand,  were  as  great  as  his  virtues. 
The  chiefest  of  them,  and  which  were  most  predominant  in  him,  were  his  cruelty, 
his  ambition,  and  his  lust.  His  cruelty  was  shown  in  the  murder  of  his  mother 
and  his  brother,  and  the  great  number  of  his  sons  and  his  friends  and  followers, 
which  at  several  times,  and  often  on  very  slight  occasions,  he  had  put  to  death. 
His  ambition  was  manifest  by  his  many  unjust  invasions  of  other  men's  rights, 
for  the  augmentation  of  his  dominions,  and  the  most  wicked  methods  of  trea- 
chery, murder,  and  perfidiousness,  which  he  often  took  in  order  hereto.  His  lust 
appeared  in  the  great  number  of  his  wives  and  concubines  which  he  had  to 
serve  it.*  Wherever  he  found  a  handsome  young  woman,  he  took  her  unto 
him  into  one  or  other  of  these  two  sorts,  whereby  the  number  of  them  became 
very  great.  Some  of  them  he  carried  with  him  wherever  he  went,  others  he 
dispersed  into  his  strong  castles  and  fortified  towns,  there  to  be  reserved  for  his 
use,  eitlier  when  he  should  come  that  way,  or  otherwise  should  think  fit  to  send 
for  them.  But  when  reduced  to  any  distress,^  he  always  poisoned  those  whom 
he  could  not  safely  carry  off,  or  else  otherwise  despatched  them:  and  in  the 
same  manner  in  this  case  used  his  sisters  and  his  daughters,  that  none  of  them 
might  fall  into  the  enemy's  hands.  Only  one  of  his  wives,*^  called  Hypsicratia, 
always  accompanied  him,  wherever  he  was  forced  to  take  his  flight.  For  being 
of  a  strong  body  and  a  masculine  spirit,  she  did  cut  off  her  hair,  put  on  man's 
apparel,  and  accustomed  herself  to  the  use  of  arms  and  the  war-horse,  rode  al- 
ways by  his  side  in  all  his  battles,  and  accompanied  him  in  all  his  expeditions, 
and  in  all  his  flights,  especially  in  the  last  of  them,  when,  after  being  vanquished 
by  Ptolemy  in  Lesser  Armenia,  he  made  his  dangerous  and  difficult  retreat 
through  the  Scythian  nations  into  the  kingdom  of  the  Cimmerian  Bosphorus;  in 

1  Plinius,  lib.  7.  c.  24.  et  lib.  25.  c.  2.  Valerius  Maxiinu.=i,  lib.  8.  c.  7.  Q,uintilian  lib.  II.  c.  2.  Aurelius 
Victor  in  Mithridate.    A.  Gellius,  lib.  17.  c.  17. 

2  Videas  Dionem  Cassinin,  Appianurn,  L.  Floruiii,  I'liitarcb.  aliosque. 

3  In  Lucullo  sive  Academicarum  Ciuestioniim,  lib.  2. 

4  Appian.  in  Milbridaticis.     Plutarch,  in  Lucullo  et  Pompcio,  aliique. 

5  Plutarch,  ot  Appian.  ibid.     Dion.  Cassius,  lib.  30,  37. 

6  Plutarch,  in  Pompeio.    Valer.  Max.  lib.  4.  c.  6.    Eutrop.  lib.  6. 


280  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

all  which  journey  she  rode  by  his  side  by  day,  and  took  care  both  of  him  and 
his  horse  at  night,  doing  to  him  the  office  of  a  valet  in  his  lodgings,  and  that  of 
■  a  groom  in  his  stable;  for  which  reason  Mithridates  took  great  delight  in  her,  as 
affording  him  by  this  attendance  the  greatest  comfort  he  had  in  his  calamities: 
and  by  reason  of  this  masculine  spirit  in  her,  Mithridates  was  used  to  call  her 
Hypsicrates,  in  the  mascuhne  gender,  instead  of  Hypsicratia.  But  of  all  his 
wives,'  Stratonice,  by  reason  of  her  extraordinary  beauty,  was  most  beloved  by 
him,  though  she  was  no  other  than  a  musician's  daughter.  Mithridates,  in  the 
decline  of  his  affairs,  had  placed  her  in  a  strong  castle  in  Pontus,  called  Sympho- 
rium,  where,  finding  herself  like  to  be  deserted,  she  delivered  the  place  to  Pom- 
pey,  upon  the  terms  of  safety  for  herself,  and  also  for  her  son,  which  she  had  by 
Mithridates,  in  case  he  should  happen  to  fall  into  the  Romans'  hands;  which 
Pompey  having  granted,  continued  her  in  possession  of  that  castle,  and  of  most 
of  the  effects  in  it.  Her  son,  called  Xiphares,  was  then  with  his  father,  while 
he  yet  remained  in  Pontus.  Hereon  the  cruel  man,  to  be  revenged  on  her, 
carried  this  son  of  his  to  the  opposite  side  of  the  frith,  over  against  which  the 
castle  stood,  and  there  slew  him  within  her  view,  and  left  the  dead  body  unbu- 
ried  on  the  strand.  Many  of  these  his  wives  and  concubines  fell  into  Pompey's 
hands  during  this  war,  on  his  taking  the  castles  and  fortresses  where  they  were 
kept;  and  it  is  remarked  of  him,^  to  his  great  honour,  that  he  meddled  not  with 
any  of  them,  but  sent  them  home  all  untouched  to  their  parents  and  friends, 
who  most  of  them  were  kings  or  princes,  or  other  great  men  of  those  eastern 
parts.  By  these  many  wives  and  concubines  he  had  a  great  number  of  sons  and 
daughters;  many  of  his  sons  he  slew  in  his  displeasure,  and  several  of  his  daugh- 
ters he  poisoned,  when  he  could  not  carry  them  off  in  his  flights.  However, 
some  of  them  fell  into  the  hands  of  the  Romans.  Five  of  the  sons  and  two  of 
the  daughters  Pompey  carried  wnth  him  to  Rome,^  and  there  caused  them  to  be 
led  before  him  in  his  triumph.  Next  Hannibal,  he  was  the  most  terrible  enemy 
the  Romans  ever  had,  and  their  war  with  him  was  the  longest  of  any.  The 
continuance  of  it,  according  to  Justin,'*  was  forty-six  years,  according  to  Appian* 
forty-two,  according  to  L.  Florus"  and  Eutropius''  forty,  and  according  to  Pliny® 
thirty;  but  according  to  the  exact  truth  of  the  matter,  though  we  reckon  the  be- 
ginning of  the  war  from  Mithridates's  seizing  Cappadocia  (which  gave  the  first 
occasion  for  it,)  from  that  time  to  the  concluding  of  it  in  his  death,  will  be  no 
more  than  twenty-seven  years:  this,  for  the  sake  of  a  round  number,  Pliny  calls 
thirty,  and  thereby  comes  the  nearest  to  the  truth. 

All.  G3.  Hijrcanus  l\.  I.] — Pompey  on  his  coming  into  Syria,  marched  directly 
to  Damascus,  with  pvu-pose  from  thence  to  make  war  upon  the  Arabians.  On 
his  arrival  at  that  city,''  the  cause  of  Hyrcanus  and  Aristobulus  was  brought  to 
his  hearing,  and  they  both  there  appeared  in  person  before  him,  according  as 
he  had  ordei-ed,  and  at  the  same  time  several  of  the  Jews  came  thither  against 
both.  These  last  pleaded,  "  That  they  might  not  be  governed  by  a  king;  that 
it  had  been  formerly  the  usage  of  their  nation  to  be  governed  by  the  high-priest 
of  the  God  they  worshipped,  who,  without  assuming  any  other  title,  adminis- 
tered justice  to  them,  according  to  the  laws  and  constitutions  transmitted  down 
to  them  from  their  forefathers;  that  it  was  true,  indeed,  that  the  two  contending 
brothers  were  of  the  sacerdotal  race;  but  they  had  changed  the  former  manner 
of  the  government,  and  introduced  another  form,  that  they  might  thereby  sub- 
ject the  people  to  slavery."  .Hyrcanus  on  his  part  urged,  "That  being  the  eider 
brother,  he  was  unjustly  deprived  of  his  birth-right  by  Aristobulus,  who  having 
left  him  only  a  small  portion  of  land  for  his  subsistence,  had  usurped  all  the 
rest  from  him;  and  as  a  man  born  for  mischief,  practised  piracy  at  sea,  and  ra- 
pmc  and  depredation  at  land,  upon  his  neighbours."  And  for"  the  attesting  of 
what  Hyrcanus  had  thus  alleged,  there  appeared  about  one  thousand  of  the  prin- 

1   Plutarch,  in  Pompcio.    Ai>piaii.  in  Mithridat.  Dion  Cassiiis,  lib.  37.  p.  ;):).  2  Pliitarcli.  ihid. 

3  1  lutareii.  ibiil.  4  Lib.  37.  c.  1.  5  In  Mithridaticis.  fi  Lib.  3.  c.  5.  7  lib.  6. 

H  L.ib.  7.  c.  Ji).  9  Josepli.  Antiq.  lib.  11.  c.  5.  ei  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  5. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  281 

cipal  Jews,  whom  Antipater  had  procured  to  come  thither  for  that  purpose. 
Hereto  Aristobulus  answered,  "  That  Hyrcanus  was  put  by  from  the  government 
merely  by  reason  of  his  incapacity  to  manage  it,  and  not  through  any  ambition 
of  his;  that  being  an  inactive  slothful  man,  and  utterly  untit  for  the  business  of 
the  public,  he  fell  into  the  contempt  of  the  people;  and  that  therefore  he  was 
forced  to  interpose  of  necessity  for  the  preserving  of  the  government  from  falling 
into  other  hands;  and  that  he  bore  no  other  title  in  the  state  than  what  Alexan- 
der his  father  had  before  him.  And  for  the  witnessing  of  this,  he  produced  se- 
veral young  gentlemen  of  the  country  in  gaudy  and  splendid  apparel,  who  did 
not,  by  their  dress  or  by  their  behaviour,  brmg  any  credit  to  the  cause  of  him 
they  appeared  for.  Pompey,  on  this  hearing,  saw  far  enough  into  the  cause  to 
make  him  disapprove  of  the  violence  of  Aristobulus;  but,  however,  he  would  not 
immediately  determine  the  controversy,  lest  Aristobulus,  being  provoked  there- 
by, might  obstruct  him  in  his  Arabian  war,  which  he  then  had  his  heart  much 
upon.  And  therefore,  giving  fair  words  to  both  brothers,  he  dismissed  them  for 
the  present,  promising,  that  after  he  should  have  reduced  Aretas  and  his  Ara- 
bians, he  would  come  in  person  into  Judea,  and  there  settle  and  compose  all 
matters  that  were  in  difference  between  them.  Aristobulus,  perceiving  which 
way  Pompey's  inclination  stood,  went  from  Damascus  in  a  hufl^  without  taking 
leave,  and  returning  into  Judea,  there  armed  the  country  for  his  defence;  which 
procedure  much  incensed  Pompey  against  him. 

In  the  interim  he  prepared  for  his  war  against  the  Arabians.  Aretas,  though 
he  had  hitherto  contemned  the  Roman  arms,'  yet  when  he  found  them  so  near 
him,  and  ready  to  make  invasion  upon  him  with  their  victorious  army,  sent 
ambassadors  to  make  his  submission.  Hov/ever,  Pompey  marched  to  Petra,  the 
metropolis  of  his  kingdom;  and  having  taken  the  place,  and  Aretas  in  it,  he  put 
him  into  custody,  but  afterward  again  released  him  on  his  submitting  to  the 
terms  required,  and  then  returned  to  Damascus. 

On  his  coming  back  thither,  being  informed  of  the  warlike  preparations  which 
Aristobulus  was  making  in  Judea,  he  marched  into  that  country  against  him.* 
On  his  arrival  thither,  he  found  Aristobulus  in  his  castle  of  Alexandrion,  which 
was  a  strong  fortress,  situated  in  the  entrance  of  the  country,  on  a  high  moun- 
tain, where  it  having  been  built  by  Alexander,  the  father  of  Aristobulus,  it  for 
that  reason  bore  his  name.  Pompey  there  sent  him  a  message  to  come  down 
to  him,  which  he  was  very  unwilling  to  obey:  but  at  length,  by  the  persuasion 
of  those  about  him,  who  dreaded  a  Roman  war,  he  was  prevailed  with  to  com- 
ply, and  accordingly  went  down  into  the  Roman  camp;  and,  after  having  had 
some  discourse  with  Pompey  about  the  controversy  between  him  and  his  bro- 
ther, returned  again  into  his  castle;  and  this  he  did  two  or  three  times  more, 
endeavouring,  by  these  compliances,  to  gain  Pompey  on  his  side,  for  the  de- 
ciding in  his  favour  the  controversy  between  him  and  his  brother.  But  still, 
for  fear  of  the  worst,  he  was  at  the  same  time  arming  all  his  castles,  and  making 
all  other  preparations  for  his  defence,  in  case  the  sentence  should  go  against 
him:  which  Pompey  having  received  an  account  of,  forced  him,  on  his  last 
coming  down  to  him,  to  deliver  up  all  his  castles  to  him,  and  to  sign  orders  for 
this  purpose  to  all  that  commanded  in  them;  which  Aristobulus  being  necessi- 
tated in  this  case  to  do,  he  grievously  resented  the  putting  of  this  force  upon 
him;  and  therefore,  as  soon  as  he  was  got  again  out  of  Pompey's  hands,  he  fled 
to  Jerusalem,  and  there  prepared  for  war.  He,  being  resolved  to  retain  his  king- 
dom, was  actuated  by  two  contrary  passions  about  it,  that  is,  hope  and  fear. 
When  he  saw  any  reason  to  hope  for  Pompey's  determination  on  his  side,  he 
complimented  him  with  all  manner  of  compliances  to  gain  his  favour;  but 
when  there  was  any  cause  given  to  make  him  fear  the  contrary,  he  took  con- 
trary .measures.     And  this  was  what  made  him  act  with  so  much  unsteadiness 

1  Plutarcii.  ill  Ponipeio.     Uion  ('assiiis.  lili,  X!.     Apiiiaii.  in  .^litluiilatici?. 

2  Joseph.  Antiq.  lih.  )■).  c.  't.  et  dc  Belln  Jiidaico.  lib.  1.  c.  o.     Plutarch.  Apiiiaii.  et  Dion  Cassias,  ibid,     h 
Floras,  lib.  3.  e.  5.     Strabo.  lib.  Ili.  p.  70L',  763, 

Vol.  II.— 30 


^2  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

through  all  this  whole  affair.  On  this  flight  of  his  to  Jerusalem,  Pompey 
marched  after  him;  and  the  first  place  where  he  next  pitched  his  camp  was  at 
Jericho;  and  there  he  had  the  first  news  of  the  death  of  Mithridates.'  It  was 
brouo-ht  thither  to  him  by  special  messengers  sent  from  Pontus  with  letters  to 
him  about  it."  The  messengers  coming  with  their  spears  wreathed  about  with 
laurel,  which  was  always  a  token  of  some  victory,  or  other  important  advantage 
gained  to  the  state,  the  army  was  greedy  to  know  what  it  was;  and  whereas, 
they  being  then  newly  encamped,  there  was  in  that  place  no  tribunal  as  yet 
erected  for  the  general  from  thence  to  speak  to  them,  and  it  would  require  some 
time  reo-ularly  to  make  it  up  with  turfs,  laid  one  upon  another,  as  was  their 
usao-e  where  they  encamped,  for  the  supply  of  this  defect,  they  upon  a  sudden 
heaped  up  their  pack-saddles  one  upon  another,  and  thereby  having  made  an 
advanced  place,  Pompey  ascended  up  upon  it,  and  from  thence  communicated 
to  them,  that  Mithridates,  having  laid  violent  hands  upon  himself,  was  dead, 
and  that  Pharnaces  his  son,  having  seized  his  kingdom,  submitted  that  and  him- 
self to  the  Roman  state;  and  that  therefore  the  war  which  had  so  long  vexed 
them  was  now  at  an  end:  which  being  very  welcome  news  to  the  whole  army, 
as  well  as  to  the  general,  they  spent  the  remainder  of  the  day  in  rejoicing  for  it 
Josephus,  on  his  making  mention  of  Pompey's  encamping  at  this  time  at  Je- 
richo, takes  occasion  from  thence  to  tell  us,^  that  this  city  was  famous  for  the 
balsam  there  produced,  which  is  the  most  precious  of  unguents.  It  is  a  distil- 
lation from  the  balsam  tree,*  which  is  a  shrub  that  never  grows  higher  than 
two  or  three  cubits.  About  a  foot  from  the  ground,  it  spreads  into  a  great  many 
small  branches,  of  the  bigness  of  a  goose-quill.  Incisions  being  made  in  them, 
from  thence  distilled  the  balsam,  during  the  months  of  June,  July,  and  August.* 
The  incisions  were  usually  made  with  glass,  a  boning  knife,  or  a  sharp  stone, 
and  not  with  iron.  For  it  is  said,"  that,  if  the  tree  were  wounded  with  iron,  it 
immediately  died:  but  this  was  not  true,  unless  the  incision  was  made  too  deep, 
of  which  there  being  danger  from  a  sharp  iron  knife,  for  this  reason  only  no 
such  knife  was  made  use  of  in  this  operation.  Pliny  tells  us,  that  these  balsam 
trees  were  no  where  to  be  found  but  in  Judea,''  and  there  only  in  two  gardens, 
of  which  one  contained  about  twenty  jugera,^  and  the  other  not  so  much.  But 
now  Egypt  hath  this  tree,  and  Judea  none  of  it.  The  truth  of  the  matter,  as 
Bellonius  and  Prosper  Alpinus  tell  us,  is,  neither  Judea  nor  Egypt  is  the  natu- 
ral country  of  these  trees,  but  Arabia  the  Happy.  Their  argument  for  it  is,  that 
in  Arabia  the  Happy  they  grow  naturally,  but  not  so  in  Judea  or  Egypt,  where 
they  never  grow,  but  as  cultivated  in  gardens;  and  that  in  Egypt  the  best  cul- 
tivation cannot  keep  them  from  decay,  so  that  they  are  forced  frequently  to 
fetch  thither  new  plants  from  Arabia.  And  what  we  have  from  Josephus  is 
agreeable  hereto.  For  he  teUs  us  (Antiq.  lib.  8.  c.  2,)  that  among  other  valua- 
ble things  which  the  queen  of  Sheba  brought  with  her  from  Sheba  (which  was 
in  Arabia  the  Happy)  to  present  King  Solomon  with,  one  was  a  root  of  the  bal- 
sam tree.  And  from  this  root,  it  is  most  likely,  were  propagated  aU  the  other 
balsam  trees  that  afterward  grew  in  Judea;  and  Jericho  being  found  the  most 
proper  soil  for  them,  it  thenceforth  became  the  sole  place  where  they  were 
found  in  that  country.  But  the  gardens  in  which  they  were  there  cultivated 
having  been  long  since  destroyed,  there  are  now  no  more  of  those  balsam  trees 
to  be  found  in  Judea.  But  there  are  many  of  them  still  in  Egypt;  and  from 
thence  and  Arabia  comes  all  the  balsam  which  is  now  brought  into  these  wes- 

1  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  J4.  c.  6.  et  tie  Bello  Judaico.lib.  ].  c.  5.  2  Plutarch,  in  Pompeio. 

3  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  6.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  5.  4  See  Ray's  Herbal,  book  31.  c.  23. 

5  Hence  it  is  called  opobalsamnm,  i.  e.  the  gum  or  unguent  coming  by  distillation  from  the  balsam  tree;  for 
balsamum  properly  signifieth  the  balsam  tree,  and  opobalsamum  the  unguent  distilling  from  it;  for  o^s;,  in  the 
Grepk  language,  signifieth  any  gum,  juice,  or  liquor,  distilling  from  any  tree,  or  from  elsewhere. 

6  Plinius,  lib.  12.  c.  25.  7  Ibid. 

8  Pliny  had  this  from  Theophrastus.  but  doth  not  rightly  render  it;  for  what  he  renders  by  the  Latin  word 
jugcra,  is  in  the  Greek  of  Theophrastus  Trx-ifx.  But  the  Latin  jvgerum  contains  two  Greek  v^KtSpn:  for  a 
Greek  TrKtifiv  contains  one  hundred  feet  square,  that  is,  one  hundred  feet  broad  and  one  hundred  feet  long; 
but  the  h&lin  jugcrum  contains  two  Greek  ^;^t£pa  put  together,  for  it  is  one  hundred  feel  broad  and  two  hun- 
dred feet  long;  sotliat  twenty  Greek  T/.iSf:^  coutaiu  only  ten  Latin  jugcra. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  283 

tem  parts.  But  all  that  is  brought  from  Egypt  is  not  the  produce  of  that  coun- 
try; the  greater  part  of  it  is  brought  thither  from  Arabia  to  Alexandria,  and  from 
thence  to  us;  but  now,  I  understand,  the  East  India  Company  import  it  to  us 
directly  from  Arabia  by  the  way  of  the  Red  Sea.  When  it  came  to  us  only  by 
the  way  of  Egypt,  it  was  imported  thither  from  Mecca,  a  city  in  Arabia,  not 
far  from  the  country  where  the  balsam  tree  naturally  grows;  and  hence  physi- 
cians, in  their  prescriptions,  call  it  balsamum  e  Mecca,  that  is,  the  balsam  of 
Mecca.  But  in  our  apothecaries'  shops  it  is  here  called  the  balm  of  Gilead; 
which  name  is  given  it,  upon  supposition  that  the  balm  which  is  said  in  scrip- 
ture to  come  from  Gilead,  was  the  same  with  that  which  is  now  said  to  come 
from  Mecca.  But  the  Hebrew  word,  in  the  original  text,  which  we  translate 
balm,  is  zori,  which  the  Rabbins  interpret  to  mean  any  gum  of  the  resinous 
sort.  In  Jeremiah'  it  is  mentioned  as  a  drug  which  the  physicians  used,  and 
in  Genesis'''  it  is  spoken  of  as  one  of  the  most  precious  products  of  the  land  of 
Canaan:  and  in  both  it  is  said  to  be  from  Gilead.  If  this  zori  of  the  Hebrew 
text  be  the  same  with  the  balsam  of  Mecca,  it  will  prove  the  balsam  tree  to 
have  been  in  Gilead  long  before  it  was  planted  in  the  gardens  of  Jericho,  and 
also  before  the  queen  of  Sheba  brought  that  root  of  it  to  King  Solomon  which 
Josephus  mentions.  For  the  Ishmaelites  traded  with  it  from  Gilead  to  Egypt, 
when  Joseph  was  sold  to  them  by  his  brethren,  and  Jacob  sent  a  present  of  it 
to  the  same  Joseph,  as  a  product  of  the  land  of  Canaan,  when  he  sent  his  other 
sons  to  him  into  Egypt  to  buy  corn.  It  seems  most  likely  to  me,  that  the  zori 
of  Gilead,  which  v;e  render  in  ourEnghsh  Bible  by  the  word  balm,  was  not  the 
same  with  the  balsam  of  Mecca,  but  only  a  better  sort  of  turpentine  then  in 
use  for  the  cure  of  wounds  and  other  diseases. 

From  Jericho  Pompey  led  his  army  to  Jerusalem.^  On  his  approach  thither, 
Aristobulus,  repenting  of  what  he  had  done,  went  out  to  Pompey,  and  endea- 
voured to  reconcile  matters  with  him,  by  promising  a  thorough  submission,  and 
also  a  sum  of  money,  so  the  war  might  be  prevented.  Pompey,  accepting  the 
proposal,  sent  Gabinius,  one  of  his  lieutenants,  with  a  body  of  men  to  receive 
the  money.  But,  when  he  came  to  Jerusalem,  he  found  the  gates  shut  against 
him,  and  no  money  to  be  had;  but  was  told  from  the  walls,  that  those  within 
would  not  stand  to  the  agreement:  whereon  Pompey,  not  bearing  to  be  thus 
mocked,  clapped  Aristobulus  (whom  he  retained  with  him)  in  chains,  and 
marched  with  the  whole  army  directly  for  Jerusalem,  It  was,  by  reason  of  its 
situation,  as  well  as  its  fortifications,  a  very  strong  place,  and  might  have  held 
out  long  against  him,  but  that  they  were  divided  within  among  themselves. 
That  party  which  was  for  Aristobulus  were  for  defending  the  place,  especially 
by  reason  of  the  indignation  with  which  they  were  moved  at  Pompey's  making 
their  king  a  prisoner.  But  those  who  favoured  the  cause  of  Hyrcanus  were  for 
receiving  Pompey  into  the  city;  and  they  being  the  greater  number,  the  other 
party  retired  into  the  mountain  of  the  temple,  and  having  broken  down  the 
bridges  over  the  deep  ditches  and  valleys  that  surrounded  it,  resolved  there  to 
maintain  themselves.  Whereon  Pompey,  being  received  into  the  city  by  the 
other  party,  set  himself  to  besiege  the  place.  Most  of  the  sacerdotal  order  stuck 
by  the  cause  of  Aristobulus,  and  were  shut  up  with  those  that  seized  the  tem- 
ple for  the  support  of  it.  But  the  generality  of  the  people  were  on  the  other 
side;  and  Hyrcanus,  at  the  head  of  them,  supplied  Pompey  with  all  necessaries 
within  his  power  for  the  carrying  on  of  the  siege.  The  north  side  of  the  temple 
being  observed  to  be  the  weakest  part  of  it,  Pompey  there  began  his  ap- 
proaches. At  first,  he  offered  the  besieged  terms  of  peace;  but  these  being  re- 
jected, he  forthwith  began  with  the  utmost  vigour  to  press  the  place.  And,  for 
this  purpose,  having  gotten  from  Tyre  battering  rams,  and  all  other  engines  of 
war  proper  for  a  siege,  he  applied  them  with  the  best  skill  and  the  utmost  dili- 
gence he  was  able  for  the  speedy  forcing  of  the  place.     However,  it  held  out 

1  Chap.  viii.  22.  xlvi.  11.  2  Chap,  xxxvii.  25.  xliii.  II. 

3  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  7.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  5. 


234  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

three  months,  and  would  have  done  so  much  lono;er,  and  perchance  would  at 
last  have  necessitated  the  Romans  to  have  raised  the  siege,  had  it  not  been  for 
the  superstitious  rigour  with  which  the  Jews  observed  their  sabbath.  Formerly 
it  had  been  carried  so  high,  that  they  would  not  defend  their  lives  on  that  day,' 
but,  if  then  assaulted,  would  rather  patiently  yield  their  throats  to  cut  than  stir 
a  hand  in  their  own  defence.  But,  the  mischief  and  folly  of  this  being  sutfi- 
ciently  made  appear  in  what  they  suffered  fiom  it  in  the  first  beginnings  of  the 
Maccaba>an  wars,^  it  was  then  determined,  that  a  necessary  defence  of  a  man's 
life  was  not  within  the  prohibition  of  the  fourth  commandment.  But  this  being 
understood  to  hold  good  only  against  a  direct  and  immediate  assault,  but  not 
ao-ainst  any  antecedent  preparative  leading  thereto,  it  reached  not,  in  their 
opinion,  to  the  allowing  of  any  work  to  be  done  on  that  day  for  the  preventing 
or  destroying  the  worst  designs  of  mischief,  till  they  came  to  be  actually  exe- 
cuted against  them.  Although,  therefore,  they  vigorously  defended  themselves 
on  the  sabbath  day,^  when  assaulted,  yet  they  would  not  stir  a  hand,  either  for 
the  hindering  of  the  enemy's  works,  or  the  destroying  of  their  engines,  or  the 
obstructing  their  erecting  of  them,  as  they  did  on  other  days:  which  Pompey 
perceiving,  ordered  that  no  assault  should  be  made  upon  them  during  their  sab- 
baths, but  that  those  days  should  be  employed  wholly  in  carrying  on  their 
works,  and  in  erecting  and  fitting  their  engines  in  such  a  manner,  as  they 
might  best  do  execution  in  the  next  days  of  the  week  following;  in  all  which 
attempts,  the  besieged  never  giving  them  any  obstruction  on  those  sabbaths,  for 
fear  of  breaking  their  law,  the  Romans  observing  the  order  mentioned,  took  the 
advantage  hereof,  and  by  this  means  filled  up  the  ditches  with  which  the  tem- 
ple was  fortified,  brought  forward  their  engines  of  batteiy,  and  placed  them  to 
the  best  advantage  without  any  opposition,  and  were  thereby  enabled  to  play 
them  so  effectually,  that,  having  at  length  beaten  down  a  great  strong  tower, 
which  drcAv  a  great  part  of  the  adjoining  wall  with  it  into  the  same  ruin,  a 
breach  was  made  large  enough  for  an  assault,  which  Cornelius  Faustus,  the  son 
of  Sylla,  who  had  his  station  next  it,  immediately  mounting,  drew  the  rest  of 
the  army  after  him;  who,  on  their  thus  entering  the  place,  made  a  dreadful 
slaughter  of  those  whom  they  found  within,  so  that  it  is  reckoned  no  less  than 
twelve  thousand  of  them  fell  in  this  carnage;  and  none  acted  more  cruelly 
herein  than  the  .Tews  of  the  contrary  faction  did  against  their  oAvn  brethren. 
Amongst  all  this  scene  of  dreadful  destruction,  it  is  remarked,  that  the  priests 
that  were  then  in  the  temple  went  on  with  the  daily  service  of  it,**  without  be- 
ing deterred  either  by  the  rage  of  their  enemies  or  the  death  of  their  friends, 
choosing  rather  to  lose  their  lives  amidst  the  swords  of  the  prevailing  adver- 
sary, than  desert  the  service  of  their  God;  and  many  of  them,  Avhile  they  were 
thus  employed  at  this  time,  had  their  own  blood  mingled  with  the  blood  of  the 
sacrifices  which  they  were  offering,  and  fell  themselves,  by  the  swords  of  their 
enemies,  a  sacrifice  to  their  duty;  which  was  an  instance  of  steady  constancy  much 
admired  by  Pompey  himself,  and  is  scarce  any  where  else  to  be  thoroughly  paral- 
leled. Among  the  prisoners  was  one  Absolom,  a  younger  son  of  John  Hyrcanus, 
who  having  been  contented  to  live  in  a  private  condition  under  Alexander  Jan- 
njeus  his  brother,  had  the  benefit  of  his  protection,  and  hitherto  had  never  med- 
dled with  any  public  business.  But,  having  married  his  daughter  to  Aristobulus, 
this  now  engaged  him  in  his  faction.  Those  prisoners  \vho  were  found  to  have 
been  the  incendiaries  of  the  war  Pompey  caused  to  be  put  to  death,  and  among 
them,  most  likely,  this  Absolom  Avas  one:  for  after  this  we  hear  no  more  of  him; 
and,  since  he  was  the  father-in-law  of  Aristobulus,  no  doubt  he  was  one  of  the 
chief  among  those  that  adhered  to  his  faction. 

And  thus,  after  a  siege  of  three  months,  was  the  temple  of  Jerusalem  taken 
by  the  Romans,  in  the  end  of  the  first  year  of  the  179th  Olympiad,  Caius  An- 

1  lMaccah.ji.32— :r  <:  Ihicl.  11. 

3  Joseph.  Antiq.  lii).  14.  c.  8.  ct  dc  Bello  .rudajco,  lili.  1.  r.  r,.    Sliabo,  lih.   Ifi.  p.  T62,  7C3,     Dion  Cassius, 
lib.  37.  i  iofpfiU.  A<iti<).  Ub.  14.  c.  8. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  285 

tonius  and  M.  Tullius  Cicero  being  then  consuls  at  Rome,  about  the  time  of  our 
Midsumme)-,  and  on  the  day  whicli  the  Jews  kept  as  a  solemn  last  lor  the  taking 
of  Jerusalem,'  and  the  same  temple  with  it  by  Nebuchadnezzar  King  of  Baby- 
lon. As  soon  as  the  Romans  had  thus  made  themselves  masters  of  the  place, 
Pompey,  with  several  others  of  the  chief  commanders  of  the  army  accompany- 
ing him,  went  uj)  into  it,  and  not  contenting  themselves  with  viewing  the  outer 
courts,'''  caused  the  most  sacred  parts  of  the  temple  itself  to  be  opened  unto 
them,  and  entered  not  only  into  the  holy  place,  but  also  into  the  holy  of  holies, 
where  none  were  permitted,  by  their  law,  to  enter  but  the  high-priest  only 
once  in  a  year,  on  their  great  day  of  expiation:  which  was  a  profanation  offered 
this  holy  place,  and  the  religion  whereby  God  was  there  worshipped,  which  the 
Jews  were  exceedingly  grieved  at,  and  most  grievously  resented  beyond  all 
else  that  they  suffered  in  this  war.  Though  Pompey  found  in  the  treasuries  of 
the  temple''  two  thousand  talents  in  money,  besides  its  utensils,  and  other  things 
of  great  value  there  laid  up,^  yet  he  touched  nothing  of  all  this,  but  left  it  all 
there  entire,  for  the  sacred  uses  to  which  it  was  devoted,  without  the  least  di- 
minution of  any  part:  and,  the  next  day  after,  ordered  the  temple  to  be  cleansed, 
and  the  divine  service  to  be  there  again  carried  on  in  the  same  manner  aa 
formerly.  However,  this  did  not  expiate  for  his  profanation  of  God's  holy  tem- 
ple, and  the  impiety  which  he  made  himself  guilty  of  thereby.  Hitherto  he  had 
found  wonderful  success  in  all  his  undertakings,  but  in  this  act  it  all  ended. 
For  hereby  having  drawn  God's  curse  upon  him,  he  never  prospered  after. 
This  over  the  Jews  was  the  last  of  his  victories. 

.  On  his  concluding  this  war,*  he  demolished  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  and  then 
restored  Hyrcanus  to  the  office  of  high-priest,  and  made  him  also  prince  of  the 
country,  under  the  payment  of  tribute  to  the  Romans,  but  would  not  allow  him 
to  wear  a  diadem,  or  to  extend  his  borders  beyond  the  old  limits  of  Judea.  For 
he  deprived  him  of  all  those  cities  which  had  been  taken  from  the  Ccele-Syrians 
and  Phoenicians  by  his  predecessors.  Gadara  (which  was  one  of  them)  having 
been  lately  destroyed  by  the  Jews,  he  ordered  to  be  rebuilt,  at  the  request  of 
Demetrius,  his  freedman  and  chief  favourite,  who  was  a  native  of  that  place; 
and  then,  having  added  that  and  all  the  rest  of  those  cities  to  the  province  of 
Syria,*  he  made  Scaurus  president  of  it,  and,  leaving  him  there  with  two  le- 
gions to  keep  the  country  in  order,  returned  toward  Rome,  carrying  Avith  him 
Aristobulus,  with  Alexander  and  Antigonus  his  two  sons,  and  two  of  his  daugh- 
ters, as  captives,  to  be  led  before  him  in  his  triumph.  But  Alexander,  while 
on  the  journey  thither,  made  his  escape,  and  returned  into  Judea,  where  he 
raised  new  troubles,  as  will  be  in  its  due  place  related. 

In  this  same  year,*"'  of  Attia,  the  wife  of  Octavius,  and  daughter  of  Julia  the 
sister  of  Julius  Cajsar,  was  born  Octavius  Caesar,  who  being  adopted  by  his  un- 
cle Julius,  succeeded  him  in  his  estate  and  power;  and  being  afterward,  by  the 
name  of  Augustus,  made  supreme  commander  of  the  Roman  empire,  governed 
it  with  great  felicity,  and  thorough  peace,  when  Christ,  the  Prince  of  Peace, 
and  Saviour  of  the  world,  was,  by  taking  our  nature  upon  him,  born  into  it. 
Suetonius  tells  us,  in  his  life  of  Augustus  (chap.  94,)  and  quotes  for  it  the  au- 
thority of  Julius  Marathus,'  who  was  a  freedman  of  Augustus's,  and  wrote  his 
life,  that,  a  few  months  before  the  birth  of  this  great  emperor,  there  was  an 
oracle  given  out,  and  then  made  public,  that  nature  was  at  that  time  producing 
a  king  who  should  govern  the  Roman  empire;  at  which  the  senate  being  terri- 
fied, for  the  preventing  of  it  made  a  decree,  that  no  male  child  born  that  year 

1  That  the  temple  was  now  taken  on  the  day  of  a  solemn  fast  is  said,  not  only  by  Jospphiis  in  the  places 
last  above  cited,  but  also  by  Stiabo,  lib.  16.  p.  7(j3.  The  fast  for  the  takii>(r  of  Jerusalem  by  Nebuchadnezzar 
was  on  the  ninth  day  of  their  month  Tamuz  (2  Kin^rs  xxv.  31,)  which  usually  falls  about  the  time  of  our 
Midsummer,  sooner  or  later,  according  as  their  intercalations  happen;  but,  in  their  present  calendar,  it  is 
translated   to  the  ei}rhteenth  of  that  month. 

2  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  8.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  5.     L.  Florus,  lib.  3.  c.  5.  Tacit.  Hist.  lib.  5.  c.  9. 

3  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  8.     Cicero  in  Oratione  pro  Flacco.  4  Joseph,  ibid. 

5  Appian.  in  Syriacis,  et  de  BhII.  Civilib.  lib.  '>.     Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  8.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  5. 

6  Suetonius  in  Augusto,  c.  4,  .5.     A.  Gellius.  lib.  15.  c.  7.  7  Suetonius  in  Aiigusto,  c.  79. 


286  CONNEXION  Ot  THE  HISTORY  OF 

should  be  brought  up;  but  that  such  of  the  senators  as  had  then  pregnant  wives, 
hoping  each  of  them  that  that  oracle  might  be  fulfilled  in  his  family,  took  care 
that  this  decree  was  never  carried  into  the  treasury;  and  therefore,  through 
want  of  being  there  registered,  received,  and  laid  up  among  the  public  records 
of  the  state,  it  lost  its  force,  and  had  none  effect.  If  this  oracle  were  typically 
fulfilled  in  the  birth  of  Augustus,  it  was  ultimately  and  really  so  only  in  the 
birth  of  Christ,  the  spiritual  King  and  Saviour  of  the  whole  world,  the  time 
whereof  was  then  approaching. 

Pompey,  coming  to  Amisus  in  Pontus,  on  his  return  from  Syria,'  had  the 
body  of  Mithridates  there  sent  to  him  from  Pharnaces,  with  many  gifts  to  pro- 
cure his  favour.  The  gifts  Pompey  received;  but  as  to  the  body,^  looking  on 
the  enmity  to  be  dead  with  the  person,  he  offered  no  indignity  to  it,  but,  giving 
him  the  honour  due  to  so  great  a  king,  generously  ordered  his  corpse  to  be  car- 
ried to  Sinope,  to  be  there  buried  among  the  sepulchres  of  his  forefathers,  in 
the  ancient  burial  place  of  the  kings  of  Pontus,  adding  such  expenses  for  the 
funeral  as  were  necessary  for  the  solemnizing  of  it  in  a  royal  manner.  On  this 
his  last  coming  into  Pontus,^  he  took  in  all  the  remaining  fortresses  and  castles 
that  had  been  there  held  for  Mithridates.  For  although  they  that  had  the  com- 
mand of  them  saw  all  lost  on  the  death  of  Mithridates,  yet  they  deferred  the 
surrendering  of  them  till  Pompey  himself  should  arrive,  that,  putting  all  imme- 
diately into  his  hands,  they  might  not  be  made  answerable  for  the  embezzle- 
ments of  under  officers.  In  some  of  these  castles  he  found  vast  riches,  espe- 
cially at  Telaura,  where  was  the  chief  wardrobe  or  storehouse  of  Mithridates. 
For  therein  were  two  thousand  cups  made  of  the  onyx  stone,  and  set  in  gold, 
with  such  a  vast  quantity  of  all  sorts  of  plate,  household  goods,  and  furniture, 
and  also  of  all  manner  of  rich  accoutrements  for  war,  both  for  man  and  horse, 
that  the  questor  or  treasurer  of  the  army  was  thirty  days  in  taking  an  inventory 
of  them. 

After  this,  Pompey  having  granted  to  Pharnaces  the  kingdom  of  Bosphorus,* 
and  declared  him  a  friend  and  ally  of  the  Roman  people,  he  marched  into  the 
province  of  Asia,  properly  so  called,  and  there  put  himself  into  M'inter-quarters 
,in  the  city  of  Ephesus.  While  he  lay  there,  he  distributed  rewards  to  his  vic- 
;torious  army,  giving  to  each  private  soldier  one  thousand  five  htindred  drachms, 
and  pfoportionably  more  to  all  the  officers,  according  as  they  were  in  higher  or 
lower  posts  of  command  in  the  army:  on  which  occasion  he  expended  out  of 
the  spoils  taken  in  this  war  sixteen  thousand  talents,  and  yet  reserved  twenty 
thousand  talents  more  to  be  carried  into  the  public  treasury  at  Rome  in  the  day 
of  his  triumph;*  and  to  make  this  as  glorious  as  he  could  was  what  he  had  now 
a  main  view  to. 

Jin.  62.  Hyrcanus  II.  2.] — On  Pompey's  having  left  Syria,®  Aretas  king  of 
Arabia  Petrsea  began  again  to  be  troublesome  to  that  province;  whereby  Scaurus 
was  there  involved  in  a  new  war  with  him,  and,  having  marched  too  far  after 
liim  into  that  desert  country,  he  feU  into  difficulties  for  want  of  provisions  and 
other  necessaries.  Out  of  these  he  was  extricated  by  the  assistance  of  Hyrca- 
nus and  Antipater:  for  the  former  supplied  him  out  of  Judea  With  all  that  he 
wanted;  and  the  other,  by  going  in  an  embassy  to  Aretas,  induced  him  to  buy 
his  peace  of  Scaurus  for  three  hundred  talents  of  silver,  which  was  much  to  the 
satisfaction  of  both.  After  this,  Scaurus  being  recalled,'  Marcius  Phillippus  was 
made  president  of  Syria  in  his  room. 

Pompey  having  spent  his  winter  at  Ephesus  in  the  manner  as  mentioned,'  in 
the  spring  he  passed  from  thence  through  the  isles  into  Greece,  and  from  thence 
to  Brundusium  in  Italy,  and  so  on  to  Rome;  where  having,  in  an  oration  to  the 
senate,  acquainted  them  that  he  had  waged  war  with  twenty-two  kings,*  and 
that  whereas  he  had  found  the  Proper  Aria  the  utmost  province  of  the  Roman 

1  Dion  Cassiiisi,  lib.  37.    Plutarch,  in  Pompeio.  2  Dion  et  Plutarchus,  ibid.    Appian.in  Mithridaticis. 

3  Appian.  ibid.  4  Dion  Plutarch,  et  Appian.  in  Mithridaticis.  5  Plutarch,  in  Pompeio. 

6  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  9.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  I.e.  6.  7  Appian.  in  Syriacis- 

8  Plutarch,  in  Pomppio.     Appian.  in  Mithridaticis     Dion  Cassius,  lib.  37.  9  Orosius,  lib.  6.  c.  6. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  287 

empire,  he  had  made  it  to  be  the  middle  of  it,'  by  reason  of  the  many  provinces 
which  he  had  conquered  beyond  it,  a  triumph  was  decreed  him  for  these  victo- 
ries; but  desiring  to  take  it  on  his  birthday ,'■'  which  was  past  for  this  year,  he 
deferred  it  till  that  day  should  come  about  again  the  next  year  after. 

An.  61.  Hyrcanus  II.  3.] — When  being  forty-five  years'  old,  he  solemnized 
this  triumph  for  two  days  together  with  great  pomp  and  glory,  wherein  were  led 
before  him  three  hundred  and  twenty -four  of  the  noblest  captives,  among  which 
were  Aristobulus  king  of  Judea,  and  his  son  Antigonus,  Olthaces  king  of  Col- 
chos,  Tigranes  the  son  of  Tigranes  king  of  Armenia,  and  five  sons  and  two 
daughters  of  Mithridates's.  It  was  peculiar  to  this  triumph  of  his,''  that,  on  his 
entering  the  capitol,  he  did  not,  as  other  triumphers  used  to  do,*  put  any  of  his 
captives  to  death,  neither  did  he,  after  his  triumph  was  over,  leave  any  of  them 
in  prison,  excepting  only  Aristobulus  and  Tigranes;  all  the  rest  he  sent  home 
into  their  respective  countries  at  the  expense  of  the  public.  Hitherto  Pompey 
had  shined  in  great  honour  above  all  else  of  his  time,  and  had  wonderful  suc- 
cess in  all  his  undertakings,  for  which  he  deservedly  had  the  name  of  Maspfius, 
i.  e.  the  Great.  But  after  this  he  sunk  in  his  character  and  his  power,*  till  at 
length  he  fell  to  nothing,  and  died  by  vile  and  murderous  hands  in  a  strange 
land,  where  he  wanted  the  honour  of  a  funeral.  By  what  fact  he  drew  this 
curse  upon  him  I  have  already  shown;  and  therefore,  in  this  triumph,  the  glory 
of  this  great  man  ending,  I  shall  with  it  here  end  this  book. 


BOOK  VII. 

An.  60.  Hyrcanus  II.  4.] — Pompey,  Crassus,  and  Julius  Caesar,  having  entered' 
into  a  confederacy  for  the  supporting  of  each  other  in  all  their  pretensions  upoa 
the  Roman  state,'  thereby  engrossed  in  a  manner  the  power  of  it,  and  divided 
it  among  themselves;  which  laid  the  first  foundation  of  those  civil  wars  which 
afterward  broke  out  between  Pompey  and  CjEsar,  and  at  ler>gth  ended  in  the  de- 
struction of  the  old  Roman  government,  by  changing  it  from  a  republic  to  a 
monarchy,  under  which  that  empire  sunk  by  quicker  degrees  than  it  had  before 
risen.  As  long  as  Crassus  lived,  he  balanced  the  matter  between  the  other  two; 
but,  after  his  death,  neither  of  them  being  contented  with  a  part,  each  contended 
to  have  the  whole.  One  of  them  could  not  bear  an  equal,  nor  the  other  a  su- 
perior.® And,  through  this  ambitious  humour,  and  thirst  after  more  power  in 
these  two  men,  the  whole  Roman  empire  being  divided  into  two  opposite  fac- 
tions, there  was  produced  hereby  the  most  destructive  war  that  ever  afflicted  it. 
And  the  like  folly  too  much  reigns  in  all  other  places.  Could  about  thirty  men 
be  persuaded  to  live  at  home  in  peace,  without  enterprising  upon  the  rights  of 
each  other,  for  the  vain-glory  of  conquest,  and  the  enlargement  of  power,  the 
whole  world  might  be  at  quiet;  but  their  ambition,  their  follies,  and  their  hu- 
mour, leading  them  constantly  to  encroach  upon  and  quarrel  with  each  other, 
they  involve  all  that  are  under  them  in  the  mischiefs  hereof,  and  many  thou- 
sands are  they  which  yearly  perish  by  it.  So  that  it  may  almost  raise  a  doubt,, 
whether  the  benefit  which  the  world  receives  from  government  be  sufficient  ta 
make  amends  for  the  calamities  which  it  suffers  from  the  follies,  mistakes,  and 
maleadministrations,  of  those  that  manage  it. 

1  Plinius,  lib.  7.  c.  Ofi.  L.  Flonis,  lib.  3.  c.  5.  This  was  not  then  true,  or  at  any  time  after.  For  Proper- 
Asia  was  never  made  the  middle  of  the  Roman  empire.  Beyond  the  Tigris  it  was  never  extended  eastward, 
but  at  this  time  it  reached  vvpstward  as  far  as  the  Atlantic  Ocean,  and  from  thence  to  Proper  Asia  was  more- 
than  double  the  distance  of  the  Tigris  from  that  province. 

2  Pridie  Calend.  Octob.  Plin.  lib.  7.  c.  26.  et  lib.  37.  c.2. 

3  Plutarch.  Appian.  et  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  37.  Plinius,  lib.  7.  c.  26.  et  lib.  37.  c.  2.  Velleius  Patercules,  libv 
2.  c.  40.  4  Aiipian.  in  Mithridaticis.  5  Videas  Joseph,  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  7.  c.  24. 

6  Videas  de  hac  re  verba  Plutarchi  in  Pompeio. 

7  Plutarch,  in  Pompeio  Crasso,  Julio  Csesare  et  Lucullo.  Suetonius,  lib.  ].  c.  19.  Appian.  de  Bellis  Civili- 
bus,  lib.  2.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  37. 

8  Nee  quenquam  jam  ferre  potest,  C.-esarve  priorem,  Pompeiusve  parem.    Liican.  lib.  1.  v.  125. 


288  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

At  this  time  flourished  Diodorus  Siculus,  the  famous  Greek  historian.  He 
was  born  at  Agyrium  in  Sicily,'  from  whence  he  had  the  name  Siculus,  i.  e.  the 
Sicilian.  He  was  the  author  of  the  general  history,  called  his  Bibliotheca.  He 
was  thirty  years  in  the  collecting  and  writing  of  it,  and  employed  so  much  dili- 
gence, pains,  and  expense  herein,  that  he  travelled  over  most  of  the  countries 
whose  affairs  are  treated  of  in  this  history,  that  so  he  might  with  the  greater  ac- 
curacy write  of  them.  And,  for  this  purpose,  he  tells  us,'^  he  went  into  Egypt 
in  the  first  year  of  the  one  hundred  and  eightieth  Olympiad,  which  was  the 
sixtieth  before  Christ,  the  very  year  of  which  we  now  treat;  Ptolemy,  surnamed 
Dionysius  Neos,  or  the  New  Bacchus,  then  reigning  there.  This  Bibliotheca 
contained  forty  books,  of  which  only  fifteen  are  now  remaining,  excepting  some 
few  fragments  and  abstracts  out  of  the  rest,  which  are  preserved  in  the  works 
of  other  writers.  It  begins  from  the  most  ancient  of  times,  and  was  continued 
down  to  this  year.  The  five  first  books  are  still  entire,  but  the  five  next  are  all 
wanting;  the  other  ten  still  remaining  are  the  tenth,  the  eleventh,  and  so  on  to 
the  twentieth  inclusive,  with  which  all  that  is  now  extant  of  this  author  ends, 
in  the  year  of  the  building  of  Rome  45-2,  M.  Livius  Denter  and  M.  ^Emilius 
Paulus  being  then  consuls.  Of  the  other  twenty-five  books  we  have  nothing 
now  left  us  but  the  fragments  and  abstracts  which  I  have  mentioned.  Had  they 
been  all  still  entire,  so  valuable  a  history  would  have  been  very  acceptable  to 
the  learned.  The  five  first  books,  though  they  have  a  great  intermixture  of 
fable,  yet  contain  many  valuable  particulars  of  true  antiquity,  which  give  much 
light  to  the  holy  scriptures;  and  the  next  five  would  have  yielded  much  more, 
had  they  been  still  extant;  and  for  this  reason  the  loss  of  these  five  is  more  to 
be  lamented  than  that  of  the  all  other  twenty.  This  author  lived  to  a  very  great 
age,  for  he  continued  down  to  the  middle  of  the  reign  of  Augustus. 

The  time  for  which  Marcius  Philippus  was  appointed  to  govern  Syria  being 
expired,  Lentulus  Marcellinus  was  sent  from  Rome  to  succeed  him.^  Both  of 
them  had  a  great  deal  of  trouble  created  them  by  the  Arabs,  who  being  a  thievish 
sort  of  people,  living  mostly  upon  rapine  and  plunder,  much  infested  that  pro- 
vince during  the  time  in  which  they  governed  it. 

Jin.  59.  Hijrcunus  II.  5.] — Julius  Cajsar,  being  this  year  consul  at  Rome,  forced 
Bibulus,*  his  colleague,  to  quit  to  him  all  the  administration  and  power  of  the 
government,  which  he  managed  with  great  application  and  address  for  the  ad- 
vancement of  his  own  interest.  In  order  hereto,  he  raised  vast  sums  of  money,* 
by  admitting  foreign  states  into  aUiance  with  the  Romans,  and  by  granting  to 
foreign  kings  the  confirmation  of  their  crowns.  And  thus  he  extorted  from 
Ptolemy  Auletes  only  near  six  thousand  talents.  That  king  having  only  a  con- 
tested title  to  the  crown  of  Egypt,  of  which  he  was  now  in  possession,  he  needed 
a  declaration  of  the  Roman  senate  in  his  favour,  for  the  confirming  and  strength- 
ening of  him  in  that  kingdom:  for  the  procuring  of  this  he  paid  unto  Cajsar  the 
stun  mentioned:  and  by  these,  and  such  like  methods,  he  amassed  that  treasure 
and  wealth,  which  enabled  him  for  his  after-undertakings;  and  therefore,  from 
hence  we  may  date  the  original  of  all  his  power.  His  next  step  hereto  was, 
he  procured  by  a  decree  of  the  people,  that,  when  the  year  of  his  consulship 
should  be  expired,"  he  should  have  Illyricum  and  both  the  Gauls,  that  is,  the 
Cisalpine  and  Transalpine,  for  his  province,  to  govern  it  as  proconsul  for  five 
years.  He  had  assigned  him  an  ai-my  of  four  legions  to  carry  with  him  into  this 
government,  and,  from  his  entering  on  it,  begins  the  history  of  his  Commentaries. 
Jin.  58.  Hi/rcanus  II.  0.] — A.  G^abinius,  the  same  who  hath  been  above-men- 
tioned as  one  of  Pompey's  lieutenants  in  the  Mithridatic  war,  being  made  con- 
sul for  the  ensuing  year,''  obtained  by  the  means  of  Clodius,  then  tribune  of  the 
people,  to  have  the  province  of  Syria  assigned  to  him. 

1  Vi(l<;  Vossiiiin  ilo  Hist.  Croccis,  lib.  2.  e.  2.  2  Diodorus,  lib.  1.  pint  1,  2.  3  Appian.  in  S?vriacis. 

4      utarc  1.  ,„  Civsare.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  :!8.        5  SuetoiiiuB  in  Julio  t'ssaru,  c.  54. 

<)  Plutarch,  m  ('j'sarf.     Dion  Ca.s.sius,  lib.  :{(?. 

7  Cicero  in  Oralionibus  pro  Domo  sua,  ct  pro  P.  Sextio,  ct  de  Piovinciia  Consularibus.  Plutarcli.  in  Cicerone. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  289 

This  Clodius  was  of  the  noble  family  of  the  Claudii,"  a  young  gentleman  of 
great  parts,  and  of  a  very  bold  and  enterprising  genius,  but  excessive  lewd. 
Lucullus  having  married  one  of  his  sisters,  he  accompanied  him  in  his  Mithri- 
datic  war;  but  having  lost  his  favour  by  his  misdemeanours,  especially  in  being 
discovered  to  have  corrupted  his  own  sister,  the  wife  of  that  general,  he  could 
not  obtain  under  him  such  a  post  as  he  expected;  at  which  being  displeased,  to 
work  his  revenge,  he  set  himself  to  corrupt  the  army,  and  was  the  main  author 
of  that  mutiny  in  it  against  Lucullus,  which  made  his  last  campaign  in  that  war 
wholly  ineffectual;  for  which  being  forced  to  get  out  of  the  reach  of  Lucullus, 
he  fled  into  Cilicia,  where  Marcius  Rex,  then  governor  of  that  province,  made 
him  his  admiral;  but  being  vanquished  by  the  pirates  of  that  coast,  against 
whom  he  was  sent,  and  taken  prisoner  by  them,  he  sent  to  Ptolemy  king  of 
Cyprus  to  supply  him  with  a  sum  of  money  for  the  paying  of  his  ransom;  but 
Ptolemy  being  a  niggardly  sordid  prince,  sent  him  only  two  talents,  which  the 
pirates  despising,  rather  chose  to  release  Clodius  for  nothing,  than  take  so  mean 
a  ransom  for  him.  On  his  return  to  Rome,  he  there  followed  his  lewd  way  of 
living,  and  having  corrupted  two  others  of  his  sisters,  and  also  Pompeia,  Cssar's 
wife,  and  endeavoured,  under  the  disguise  of  a  woman's  apparel,  to  come  to 
her  into  Caesar's  house,  while  the  chief  women  of  Rome  were  there  celebrating 
sacred  mysteries,  at  which  no  man  was  to  be  present,  he  was  for  these  crimes 
brought  to  a  public  trial,  in  which  Cicero  was  one  of  the  witnesses  against  him; 
but  by  bribing  the  judges  with  great  sums  of  money,  he  escaped  the  punishment 
he  deserved.  After  this,  procuring  himself  to  be  adopted  by  a  plebian,  he 
thereby  renounced  his  nobility,  and  got  to  be  chosen  tribune  of  the  people,  and 
in  that  office  very  much  disturbed  the  Roman  state;  and  that  he  might  gain  Ga- 
binius  the  consul  to  be  on  his  side,  who  was  altogether  as  wicked  as  himself,  he 
procured  that  this  province  of  Syria  was  assigned  him  by  the  suffrages  of  the 
people,  and  accordingly  at  the  end  of  the  year  he  departed  thither. 

After  this,  Clodius  resolving  to  make  use  of  his  office  for  the  revenging  of 
himself,  first  on  Ptolemy  king  of  Cyprus,  for  not  finding  him  money  enough  to 
pay  his  ransom,  and  also  on  Cicero,  for  giving  evidence  against  him  in  his  last 
trial,  fully  effected  both.  For,  first  he  caused  a  decree  to  pass  the  people,*  for 
seizing  the  kingdom  of  Cyprus,  the  deposing  of  Ptolemy  the  king  of  it,  and  con- 
fiscating all  his  goods,  without  any  just  cause  for  the  same.  This  Ptolemy  Avas 
a  bastard  son  of  Ptolemy  Lathyrus,'  and  brother  of  Ptolemy  Auletes  king  of 
Egypt,  and  on  the  death  of  Jiis  father  succeeded  him  in  this  island.  He  Avas  in 
his  manners  altogether  as  vile  and  vicious  as  his  brother;  but  being  withal  ex- 
ceedingly niggardly  and  sordid,  he  had  amassed  great  wealth;  and  to  gain  all 
this  was  the  chief  motive  which  induced  the  Roman  people  to  concur  with  Clo- 
dius for  his  ruin.  And  it  is  truly  reckoned  one  of  the  most  unjust  acts  that  the 
Romans  to  this  time  ever  did.*  For  Ptolemy  had  been  admitted  as  a  friend  and 
ally  of  the  Roman  people,  and  had  never  offended  them,  or  done  them  any  hurt 
or  displeasure,  whereby  to  deserve  this  usage  from  their  hands:  but  all  was  done 
merely  out  of  a  greedy  and  rapacious  desire  to  take  what  he  had.  The  only  show 
of  justice  for  it  was,  that  Alexander,  late  king  of  Egypt,  dying  at  Tyre,  as  hath 
been  above  mentioned,  did,  by  his  last  will  and  testament,  leave  the  Roman 
people  his  heirs;  and  that  therefore  the  kingdom  of  Egypt,  and  with  it  Cyprus, 
which  was  an  appendix  of  Egypt,  passed  to  the  Romans  by  virtue  of  this  dona- 
tion. The  matter  of  this  will  had  been  insisted  on  at  Rome,^  soon  after  the  death 
of  Alexander,  and  motions  had  been  there  made,  for  the  seizing  both  of  Egypt 
and  Cyprus  by  virtue  of  it.  But  they  having  lately  taken  possession  of  Bithynia 
by  virtue  of  the  will  of  Nicomedes,  and  of  Cyrene  and  Libya  by  the  like  will 
of  Apion,  who  were  the  last  kings  of  those  countries,  and  reduced  them  botli 

1  Plutarch,  in  Pompeio,  Csesare,  Catone  Uticensi,  Cirerone,  et  LucuIIo.     Dion  Cassius,  lih.  35 — 40. 

2  Plutarch,  in  Catone  Ulicensi.     Dion  Cassius,  lih.  38.     L.  Floras,  lib...3.  c.  Si.     Strabo,  lib.  14.  p.  (584. 

3  Trogus  Prolog.  40.  Strabo,  ibid,  in  eo  enim  loco  dicil,  hunc  Ptolemxum  fuisse  fratrini  patris  Cleopatra;, 
illius  scillicet,  quae  ultimo  regnavit  in  Egypto. 

4  Velleius  Paterculus,  lib.  2.  c.  45.  5  Cicero  in  Orationibus  prima  el  secunda  in  Rullum. 

Vol.  IL— 37 


290  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

into  the  form  of  Roman  provinces,  the  senate  thought  it  would  not  be  to  their 
credit,  but  would,  on  the  contrary,  bring  them  under  the  imputation  of  being 
over  o-reedy  for  the  grasping  into  their  hands  all  foreign  dominions,  should  they, 
on  this  pretence,  seize  Egypt  and  C^-prus  also;  and  besides,  the  Mithridatic  war 
not  being  at  that  time  over,  they  feared  this  might  involve  them  in  a  new  war 
before  they  were  rid  of  the  other;  and  therefore  they  did  no  more  at  that  time, 
on  the  claim  of  the  said  will,  than  send  to  Tyre  to  fetch  from  thence  all  the  ef- 
fects which  Alexander  there  left  at  his  death,  and  dropped  all  the  rest.  But  now 
this  pretence  as  to  Cyprus  was  again  revived,'  and  to  gratify  Clodius's  revenge, 
and  the  covetousness  of  the  people  of  Rome,  the  decree  passed  among  them  for 
the  seizing  of  it,  and  all  that  Ptolemy  had  there;  and  Cato,  the  justest  man  in 
Rome,  was  sent,  much  against  his  will,  to  execute  it;  which  was  done,  not  only 
that  by  that  character  of  so  just  a  man  some  reputation  might  be  given  to  this 
unjust  act,  but  especially  that  thereby  a  way  might  be  made  for  Clodlus  with 
the  more  ease  to  execute  his  revenge  upon  Cicero.  He  designed  to  bring  an 
accusation  against  him  before  the  people,  for  that  he  had,  while  consul,  put  to 
death  several  of  those  who  were  of  Catihne's  conspiracy,  by  the  order  of  the 
senate  only,  without  bringing  them  to  a  legal  trial.  But  foreseeing  that  he 
should  have  much  opposition  herein  from  Cato,  for  the  preventing  of  it,  con- 
trived to  send  him  out  of  the  way  on  this  expedition;  and  he  being  accordingly 
gone  on  it  from  Rome,  Clodius  obtained  his  design  upon  Cicero,  and  caused  him 
to  be  banished  Rome  and  Italy;  whereon  he  went  into  Greece,  and  there  con- 
tinued till  after  sixteen  months  he  was  again  recalled. 

Cato  coming  to  Rhodes  in  his  way  to  Cyprus,-  sent  to  Ptolemy,  to  persuade 
him  quietly  to  recede,  promising  him  hereon  the  high-priesthood  of  Venus  at 
Paphos,  on  the  revenues  whereof  he  might  be  supported  in  a  state  of  plenty  and 
honour;  but  he  would  not  accept  hereof.  To  resist  the  Roman  power  he  was 
not  able,  and  to  be  less  than  a  king,  after  he  had  so  long  reigned,  he  could  not 
bear;  and  therefore,  resolving  to  make  his  life  and  his  reign  end  together,^  he 
put  all  his  riches  on  shipboard,  and  launching  out  into  the  sea,  purposed,  by 
boring  his  ship  through,  to  make  both  his  riches  and  himself  sink  into  the  deep, 
and  there  perish  together.  But  when  it  came  to  the  execution,  he  could  not 
bear  that  his  beloved  treasure  should  be  thus  lost;  he  continued  still  in  the  reso- 
lution to  destroy  himself,  but  he  could  not  bring  his  heart  to  destroy  that;  and 
therefore,  expressing  greater  love  to  his  dear  pelf  than  to  himself,  carried  it  all 
back  to  land,  and,  having  laid  it  all  up  again  in  its  former  repositories,'*  he  poi- 
soned himself,  and  left  all  that  he  had  to  his  enemies,  as  if  he  intended  thereby 
to  reward  them  for  his  death.  All  this  Cato  the  next  year  after  carried  to  Rome, 
amounting  in  the  whole  to  such  a  sum,  as  had  scarce  before  been  brought  into 
the  public  treasury  in  any  of  the  greatest  triumphs. 

While  Cato  was  at  Rhodes,  in  his  way  to  Cyprus,^  there  came  thither  to  him 
Ptolemy  Auletes,  king  of  Egypt,  and  brother  to  the  other  Ptolemy  that  was  king 
of  Cyprus.  When  the  Alexandrians  heard  of  the  intentions  of  the  Romans  to 
seize  Cyprus,*  they  pressed  Auletes  to  demand  that  island  to  be  restored  to 
Egypt,  as  being  an  ancient  appendant  of  that  kingdom,  or  else,  in  case  of  de- 
nial, to  declare  war  against  them;  which  Auletes  refusing  to  do,  this  refusal, 
joined  with  what  they  had  suffered  from  him  by  the  exactions  wherewith  he 
had  oppressed  them  to  raise  the  money  with  which  he  purchased  the  favour  of 
the  great  men  at  Rome,  angered  them  so  far,^  that  they  drove  him  out  of  the 
kingdom;  and  he  was  then  going  to  Rome,  there  to  solicit  the  assistance  of  the 
senate  for  his  restoration.  On  his  coming  to  Cato,*  and  entering  into  discourse 
with  him  upon  this  affair,  Cato  blamed  him  for  quitting  that  state  of  honour  and 

1  Plutarch,  in  Catone  Uticensi,  et  in  Cicerone.    Dion  Cassius.  et  Strabo,  lib.  14.  p.  664. 

2  Pliiiarch.  in  Catone.  3  Valerius  Maximus,  lib.  9.  c.  4. 

4  Plutarch,  in  Catone.  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  39.  p.  101.  L.  Florus,  lib.  3.  c.  9.  Strabo,  lib.  14.  p.  684.  Ap- 
pian.de  BellisCivilibus,  lib.  2.  Ammianus  Marcelliiius,  lib.  14.  Valerius  Maximus,  ibid.  Velleius  Pater- 
culuR,  lib.  2.  c.  45. 

5  Plutarch,  in  Catone.  6  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  39. 

7  Dion  Caesius,  el  Plutarch,  in  Catone.    Epitome  Livii,  lib.  104.  8  Plutarch,  ia  Catone^ 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  291 

happiness  which  he  was  possessed  of  in  his  kingdom;  and  thus  exposing  him- 
self to  the  disgrace,  trouble,  and  contempt,  which,  as  an  exile,  he  must  expect 
to  meet  with.  And  as  to  the  help  he  expected  from  Rome,  he  laid  before  him 
what  great  gifts  and  presents  for  the  obtaining  of  it  would  be  extorted  from  him 
by  the  great  men  of  that  city,  whose  greedy  expectations,  he  freely  told  him, 
were  such,  that  although  Egypt  were  to  be  sold,  the  purchase  money  would  not 
be  sufficient  fully  to  satisfy  them.  And  therefore  he  advised  him  to  return  again 
into  Egypt,  and  there  make  up  all  differences  with  his  people,  offering  himself 
to  go  with  him  to  help  him  herein.  Ptolemy  at  first  approved  of  this  Advice, 
and  resolved  to  be  guided  by  it;  but  being  beaten  off  it  by  the  worst  advice  of 
his  followers,  he  went  forward  to  Rome,  where  he  soon  found,  by  full  experi- 
ence, all  to  be  true  that  Cato  had  told  him:  for  he  was  there  made  to  pay  great 
attendance  on  the  leading  men  of  the  commonwealth,  and  expend  vast  sums 
among  them  to  procure  them  to  favour  his  cause;  and  after  all,  when  there  was 
no  more  left  to  be  extorted  from  him,'  an  oracle  was  trumped  up  out  of  the  Si- 
bylline books,  whereby  it  was  pretended  the  Romans  were  forbidden  to  give 
him  any  help  in  this  case.  So  that,  after  having  for  a  year's  time  solicited  this 
matter  at  Rome,  and  expended  vast  sums  in  it,  he  was  forced  to  depart  from 
thence  without  success. 

In  the  meanwhile,^  the  Alexandrians,  after  Auletus's  departure  from  them, 
not  knowing  what  was  become  of  him,  placed  Berenice  his  daughter  on  the 
throne,  and  sent  an  embassy  into  Syria,  to  Antiochus  Asiaticus,*  who  by  his 
mother  Selene  was  the  next  male  heir  of  the  family,  to  invite  him  to  come  into 
Egypt,  and  there  marry  Berenice,  and  reign  with  her:  but  the  ambassadors,  on 
their  arrival  in  Syria,  finding  him  just  dead,  returned  without  success. 

An.  57.  Hyrcanus  II.  7.] — But  understanding  that  Seleucus  his  brother  was 
still  living,  they  sent  an  embassy  to  him  with  the  same  proposal,*  which  he 
readily  accepted  of;  but  Gabinius  (who  was  now  come  into  his  presence)  at  first 
hindered  his  going;  but  however,  either  with  his  consent  or  without  it,  he  af- 
terward went;  but  he  being  a  very  sordid  and  base  spirited  man,^  and  having 
given  an  especial  instance  of  it  in  robbing  the  sepulchre  of  Alexander  of  the 
golden  case  in  which  his  body  was  deposited,^  Berenice  soon  grew  weary  of 
him,  and,  to  be  rid  of  a  husband  whom  she  justly  loathed,'  caused  him  to  be 
put  to  death.  And  after  that  she  married  Archelaus,*  high-priest  of  Comana 
in  Pontus,  of  whom  we  have  above  fully  spoken.  From  Porphyry,  in  Euse- 
bius,  we  are  told,  that  it  was  Philip,  the  son  of  Giypus,  whom  the  second  em- 
bassy invited  into  Egypt;  but  it  being  now  above  twenty-six  years  since  there 
hath  been  any  mention  made  of  him  in  history,  it  is  most  likely  that  had  he 
been  long  dead  before  this  time;  and  besides,  had  he  been  now  alive,  he  would 
have  been  too  far  advanced  in  years  for  the  marriage  proposed,  it  being  now 
forty  years  since  he  succeeded  his  father  in  the  kingdom  of  Syria.  The  per- 
son, therefore,  whom  the  second  embassy  here  mentioned  called  out  of  Syria 
into  Egypt,  after  the  death  of  Asiaticus,  must  have  been  his  younger  brother, 
for  he  was  called  thither  as  next  heir,  and  that  the  brother  of  Asiaticus,  then 
only  was.  There  is  often  mention  made  of  this  younger  brother  of  Asiaticus 
by  such  as  write  of  those  times,®  but  none  of  them,  who  speak  of  him  as  such, 
acquaint  us  of  his  name.  But  what  Strabo  teUs  us  of  Seleucus  Cybiosactes, 
puts  it  beyond  doubt  that  he  was  the  person.  For  he  tells  us  of  him,'"  that  he 
was  called  into  Egypt  to  marry  Berenice,  and  that  he  was  of  the  Seleucian 
family,  both  which  put  together  plainly  prove  this  Seleucus  could  be  none 
other  than  the  younger  brother  of  Asiaticus.  For  after  Asiaticus's  death,  there 
was  none  other  remaining  of  the  Seleucian  family  but  this  younger  brother  of 

1  Dion  Casgius,  lib.  39.  The  words  of  this  pretended  oracle  were  these:  "  If  the  king  of  Egypt  comes  to 
desire  your  help,  deny  him  not  your  friendship,  but  aid  him  not  with  your  forces;  if  you  do  otherwise,  you 
shall  have  trouble  and  danger." 

2  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  39.    Strabo,  lib.  17.  p.  796.    Porphyr.  in  Grsecis  Euseb.  Scaligeri. 

3  Porphyr.  ibid.  4  Porphyr.  ibid.    Strabo,  lib.  17.  p.  79G. 

5  Suetonius  in  Vespasia no,  c.  19.    Strabo,  ibid.  6  Strabo,  ibid.  7  Strabo,  ibid. 

8  Strabo,  ibid,  etUb.  12.  p.  558.  9  Cicero  in  Verrem,  lib.  4.  10  Strabo,  lib.  17.  p.  796. 


09.3  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

liis  only;  and  therefore,  when  he  was  put  to  death,  as  is  above  mentioned,  in 
him  ended  the  whole  race  of  Seleucus,  and  none  of  it  were  any  more  left  to 
survive  the  loss  of  that  empire,  which  they  once  possessed. 

Alexander,  the  eldest  son  of  Aristobulus,  while  he  was  carrying  prisoner  to 
Rome  by  Pompey,  having  made  his  escape,  as  hath  been  already  mentioned, 
returned  into  Judea:  and,  having  there  gotten  together  an  army  of  ten  thou- 
sand loot,'  and  one  thousand  five  hundred  horse,  and  seized  Alexandrium,  Ma- 
cha?rus,  Hyrcania,  and  several  other  strong  castles,  he  Avell  fortified  and  garri- 
soned them,  and  from  thence  ravaged  the  whole  country.  Hyrcanus  being  too 
weak  to  take  the  field  against  him,  he  would  have  fortified  Jerusalem  for  his 
defence,  by  rebuilding  the  walls  which  Pompey  had  demolished,  but  the  Romans 
not  permitting  this,  he  was  forced  to  call  them  in  to  his  aid;  whereon  Gabinius, 
president  of  Syria,  and  M.  Antonius,  who  was  general  of  the  horse  under  him, 
came  into  Judea  with  a  great  army  for  the  quelling  of  these  troubles,  and  being 
there  joined  by  Antipater,  Pitholaus,  and  Malichus,  with  those  Jews  under  their 
command  that  were  of  Hyrcanus' s  party,  they  came  to  a  battle  with  Alexander 
near  Jerusalem;  wherein  Alexander  being  overthrown  with  the  loss  of  three 
thousand  men  slain,  and  as  many  taken  prisoners,  fled  to  Alexandrium,  where 
Gabinius  having  pursued  him,  there  shut  him  up  and  besieged  him.  But  the 
castle  being  naturally  strong,  as  situated  upon  the  top  of  a  high  mountain,  and 
also  well  fortified  by  art,  it  could  not  easily  be  taken;  Gabinius  therefore,  leav- 
ing one  part  of  his  army  to  block  it  up,  marched  with  the  other  part  round  the 
country  to  take  a  view  of  the  condition  it  was  in;  and,  finding  Samaria,  Azo- 
tus,  Gaza,  Raphia,  Anthedon,  Jamnia,  Scythopolis,  AppoUonia,  Dora,  Marissa, 
and  several  other  cities  lying  in  ruins,  as  having  been  demolished  in  their  wars 
with  the  Asmonffians,  he  ordered  them  all  again  to  be  repaired,  and  then  re- 
turned to  the  siege  of  Alexandrium;  where  repaired  to  him  the  mother  of  Alex- 
ander, a  very  wise  and  discreet  woman,  who,  being  solicitous  for  her  husband 
and  children  that  had  been  carried  captive  to  Rome,  in  order  to  obtain  favour 
for  them,  endeavoured  to  recommend  herself  to  the  Romans  aU  she  could,  that 
so  she  might  be  the  better  enabled  to  intercede  in  their  behalf;  and  therefore, 
having  with  this  view  done  them  all  manner  of  service  wherever  sjie  had 
power,  she  thereby  so  ingratiated  herself  with  Gabinius,  and  got  so  great  an 
interest  in  him,  that  she  obtained  every  thing  of  him  that  she  desired.  And 
therefore,  by  her  means,  a  treaty  of  peace  being  commenced,  Alexander  sur- 
rendered Alexandrium,  and  all  his  other  castles;  which  being  immediately 
razed  to  the  ground,  by  the  advice  of  this  lady,  that  they  might  not  become  the 
occasion  of  another  war,  he  was  thereon  dismissed,  with  pardon  and  impunity 
for  all  that  was  past. 

After  this  Gabinius,  going  up  to  Jerusalem,  restored  Hyrcanus  to  the  high- 
priesthood,-  but  made  a  very  considerable  alteration  in  the  civil  government, 
changing  in  a  manner  the  whole  form  of  it,  and  reducing  it  from  a  monarchy  to 
an  aristocracy.  Hitherto  the  government^  had  been  managed  under  the  prince 
by  two  sorts  of  councils  or  courts  .of  justice,  one  consisting  of  twenty-three  per- 
sons, called  the  Lesser  Sanhedrin,  and  the  other  of  seventy-two  persons,  called 
the  Great  Sanhedrin.  Of  the  first  sort  there  was  one  in  every  city;  only  in  Je- 
rusalem, because  of  the  greatness  of  the  place,  and  the  multiplicity  of  business 
thence  arising,  there  were  two  of  them  sitting  apart  from  each  other  in  two  dis- 
tinct rooms.  Of  the  other  sort  there  was  one  only  always  sitting  in  the  temple  at 
Jerusalein  till  that  time.  The  Lesser  Sanhedrins  despatched  all  affairs  of  justice 
arising  within  the  respective  cities  where  they  sat,  and  the  precincts  belonging 
to  them.  The  Great  Sanhedrin  presided  over  the  affairs  of  the  whole  nation,  re- 
ceived appeals  from  the  Lesser  Sanhedrins,  interpreted  the  laws,  and,  by  new 
institutions  from  time  to  time,  regulated  the  executing  of  them.     All  this  Gabi- 

1  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  10.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  I.  c.  6.  2  Ibid. 

^  ^'1^''  X^'',"".^'"^  TractatumSanh(!drin,etMairaoniden  in  Sanhedrin, aliosquede  liac,  reScripfores  Rabbini- 
C09.  J  he  huKhsh  reader  may  fiTid  an  abstract  of  all  that  is  said  in  these  authors  of  tliia  matter  in  Lightfoot's 
Prospect  of  the  Temple,  c.  20.  s.  2.  and  c.  22. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  293 

nius  abolished,  and,  Instead  hereof,  erected  five  courts,  or  Sanhedrins,'  invest- 
ing each  with  sovereign  power  independent  of  each  other.  The  first  of  them  he 
placed  at  Jerusalem,  tlie  second  at  Jericho,  the  third  at  Gadara,  the  fourth  at 
Amathus,  and  the  fifth  at  Sephoris;  and,  having  under  these  five  cities  divided 
the  whole  land  into  five  provinces,  he  ordered  all  to  repair  for  justice  to  those 
courts,  which  he  had  established  in  them;  that  is,  each  to  the  court  of  that  pro- 
vince of  which  he  was  an  inhabitant,  and  there  every  thing  was  ultimately  de- 
termined. The  tyranny  of  Alexander  Jannseus  had  made  the  Jews  weary  of 
regal  government;  and  therefore  they  had  formerly  petitioned  Pompey*  for  the 
abohshing  of  it  at  the  time  when  he  heard  the  cause  of  the  two  brothers  at  Da- 
mascus; and,  in  compliance  with  them,  he  went  so  far  as  to  take  away  the 
diadem  and  the  name  of  king,^  though  he  did  not  the  power.  For,  when  he  re- 
stored Hyrcanus,  he  gave  him  the  sovereign  authority,  though  under  another 
style.  But  now  they  prevailed  with  Gabinius  to  take  away  the  power  as  well  as 
the  name,  which  he  effectually  did  by  the  alteration  I  have  mentioned.  For 
hereby  he  changed  the  monarchy  into  an  aristocracy,  and,  instead  of  the 
prince,  thenceforth  the  nobles  of  the  land  had,  in  these  five  courts,  the  sole  go- 
vernment of  it.  But  afterward  Julius  Caesar,*  on  his  passing  through  Syria,  after 
the  Alexandrian  war,  reinvested  Hyrcanus  in  the  principality,  and  restored 
again  the  old  form  of  the  government  as  in  former  times.  But,  besides  these 
two  sorts  of  Sanhedrins  or  courts,  there  was  a  third  among  the  Jews,*  which 
was  not  affected  by  any  of  these  alterations,  but  stood  the  same  under  all  of 
them;  and  this  was  the  court  of  Three,  which  was  for  the  deciding  of  all  con- 
■  troversies  about  bargains,  sales,  contracts,  and  other  such  matters  of  common 
right  between  man  and  man;  in  all  which  cases  one  of  the  litigants  chose  one 
judge,  and  the  other  another,  and  these  two  chose  a  third;  which  three  consti- 
tuted a  court  to  hear  and  ultimately  determine  the  matter  in  contest.  And 
something  like  this  I  hear  is  now  in  Denmark,  whereby  such  cases  as  with  us 
make  long  and  chargeable  suits  are  summarily  heard  and  finally  determined  by 
a  hke  court  of  three  in  the  same  manner  chosen;  before  which  each  party 
pleads  his  own  cause,  and  hath  speedy  justice  awarded  him  without  the  assist- 
ance of  sohcitors,  attorneys,  or  any  other  such  agents  of  the  law.  Thus  much 
may  serve  for  the  information  of  the  English  reader  concerning  the  Sanhedrins 
or  courts  of  justice,  which  were  anciently  in  use  among  the  Jcavs.  Those  who 
would  dive  farther  into  the  knowledge  of  them,  may  read  the  Mishnical  tract 
Sanhedrin,  and  the  Gemara  upon  the  same,  Maimonidis's  tract  under  the  same 
title,  Selden  de  Synedriis,  Cock's  Sanhedrin,  and  others. 

Toward  the  latter  end  of  the  year,**  Aristobulus,  late  king  of  Judea,  who  was 
led  in  triumph  by  Pompey,  and  after  that  shut  up  in  prison  at  Rome,  having 
with  his  son  Antigonus  made  his  escape  thence,  returned  into  Judea,  and  there 
raised  new  troubles.  For  immediately  great  numbers  resorted  to  him;  among 
whom  was  Pitholaus,  who  hitherto  had  been  one  of  the  chief  leaders  on  the 
side  of  Hyrcanus,  and  was  at  present  governor  of  Jerusalem;  but  having  now 
taken  some  disgust,  for  what  it  is  not  said,  went  over  to  the  other  side,  carrying 
with  him  a  thousand  men  well  armed.  Aristobulus  having,  out  of  all  those  that 
came  in  unto  him,  selected  such  as  had  arms,  formed  with  them  an  army,  and 
dismissed  all  the  rest.  He  first  re-edified  Alexandrium,  and,  having  furnished 
it  with  a  strong  garrison,  marched  with  the  rest,  being  about  eight  thousand  men, 
toward  Macheerus,  another  strong  place  beyond  Jordan,  lately  demolished,  de- 
signing to  restore  and  garrison  that  also  in  the  like  manner  as  he  had  Alexan- 
drium. But  Gabinius,  hearing  of  these  doings,  sent  Sisenna  his  son,  with  Anto- 
nius  and  Servilius,  two  o^  his  chief  lieutenants,  against  him,  who,  having  over- 
taken him  in  his  march  to  Macharus,  and  forced  him  to  an  engagement,  van- 
quished him,  with  the  slaughter  of  five  thousand  of  his  men.   Aristobulus,  with 

1  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  10.  etde  Bello  Jiulaico,  lib.  1.  c.  6.  2  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.5. 

3  Ibid,  lib,  20.  c.  8.  4  Ibid.  lib.  14.  c.  17.  5  Talmud,  in  Sanhedrin. 

6  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  11.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  6. 


294  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

a  thousand  of  the  remainder,  got  to  Machterus,  and  there  they  endeavoured  to 
fortify  and  maintain  themselves.  But  on  the  coming  up  of  the  Romans  to  them, 
they  were  soon  overpowered:  for,  after  two  days'  resistance,  the  place  was  taken, 
and  Aristobulus  being  grievously  wounded,  was  taken  in  it,  with  Antigonus  his 
son,  and  both  were  sent  back  again  to  Rome  into  their  former  jail.  But  Gabi- 
nius  having  informed  the  senate,  that  he  had  promised  the  wife  of  Aristobulus, 
on  her  procuring  the  yielding  up  of  the  castle,  that  her  children  should  be  re- 
leased, it  was  accordingly  performed:  for  Aristobulus  only  being  retained  in 
chains,  Antigonus  and  all  the  rest  of  his  children  were  permitted  to  depart,  and 
return  again  into  Judea. 

fin.  5(j.  Hyrcanus  II.  8.] — Orodes  and  Mithridates,  the  sons  of  Phrahates  king 
of  Parthia,  conspiring  against  their  father,'  impiously  became  the  authors  of  his 
death,  after  he  had  reigned  over  the  Parthians  about  twelve  years.  The  ambition 
of  reigning  having  been  the  cause  of  this  parricide,  it  became  the  cause  also  of 
great  contention  between  the  two  brothers,  while  each  strived  to  possess  the 
throne,  which  they  had  by  their  horrid  Avickedness  made  vacant.  Orodes,  being 
the  elder  brother,  first  took  possession  of  it,  but  was  soon  displaced,  and  driven 
into  banishment  by  Mithridates.  But  he  having  soon  made  himself  odious  to 
the  Parthians  by  his  cruelty,  Surenas,  who  next  the  throne  held  the  first  place 
of  honour  and  power  in  that  kingdom,  took  the  advantage  of  it  again  to  bring 
back  Orodes,  to  whose  interest  he  had  all  long  adhered,  and  replaced  him  again 
on  the  throne.  Whereon  Mithridates,  being  forced  into  the  banishment  from 
which  his  brother  was  returned,  fled  to  Gabinius,  and,  on  his  arrival  in  Syria, 
finding  him  preparing  for  an  expedition  against  the  Arabs,  he  persuaded  him 
rather  to  turn  his  arms  against  the  Parthians,  for  the  effecting  of  his  restoration. 
And  Gabinius's  heart  being  wholly  set  upon  gain,  he  was  easily  prevailed  on  to 
hearken  to  him,  as  knowing  that  the  Parthasians  being  a  rich  nation,  most  plun- 
der was  there  to  be  had.  And  accordingly  he  set  himself  on  his  march  that 
way,  taking  Mithridates  along  with  him  for  his  guide.  But,  on  his  having  pas- 
sed the  Euphrates,  he  was  accosted  with  another  proposal.  For  thither  came 
to  him  Ptolemy  Auletes,^  the  deprived  king  of  Egypt,  with  letters  from  Pompey, 
and  offering  him  ten  thousand  talents  to  re-establish  him  again  in  his  kingdom. 
The  reward  being  very  great,  and  the  enterprise  much  less  dangerous,  both 
these  considerations  together  induced  him  to  undertake  the  matter;  and  there- 
fore, quitting  his  intended  expedition  against  the  Parthians,  he  repassed  the  Eu- 
phrates, and  marched  through  Palestine  directly  into  Egypt.  Whereon  Mithri- 
dates, finding  his  cause  deserted,^  returned  into  Babylonia,  and  there  seized  Se- 
leucia;  where  Orodes,  straightly  besieging  him,  brought  him  to  that  distress,  that 
he  voluntarily  surrendered  himself,  out  of  hopes  of  having  his  life  spared,  as 
being  a  brother:  but  Orodes,  looking  on  him  more  as  an  enemy  than  as  a  bro- 
ther, caused  him  to  be  slain  before  his  face. 

On  Gabinius's  arrival  on  the  borders  of  Egypt,'*  he  sent  Antony  with  a  body 
of  horse  to  seize  the  passes,  and  open  the  way  for  the  rest  of  the  army  to  follow. 
This  was  the  famous  Mark  Antony,  who  afterward,  as  triumvir,  governed  one 
third  part  of  the  Roman  empire  for  several  years.  He  accompanied  Gabinius 
into  Syria  as  general  of  the  horse  under  him,  as  hath  been  already  mentioned, 
and  in  that  service  first  signalized  himself  Being  a  young  man  of  great  courage 
and  a  bold  spirit,  he  was  the  chief  promoter  of  this  expedition,  though  most  of 
the  other  general  officers  were  against  it.  But  Antony  giving  his  opinion  as  best 
agreed  with  Gabinius's  greediness,  carried  it  against  them  all.  And  as  he  was 
the  chief  adviser  of  this  undertaking,  so  also  was  he  the  most  vigorous  actor  in 
it;  and,  by  his  first  success  herein,  made  way  for  all  the  rest:  for  he  not  only  se- 
cured all  the  passes  which  he  was  sent  to  seize,  but  took  Pelusium,  which  was 
on  that  side  the  key  of  Egypt;  and  the  taking  of  it  opened  the  way,  and  became 

1  Dion  Cassius,  lih.  3i).     Appian.  in  Parthicis  et  Syriacis.     Plutarch  in  Crasso. 

2  DionCassius,  lib.  39.  Plutarch,  in  Antonio.  Cicero  in  Oratione  pro  RabirioPosthumo.  Joseph.  Antiq. 
lib.  14.  c.  11.  et  (ie  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  6.     Appian.  in  Syriacis  et  Parlhicis. 

3  Justin,  lib.  42.  c.  4.  4  Plutarch,  in  Antonio. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  295 

the  inlet  to  all  the  rest  of  the  kingdom.  For  this  success  he  was  much  beholden 
to  Hyrcanus  and  Antipater/  who  not  only  assisted  the  Romans  in  their  march 
with  all  necessaries,  but,  by  letters,  prevailed  with  the  Jews  of  the  country  of 
Onion,  near  Pelusium,  to  be  helpful  unto  them,  without  which  Antony  could 
not  so  soon  have  made  himself  master  of  that  city.  Archelaus  was  at  this  time 
king  of  Egypt,^  as  having  been  called  thither  after  the  death  of  Seleucus  Cy- 
biosactes,  to  marry  Berenice,  and  reign  with  her  in  that  kingdom,  as  hath  been 
already  related.  He  having  contracted  an  intimate  friendship  with  Gabinius, 
while  he  served  under  Pompey  as  one  of  his  lieutenants  in  the  Mithridatic  war, 
he  came  out  of  Pontus  into  Syria  to  him,^  on  his  obtaining  that  province,  to  be 
there  assisting  to  him  in  his  wars,  and  there  also  made  an  intimate  friendship 
with  Antony;  and  no  doubt  but  it  was  with  the  knowledge  and  approbation  of 
both  of  them,  that,  when  called  from  Syria  into  Egypt,  he  accepted  of  the  invi- 
tation. However,  nothing  of  this  could  secure  him  from  this  invasion.  The 
avarice  of  Gabinius  took  place  of  all  regard  to  the  friendship  he  had  formerly 
with  him. 

An.  55.  Hijrcanxis  H.  9.] — Gabinius,  as  soon  as  he  was  acquainted  of  Antony's 
success,^  marched  with  his  whole  army  into  the  very  heart  of  Egypt.  This 
was  in  the  middle  of  winter;  for  then  the  Nile  being  at  the  lowest,  Egypt  was 
at  that  time  the  fittest  for  an  invasion.  However,  Archelaus,  being  a  very  valiant 
and  a  very  sensible  man,  omitted  nothing  that  could  be  done  for  his  defence,  but 
stood  his  ground  in  several  conflicts  against  the  invaders.  But  the  Egyptians 
being  an  effeminate  dastardly  sort  of  people,  forward  to  mutiny  against  all  orders 
,  of  war,  and  backward  to  all  acts  of  valour  in  it,  he  could  make  no  work  of  it  with 
such  hands;  but,  being  overpowered  by  the  well  disciplined  forces  of  the  Romans, 
was  at  length  finally  vanquished,  and  himself  slain  in  the  battle,  valiantly  fight- 
ing in  the  defence  of  the  cause  which  he  had  undertaken.  After  his  death,* 
Antony  had  so  much  regard  to  the  friendship  that  had  been  between  them,  that, 
as  soon  as  he  heard  of  his  being  slain,  he  commanded  his  body  to  be  sought  for 
on  the  field  of  battle,  and  caused  it  to  be  buried  with  a  royal  funeral,  which 
gained  him  the  love  of  the  Egyptians  ever  after.  And  perchance  it  was  pro- 
cured by  a  like  favour  from  Gabinius,  that  his  son  was  appointed  by  the  Romans 
to  succeed  him  at  Comana.  But  these  after  acts  were  of  two  little  value  to  make 
any  amends  for  the  loss  of  his  kingdom  and  his  life,  which  they  had  so  unjustly 
deprived  him  of. 

After  Archelaus  was  slain,  all  Egypt  was  soon  reduced,  and  forced  again  to 
receive  Auletes,  who  was  thereon  thoroughly  restored  to  his  kingdom;  and,  for 
the  better  securing  of  him  in  it,  Gabinius  left  some  of  his  Roman  forces  with 
him  to  be  for  his  guard, ^  who,  settling  at  Alexandria,  soon  exchanged  the  Ro- 
man manners  for  the  Egyptian,  and  degenerated  into  the  elFeminacy  of  those 
among  whom  they  dwelt.  Auletes,  as  soon  as  he  was  again  resettled  on  the 
throne,^  put  Berenice  his  daughter  to  death  for  having  worn  his  crown  in  the 
time  of  his  exile;  and  after  that  proceeded  to  cut  off"  most  of  the  rich  men  that 
had  been  of  the  party  against  him,  that,  by  the  confiscation  of  their  goods,  he 
might  raise  the  money  promised  Gabinius  for  his  restoration. 

Gabinius,  having  accomplished  in  Egypt  all  that  he  intended  by  his  expedi- 
tion thither,  found  reason  to  hasten  back  again  into  Syria,  great  disorders  hav- 
ing there  arisen  in  his  absence.  On  his  going  into  Egypt,**  he  had  entrusted  the 
government  in  the  hands  of  Sisenna,  his  son,  a  raw  youth,  of  neither  age  nor 
experience  adequate  to  such  a  charge,  and  left  so  few  forces  with  him,  that, 
had  he  been  ever  so  well  capacitated  otherwise,  he  could  not  with  them  have 
been  able  to  do  any  service:  whereon  the  country  was  filled  with  thieves  and 

1  Joseph.  Aiitiq.  lib.  14.  c.  11.  etde  Belle  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  G. 

2  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  3'J.    Strabo,  lib.  12.  p.  558.  et.  lib.  17.  p.  796.    Plutarch,  in  Antonio.    Tiivii  Epitome, 
lib.  105. 

3  Strabo,  lib.  12.  p.  553.  et  lib.  17.  p.  796.  4  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  39.     Plutarch,  in  Antonio. 

5  Plutarch,  in  Antonio.  6  Cssaris  Comment,  de  Bello  Civili,  lib.  3.     Lucan.  lib.  10.  ver.  402. 

7  Strabo,  lib.  17.  p.  796.    Dion  CassiuEi,  lib.  39.    Porphyrius  inGrscis  Euseb.  Scaligeri. 

8  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  39. 


296  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

freebooters,  who  ravaged  it  all  over  without  control,  their  being  neither  head 
nor  hands  then  in  the  province  sufficient  to  repress  them.  And  Alexander,"  the 
son  of  Aristobulus,  taking  the  advantage  of  these  disorders,  raised  new  troubles 
in  Judea:  for,  having  gotten  together  a  great  army,  he  ranged  with  it  all  over 
the  country,  and  slew  all  the  Romans  he  could  any  where  iind,  and  drove  all 
the  rest  to  take  refuge  in  INIount  Gerizim,  where  he  straightly  besieged  them; 
and  there  Gabinius  found  him  on  his  return:  where  seeing  the  great  multitude 
of  those  he  had  with  him,  he  thought  it  best  first  to  deal  with  them  by  fair 
means;  and  therefore  sent  Antipater  to  them,  to  endeavour,  by  promises  of  im- 
punity and  obUvion,  again  to  reduce  them  to  quiet;  and  he  had  that  success,  to 
prevail  with  many  of  them  to  desist  from  their  revolt,  and  return  again  to  their 
own  houses.  But  Alexander,  having  gotten  about  him  an  army  of  thirty  thou- 
sand men  well  appointed  for  the  war,  resolved  to  encounter  Gabinius:  but,  after 
a  fierce  fight  near  Mount  Tabor,  he  was  vanquished,  with  the  slaughter  of  ten 
thousand  of  his  men,  and  the  rest  were  dissipated  and  put  to  flight.  After  this 
Gabinius  going  up  to  Jerusalem,*  and  having  settled  all  things  there  according 
to  the  mind  of  Antipater,  marched  thence  against  the  Nabathsans;  and,  having 
overcome  them,  led  back  his  army  into  Syria,  and  there  prepared  for  his  return 
to  Rome. 

For  Pompey  and  Crassus,  being  this  year  consuls,  had,  on  their  entering  on 
their  office,''  obtained,  by  a  decree  of  the  Roman  people,  that  Spain  and  Africa 
should  be  assigned  to  Pompey  for  five  years,  and  Syria  and  the  neighbouring 
countries  to  Crassus  for  the  like  term,  for  their  consular  provinces,  with  full  au- 
thority to  take  with  them  such  forces  as  they  should  think  fit  to  raise,  and  to 
make  war  wherever  they  should  see  cause,  according  to  their  own  judgment, 
Avithout  having  recourse  to  the  senate  or  the  people  of  Rome  for  their  orders 
about  it,  as  all  other  governors  were  in  this  case  obliged  to  do.  Hereon  Crassus,^ 
sent  a  deputy  to  receive  the  government  of  Syria  from  Gabinius;  but  he  refused 
to  make  resignation  of  it,  till  afterward  he  was  forced  to  quit  the  province  by 
a  more  powerful  command  than  that  of  the  people  and  senate  of  Rome.  For 
Gabinius,*  had  been  an  excessive  corrupt  governor  in  his  province,  doing  any 
thing  for  bribes,  and  selling  every  thing  for  money,  and  extorting  great  sums  in 
all  places,  and  from  all  persons,  wherever  any  could  be  gotten,  and  by  all  man- 
ner of  means  how  unjust  and  oppressive  soever.  The  clamour  which  this  raised 
all  over  the  province,*  came  from  all  parts  of  it  very  loud  to  Rome  against  him: 
which  so  much  angered  both  the  senate  and  the  people,  that  they  called  him 
home  to  answer  these  accusations.  But  that  which  most  exasperated  them 
was  his  Egyptian  expedition;'  for  it  was  contrary  to  the  law,  for  any  governor 
of  a  province  to  go  out  of  the  limits  of  it,  or  begin  any  new  war  without  ex- 
press order  from  the  people  or  senate  of  Rome  for  it;  and  also  there  was  then 
published  an  oracle  out  of  the  Sibylline  books,  which  forbade  the  Romans  at 
that  time  to  meddle  with  the  restoration  of  the  king  of  Egypt;  against  all  which 
Gabinius  having  acted  without  any  regard  to  law,  right,  or  religion,  the  people 
of  Rome  were  hereby  so  far  provoked  against  him,  that  they  would  imme- 
diately have  proceeded  to  sentence  of  condemnation  against  him,  without  tar- 
rying his  return,  had  not  Pompey  and  Crassus,  the  consuls  for  this  year,  inter- 
posed to  hinder  it;  the  first  out  of  friendship  to  him,  and  the  other  to  earn  the 
bribe  by  which  he  was  corrupted.  But  on  his  return,  the  next  year  after,  three 
actions  were  commenced  against  him,  one  of  treason,  and  the  other  two  of  cor- 
ruption, bribery,  and  other  high  misdemeanors.  The  first  by  virtue  of  his  mo- 
ney which  was  liberally  expended  on  this  occasion  in  bribing  the  judges,  he 

1  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  11.  2  Ibid. 

3  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  39.    Epitome  Livil,  lib.  105.    Plutarch,  in  Crasso,  Pompeio,  et  Catone  Uticensi.    Ap- 
pian.  de  Rrllis  Civilibiis,  lib.  2. 

4  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  39. 

5  Dion  Casiua,  ibid.    Cicerone  in  Oratione  de  Provinciis  (^onsiilaribns,  et  in  Oratione  contra  Pisonem. 

6  Notvvithstandinc  this  clamour,  it  is  to  be  observed,  Josephus  gives  him  a  laudable  character, as  if  he  had 
acquitted  himself  with  honour  in  the  charge  committed  to  him.    Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  11. 

7  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  33. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  297 

hardly  escaped  by  a  majority  of  six  votes  only  of  the  seventy  that  judged  his 
cause,'  but  being  cast  in  the  other  two  he  was  sent  into  banishment,"  and  there 
lived  in  poverty  till  Caisar  brought  him  back  again  in  the  time  of  the  civil  wars.' 
For  most  of  the  money  which  he  had  raked  together  by  oppression,  bribery,  and 
corruption,  was  spent  in  bribing  and  corrupting  others,  that  so  he  might  escape 
the  punishment  which  he  deserved.  And  thus  his  vast  treasure,  which  he 
brought  with  him  out  of  the  east,  was  wasted  in  the  same  way  of  iniquity  in 
which  it  was  gotten.  He  having  been  consul  when  Cicero  was  banished,  and 
then  helped  forward  by  his  authority  that  sentence  against  him,  that  great 
orator  being  now  again  returned  home,  remembering  this  injury  and  suitably 
resenting  it,  aggravated  his  crimes  to  the  utmost  against  him  in  his  speeches 
both  to  the  senate  and  people;  and  particularly  we  find  him  so  doing  in  some 
of  his  orations  still  extant. 

Crassus*  having  his  mind  much  intent  upon  his  eastern  expedition,  for  which 
he  had  obtained  a  decree  of  the  people  in  the  beginning  of  the  year,  was  very 
busy  toward  the  end  of  his  consulship  in  listing  soldiers,  and  making  all  other 
preparations  for  it.  But  the  tribunes  of  the  people  then  in  office,^  not  approv- 
ing of  his  purpose  of  making  war  with  the  Parthians,  did  all  they  could  to  ob- 
struct him  herein,  and  would  fain  have  reversed  the  decree  that  gave  him  au- 
thority for  it;  but  being  overpowered  in  this  attempt  by  miUtary  force,  they 
turned  their  endeavours  into  curses;  and  one  of  them  pursued  him  with  the 
most  horrid  and  dreadful  execrations,®  as  he  marched  with  his  army  out  of 
Rome  for  this  war:  which  were  all  executed  upon  him  in  the  lamentable  man- 
ner in  which  it  miscarried. 

An.  54.  Hyrcanus  II.  10.] — Crassus  going  into  his  province  with  an  eager  de- 
sire of  amassing  all  the  wealth  he  was  able,  was  no  sooner  arrived  in  Syria,  but 
he  set  himself  upon  all  those  methods  whereby  he  might  best  satiate  his  thirst. 
And  being  told  of  the  riches  of  the  temple  at  Jerusalem,^  he  marched  thither 
with  part  of  his  army  to  make  seizure  of  it.  Eleazar,  one  of  the  priests,  was 
then  treasurer  of  the  temple.  Among  other  things  which  he  had  under  his 
charge,  one  was  a  bar  of  gold,  of  the  weight  of  three  hundred  Hebrew  minee. 
This,  for  the  better  securing  of  it,  he  had  put  into  a  beam,  which  he  had  caused 
to  be  made  hoUow  for  the  reception  of  it;  and  placing  this  beam  over  the  en- 
trance, which  was  from  the  holy  place  into  the  holy  of  holies,  caused  the  veil 
which  parted  these  two  places  to  be  hung  thereat.  Perceiving  Crassus's  design 
for  the  plundering  of  the  temple,  he  endeavoured  to  compound  the  matter  with 
him;  and  therefore,  telling  him  of  such  a  bar  of  gold  in  his  custody,  promised 
to  discover  and  deliver  it  to  him,  upon  condition  that  he  would  be  satisfied  with 
it  and  spare  all  the  rest:  Crassus  accepted  of  the  proposal,  and  solemnly  pro- 
mised with  an  oath,  that,  on  having  this  bar  of  gold  delivered  to  him,  he  would 
be  contented  with  it,  and  meddle  with  nothing  else.  Whereon  Eleazar  took 
down  the  beam,  and  delivered  it  to  him;  but  the  perfidious  wretch  had  no 
sooner  received  it,  but  forgetting  his  oath,  he  not  only  seized  the  two  thousand 
talents  which  Pompey  left  there  untouched,  but,  ransacking  the  temple  all  over, 
robbed  it  of  every  thing  else  which  he  thought  worth  taking  away,  to  the  value 
of  eight  thousand  talents  more.  So  that  the  whole  of  this  sacrilegious  plunder 
which  he  took  thence  amounted  to  ten  thousand  talents,  which  is  above  two 
miUions  of  our  money.  And  with  this,  thinking  himself  sufficiently  furnished 
for  the  Parthian  war,*  caused  a  bridge  of  boats  to  be  made  on  the  Euphrates,  and 
forthwith  marched  over  it,  and  invaded  the  territories  of  the  king  of  Parthia, 
without  having  any  other  cause  for  it  than  his  insatiable  avarice  after  the  riches 
and  treasures  of  the  country.     The  Romans  had,  first  by  Sylla,®  and  afterward 

1  Cicero  ad  Atticum,  lib.  4.  ep.  16.  et  ad  auintum  Fratrem,  lib.  3.  ep.  4.        2  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  39. 

3  He  died  in  those  wars  inCtesar's  service.    Hirtius  de  Bello  Alexandrine,  c.  43. 

4  Plutarch,  in  Crasso.  5  Plutarch,  ibid.     Dion  Cassius,  lib.  39. 

6  Plutarch,  et  Dion  Cassius.  ibid.     Florus,  lib.  3.  c.  11.     Velleius  Patercul,  lib.  2.  c.  40.     Appian,  de  Bell, 
Civilib.  lib.  2.    Cicero  de  Divinatione,  lib.  1. 

7  Joseph.  Anfiq.  lib.  14.  c.  12.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  C.  6. 

8  Plutarch,  in  Crasso.     Dion  Cassius,  lib.  40.  0  L.  Florus,  lib.  3.  c.  Jl. 

Vol.  II.— 38 


298  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

by  Pompey,  made  leagues  of  peace  and  alliance  with  this  people,  and  they 
had  never  complained  of  any  infractions  of  them,  or  any  other  injuries  that 
might  o-ive  just  reason  for  a  war;  and  therefore  the  Parthians,  not  exjiecting  any 
such  invasion,  were  not  tlien  prepared  in  those  parts  to  withstand  it.  Whereon 
Crassus  overnm  a  great  part  of  Mesopotamia,'  and  took  many  cities  without  op- 
position; and  had  he  pursued  his  advantage,  he  might  have  taken  Seleucia  and 
Ctesiphon  also,  and  made  himself  master  of  all  Babylonia  as  well  as  of  Meso- 
potamia. But  the  summer  being  spent,  he  repassed  the  Euphrates  and  put  his 
army  into  winter-quarters  in  the  cities  of  Syria,  leaving  only  seven  thousand 
foot  and  one  thousand  horse  behind  to  garrison  the  places  he  had  taken;  where- 
by he  gave  leisure  for  the  Parthians  to  get  ready  that  army,  against  the  next 
year's  campaign,  with  which  they  wrought  his  destruction.  And  whereas  he 
ought,  on  his  return  into  Syria,  to  have  taken  care  that  during  that  winter,  his 
soldiers  should  have  been  well  exercised  for  the  war,  and  every  thing  else  put 
in  due  preparation  for  it,  he  neglected  all  this;  and  acting  the  part  of  a  publican 
rather  than  of  a  general,  employed  himself  wholly  in  examining  into  the  reve- 
nues of  the  province,  and  screwing  them  up  to  the  utmost  height  he  was  able, 
and  in  using  all  other  methods  of  exaction  whereby  to  enrich  himself.  And 
the  plundering  of  the  teniple  at  Jerusalem  was  not  the  only  sacrilege  he  was 
guilty  of:  he  did  the  same  all  over  the  province,  wherever  any  riches  were  to 
be  gotten,  especially  at  Hierapolis:  for  there  being  in  that  city  an  ancient  tem- 
ple of  the  Syrian  goddess  called  Atargetis,*  where  much  treasure  was  laid  up, 
as  having  been  the  collection  of  many  years,  he  seized  it  all,  and  Avas  so  greedy 
of  securing  the  whole  of  it,  that  lest  any  should  be  detained  or  embezzled,  he 
spent  a  great  deal  of  his  time  to  see  it  all  told  out  and  weighed  before  him. 
On  his  last  coming  out  of  this  temple,  his  son  going  before  him,  stumbled  at 
the  threshold,  and  he,  immediately  after  it,  upon  him.  This  was  afterward  in- 
terpreted as  an  ill  omen,  foreboding  that  destruction  which  they  soon  after  fell 
into  in  their  battle  against  the  Parthians,  the  son  first,  and  afterward  the  father. 
Jin.  53.  Hyrcanus  U.  11.] — As  soon  as  the  season  of  the  year  grew  proper,^ 
Crassus  called  all  his  army  together  out  of  their  several  quarters,  for  the 
prosecuting  of  the  war  which  he  had  begun  upon  the  Parthians.  They  not 
expecting  a  war  the  last  year,  were  then  unprovided  to  receive  him;  but 
having  the  respite  of  all  the  last  winter,  they  had  now  gotten  ready  a  very  great 
army  for  their  defence.  But  before  they  entered  with  it  on  any  action,  ambas- 
sadors were  sent  from  Orodes,  their  king,  to  the  Roman  general,  to  know  for 
what  reason  he  made  war  upon  him?  to  which  having  received  no  other  answer 
but  that  he  would  declare  it  when  he  should  come  to  Seleucia,  returned  with 
certain  notice,  that  notliing  but  war  was  to  be  expected;  and  therefore  Orodes, 
having  divided  his  army  into  two  parts,  marched  in  person  with  one  of  them 
toward  the  borders  of  Armenia,  and  sent  the  other,  under  the  command  of  Su- 
renas,  into  Mesopotamia;  who,  as  soon  as  he  was  there  arrived,  retook  several 
of  those  places  which  Crassus  had  made  himself  master  of  the  former  year: 
whereon  the  garrison  soldiers  that  esca])ed,  fleeing  to  the  Roman  camp,  filled  it 
with  a  terrible  report  of  the  number,  power,  and  strength  of  the  enemy;  which 
did  cast  such  a  damp  upon  the  whole  army,  that  not  only  the  common  soldiers, 
but  also  the  general  officers,  fell  in  their  courage  as  to  this  expedition;  so  that 
some  of  them,  and  especially  Cassius,  Crassus's  questor  (the  same  who  was 
afterward  a  chief  actor  in  the  murder  of  Julius  Ca?sar,  and  was  then,  next  the 
general,  the  most  considerable  person  in  the  army,)  persuaded  Crassus  to  stop  a 
while,  and  well  consider  the  matter  over  again  before  he  proceeded  any  farther 
in  it.  At  the  same  time  came  to  him  Artabazes,  or  Artavasdes  (for  he  is  called 
by  both  names,)  king  of  Annenia,  who  had  lately  succeeded  Tigranes  his  father 
in  that  kingdom.     He  brought  with  him  six  thousand  horse,  which  were  only 

1  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  40.     Plutarch,  in  Crasso.     Appian.  in  Parthicis. 

2  Concerning  this  !;ii(!(lpss,  see  above,  part  2,  book  4,  under  the  vear  163. 
J  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  10.     I'lutarch.  in  Crasbu.     Appian.  in  Parllii'us. 


THE  OLD  AM)  NEW  TESTAMENT.  299 

his  life  g:uard.  Besides  these,  he  told  Crassus  he  had  ten  thousand  cuirassiers 
and  thirty  thousand  foot  ready  for  his  service:  but  ad^^sed  hira  by  no  means  to 
march  his  army  through  the  plains  of  Mesopotamia,  but  to  take  his  way  through 
Armenia  into  the  Parthian  dominions.  His  reasons  for  it  were,  that  Armenia 
being  a  rough  mountainous  countr}-,  the  Parthian  horse,  of  which  their  army 
did  mostly  consist,  would  there  be  useless:  and  also  there  he  could  take  care 
that  his  army  should  be  plentifully  provided  with  all  necessaries:  both  which 
would  be  otherwise  if  he  led  his  army  through  the  plains  of  Mesopotamia:  for 
the  Parthian  horse  would  there  have  their  thorough  advantage  against  him,  and 
he  would  often  in  that  countn.'  meet  with  sandy  deserts,  where  he  would  be 
distressed  for  want  both  of  water  and  all  other  provisions  for  his  army.  This 
was  the  best  advice  that  could  be  given  him:  but  being  condemned  to  suffer  the 
destruction  which  his  sacrilegious  robbing  of  God's  temple  at  Jerusalem  deserved, 
he  despised  it  all,  telling  Artabazes,  that  having  left  many  valiant  Romans  to 
gamson  the  towns  which  he  had  taken  the  last  year  in  Mesopotamia,  he  was 
necessitated  to  take  that  way.  that  they  might  not  be  deserted  to  the  mercy  of 
the  enemy:  but  that  as  to  his  auxiliaries,  he  accepted  of  them,  and  ordered  him 
speedily  to  bring  them  to  him;  and  the  prospect  of  so  considerable  a  reinforce- 
ment chiedy  encouraged  him,  contrary'  to  the  advice  of  the  wisest  about  him, 
to  proceed  on  this  expedition:  and  therefore,  without  any  farther  delay,  he  pass- 
ed the  Euphrates  at  Zeugma,  and  again  entered  Mesopotamia  with  his  army. 
But  Artabazes  on  his  return,  finding  Orodes  on  his  borders  with  a  great  army, 
was  forced  to  stay  at  home  to  defend  his  own  countn.*,  and  therefore  could  not 
give  Crassus  the  assistance  which  he  had  promised  him. 

On  Crassus's  being  thus  entered  Mesopotamia,'  Cassius  advised  him  to  put  in 
at  some  of  his  garrisoned  towns,  and  there  rest  and  refresh  his  army  for  a  while, 
till  he  should  have  gained  certain  intelligence  of  the  number,  strength  and  power 
of  the  enemv,  and  in  what  place  and  posture  they  were  in:  but,  if  he  thought 
not  fit  to  make  any  such  delay,  that  he  should  take  his  march  to  Seleucia  down 
alone  the  banks  of  the  Euphrates:  for,  by  keeping  close  to  that  river,  he  would 
avoid  being  surrounded  by  the  Parthians;  and  by  his  ships  upon  it,  he  might  be 
constantly  suppUed  with  provisions  and  all  other  necessaries  which  he  should 
be  in  want  of.  But  while  he  was  considering  on  this  advice,  and  thinking  to 
follow  it,  there  came  to  him  a  crafty  Arabian,  who  beat  him  off  these  and  all 
other  measures,  excepting  those  which  tended  to  his  ruin,  whereinto  at  length 
he  effectually  led  him.  He  was  the  head  of  an  Arabian  tribe  (such  as  the 
Greeks  called  Phylarchs,  and  the  present  Arabs  Sheks.^l  and  having  formerly 
served  under  Pompey,  was  well  known  to  many  in  the  Roman  army,  and  look- 
ed on  as  their  friend;  and  for  this  reason  he  was  made  choice  of,  and  sent  by 
Surenas  to  act  this  part  and  he  did  it  so  artfully  and  effectually,  that  the  ruin 
of  Crassus  and  his  army  was  chiefly  owing  hereto.  He  is  by  different  authors 
called  by  different  names.*  But,  whatever  his  name  was,  on  his  coming  to 
Crassus, "he  persuaded  him  off  from  that  wise  and  good  advice  which  Cassius 
had  given  him,  telling  him,  that  the  Parthians  durst  not  stand  him:  that  he  had 
nothing  else  to  do  for  the  gaining  of  an  absolute  victory  over  them,  but  to  march 
against  them  and  take  it;  and  offered  himself  for  a  guide  to  conduct  him  the 
most  direct  way  to  them:  which  Crassus,  beguiled  by  his  fair  words,  and  be- 
witched by  his  flattery,  accepted  of:  whereon  he  led  him  into  the  open  plains 
of  Mesopotamia:  and"  although  Cassius  and  others  suspected  the  treachery  of 
this  man,  and  therefore  pressed  Crassus  no  longer  to  follow  him,  but  to  retreat 
to  the  mountains,  where  he  might  best  be  able  to  baffle  the  power  of  the  Par- 
thian horse;  and  messengers  then  came  to  his  camp  from  Artabazes,  on  purpose 
to  persuade  him  to  the  same  thins::  yet,  being  overpowered  by  the  false  and 
lying  pretences  of  this  man,  he  still  followed  him,  till  at  length  the  traitor,  hav- 

1  Plutarch,  in  Crasso.    Appian.  in  Panhicis.     Dion  Cassius.  lib.  40. 

2  By  Dion  Cassius  be  i=  called  Au^rns  or  Abffarus.  by  PluUrcb  Ariamnea.  by  Florus  Mozeres,  and  by 
Appian  Acbaras. 


300  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

ing  led  him  into  a  sandy  desert,  where  the  Parthians  might  have  the  best  advan- 
tage to  destroy  him,  rode  off  to  Surenas  to  acquaint  him  of  it;  who,  thereon 
falling  upon  him,  gave  a  terrible  defeat  to  the  whole  Roman  army,  wherein 
Publius  Crassus,  the  general's  son,  and  great  numbers  of  other  Romans,  were 
slain,  and  the  rest  forced  to  flee  to  Carrhse  (the  ancient  Haran  of  the  holy  scrip- 
tures,) nigh  which  the  battle  was  fought,  where  they  rested  the  day  after:  but, 
the  night  following,  Crassus,  endeavouring  to  escape,  committed  himself  to  the 
guidance  of  one  Andromachus,  another  traitor,  who  having  led  him  into  the 
midst  of  bogs  and  morasses,  he  was  there  overtaken  by  Surenas,  and  slain;  and 
many  other  noble  Romans  there  underwent  the  same  fate  with  him.  Cassius  at 
first  accompanied  Crassus  in  his  retreat;  but,  soon  finding  reason  to  suspect  that 
Andromachus  conducted  him  with  as  much  treachery  as  his  last  Arabian  guide, 
returned  again  to  Carrhae,  and  from  thence,  with  five  hundred  horse,  made  his 
way  back  into  Syria,  by  a  valiant  and  well  conducted  retreat.  This  defeat  was 
the  greatest  blow  which  the  Romans  had  at  any  time  received  since  the  battle 
of  Cannse,  having  lost  in  it  twenty  thousand  men  slain,'  and  ten  thousand  taken 
prisoners;  the  rest  making  their  escape  by  several  ways  into  Armenia,  Cilicia, 
and  Syria,  after  that  again  gathered  together,  and  formed  an  army,  under  Cas- 
sius, in  Syria,*^  whereby  he  was  enabled  to  preserve  that  province  from  falling 
into  the  hands  of  the  enemy.  Crassus  made  a  great  number  of  false  steps  in 
the  whole  conduct  of  this  war:  and  although  he  was  often  warned  and  told  of 
them,  yet,  being  deaf  to  all  good  advice,  he  obstinately  followed  his  own  delu- 
sions, till  he  perished  in  them:  for  being,  for  his  impious  sacrilege  at  Jerusalem, 
justly  destined  to  destruction,  God  did  cast  infatuations  into  all  his  counsels,  for 
the  leading  him  thereto.  Orodes  was  at  this  time  in  Armenia,^  having  there 
made  peace  with  Artabazes.  For  Artabazes,  on  the  return  of  the  messengers 
which  he  last  sent  to  the  Roman  camp,  finding,  by  the  account  which  they 
brought  him  of  the  measures  which  Crassus  took  in  that  war,  that  he  must  ne- 
cessarily be  undone,  compounded  all  matters  with  Orodes;  and,  on  giving  one 
of  his  sisters  in  marriage  to  Pancorus,  the  son  of  Orodes,  restored  himself  to  full 
amity  with  him  by  this  alliance.  And  while  they  were  sitting  together  at  the 
nuptial  feast,  in  came  a  messenger,  who  presented  Orodes  with  the  head  and 
hand  of  Crassus,  which  Surenas  had  caused  to  be  cut  off,  and  sent  to  him.  This 
much  increased  the  joy  and  mirth  of  the  feast.  And  it  is  said,  that  melted  gold 
was  then  poured  in  the  mouth  of  the  decollated  head,  by  way  of  mockage,''  as 
if  they  would  this  way  satiate  his  great  and  greedy  thirst  after  it.  However, 
Surenas  did  not  long  rejoice  in  this  victory;  for  Orodes,  envying  him  the  glory 
of  it,  and  also  growing  jealous  of  the  great  augmentation  which  accrued  here- 
from t6  his  power  and  interest,  soon  after  caused  him  to  be  put  to  death.*  This 
Surenas  was  a  very  extraordinary  person;^  though  he  was  but  thirty  years  old, 
yet  he  was  of  consummate  wisdom  and  discretion,  in  valour  and  prowess  he 
exceeded  all  of  his  time,  and  as  to  his  person,  no  one  was  of  a  larger  size,  or 
better  shaped;  and  for  wealth,  power,  and  authority,  he  was  much  above  all 
others,  next  the  king,  the  first  man  in  the  kingdom.  The  honour  of  crowning 
the  king  belonged  to  him  by  his  birth,  it  having  been  long  in  his  family,  and  by 
right  of  inheritance  descended  to  him.  Whenever  he  travelled  from  place  to 
place,  he  always  had  a  thousand  camels  to  carry  his  baggage,  two  hundred 
chariots  for  the  service  of  his  wives  and  concubines,  and  a  thousand  completely 
armed  horsemen  for  his  life-guard,  with  a  great  many  more  light  armed,  besides 
his  retinue  of  servants,  which  amounted  to  ten  thousand  more.  However,  all 
this  could  not  secure  him;  for,  still  having  a  tyrant  above  him,  he  lost  his  fife 
by  his  command,  in  the  manner  as  I  have  mentioned. 

^71.  52.  Hyrcanus  H.  12.]— The  Parthians,  thinking  to  find  Syria,  after  the 
late  defeat  of  the  Roman  army,  void  of  defence,  made  an  invasion  upon  that 
country.*     But  Cassius  on  his  escape  thither,  having  gotton  together  the  army 

1  Plutarch,  in  Crasfo.  2  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  40.    Omsiiis,  Jili.  G.  c.  13.  3  Phitnrch.  in  Cragso. 

<  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  40.     f>.  Florus,  lib.  X  o.  11.  5  rJuWrcli.  in  Cras.so.  6  Dion  Cas.siu3,  lib.  40. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  301 

I  have  mentioned,  gave  them  such  a  warm  reception,  that  they  were  forced  to 
repass  the  Euphrates  with  baffle  and  disappointment.  They  came  now  but  with 
a  small  army,  expecting  no  opposition;  but  when  they  found  that  they  had  to 
deal  with  another  sort  of  man  than  Crassus,  and  that  he  had  greater  strength 
about  him  than  they  could  stand  before,  they  retreated  again  into  their  own  ter- 
ritories, to  fetch  more  forces  for  a  second  invasion.  In  the  interim,  Cassius 
went  to  Tyre;'  and,  having  settled  all  matters  on  that  side  of  the  province, 
marched  into  the  country  of  the  Jews,  and  there  besieged  Tarichsea,  a  city  on 
the  southern  shore  of  the  lake  of  Gennesareth,  where  Pitholaus  had  shut  him- 
self up  with  the  remainder  of  Aristobulus's  faction,  to  which  he  had  lately  re- 
volted. Cassius,  having  taken  the  place,  carried  all  into  slavery  whom  he  took 
therein;  only  Pitholaus  he  put  to  death,  by  the  advice  of  Antipater,  as  the  like- 
liest way  to  qUel  the  faction  which  he  then  headed.  After  this,  having  forced 
Alexander,  the  son  of  Aristobulus,  to  terms  of  peace,  he  marched  to  the  Eu- 
phrates to  oppose  the  Parthians,  who  were  preparing  to  make  another  invasion 
into  Syria. 

An.  51.  Hyrcanus  II.  L3.] — M.  Calpurnius  Bibulus  had  Syria, '-^  and  M.  Tul- 
lius  Cicero  Cilicia,^  assigned  them  by  the  Romans  for  their  consular  provinces. 
This  Bibulus  was  the  same  who  had  been  consul  with  Juhus  Caesar.  Cicero 
soon  went  to  his  charge;  but  Bibulus  making  delays,  Cassius  stiU  continued  to 
govern  Syria;  and  it  was  well  for  the  Roman  interest  in  that  province  that  he 
did  so,  the  affairs  of  it  then  needing  an  abler  man  than  Bibulus  to  manage  them: 
for,  as  soon  as  the  spring  grew  up,  Pacorus,*  the  son  of  Orodes,  king  of  Parthia, 
passed  the  Euphrates  with  a  great  army,  and  invaded  Syria.  Pacorus,  being^ 
then  very  young,  had  only  the  name  of  general;  Osaces,  an  old  and  experienced 
commander,  who  was  sent  with  him,  had  truly  the  direction  and  government  of 
the  whole  war.  On  his  entrance  into  Syria,^  he  marched  on  to  Antioch,  and 
laid  siege  to  the  place,  shutting  up  Cassius,  with  all  his  forces,  in  it.  Cicero,® 
who  was  now  in  his  province,  receiving  intelligence  hereof  from  Antiochus, 
king  of  Commagena,  gathered  together  all  the  forces  he  could,  and  marched  to 
the  eastern  borders  of  his  province,  lying  next  Armenia,  that,  being  there,  he 
might  not  only  keep  the  Armenians  from  invading  Cappadocia,  but  also  be  nigh 
at  hand  to  assist  Cassius,  in  case  of  need.  And,  at  the  same  time,  he  sent  other 
forces  toward  the  mountain  Amanus,  for  the  same  purpose;  who,^  falling  on  a 
great  party  of  Parthian  horse,  which  had  that  way  entered  Cilicia,  cut  them  all 
off  to  a  man.  An  account  hereof,"  and  of  Cicero's  approach,  coming  to  Anti- 
och, much  encouraged  Cassius  and  his  men  in  the  defence  of  the  place,  and  so 
discouraged  and  intimidated  the  Parthians,*  that,  despairing  of  carrying  the  place, 
they  raised  the  siege,  and,  marching  to  Antigonia,  another  Syrian  city  in  the 
neighbourhood,  sat  down  before  it.  But  having  there  as  little  success  as  at  An- 
tioch, by  reason  of  their  utter  unskilfulness  of  managing  such  sieges,  were  forced 
in  Hke  manner  to  rise  from  before  it,  and  march  off.  Whereon  Cassius,'  laying 
an  ambush  in  their  way,  and  having  drawn  them  into  it,  gave  them  a  thorough 
defeat,  slaying  great  numbers  of  their  men,  and  Osaces,  their  general,  among- 
them.  Hereon  the  Parthian  army  repassed  the  Euphrates;  but,  toward  the  end 
of  the  summer,  they  returned  again, '°  and  wintered  in  Cyrrhestica,  a  northern 
district  of  the  province  of  Syria.  In  the  interim,  Bibulus  being  come  into  his 
province,  Cassius  delivered  to  him  the  government,  and  returned  to  Rome. 

Cicero,  on  his  hearing  of  the  departure  of  the  Parthians  from  Antioch,"  turned 
his  forces  against  the  inhabitants  of  Mount  Amanus,  who,  lying  between  Syria. 

I  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  12.  et  de  Bello  Judaico.  lib.  1.  c.  6.  2  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  40. 

3  Plutarch,  in  Cicerone.    Cicero  ad  Familiares,  lib.  3.  ep.  2. 

4  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  40.    Cicero  ad  Familiares,  lib.  15.  ep.  1 — 4.  et  ad  Atticuni,  lib.  5.  ep.  18. 

5  Dion  Cassius,  ibid.  6  Cicero  ad  Familiares,  lib.  15.  ep.  1 — 4. 
7  Ibid.  lib.  2.  ep.  !0.  ad  Atticum,  lib. 5.  ep.  20,  21.                 8  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  40.    Cicero,  ibid. 

9  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  40.  Cicero  ad  Familiares,  lib.  2.  ep.  10.  ad  Atticuni,  lib.  5.  ep.  20,  21.  Velleius  Paler- 
culug,  lib.  2.  c.  40.  Epitome  Livii,  lib.  108.  Sextus  Rufus  in  Breviario.  Orosius,  lib.  6.  c.  13.  Eutropiua, 
lib.  6.    Cicero  in  Philippica  undecima.  10  Cicero  ad  Atticum,  lib.  5.  ep.  21.  et  lib.  6.  ep.  1. 

II  Plutarchus  in  Cicerone.    Cicero  ad  Familiares,  lib.  15.  ep.  4.  et  hb.  2.  ep.  10.  et  ad  Atticum,  lib.  5.  ep.  20. 


302  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

and  Cilicia  (for  that  mountain  is  the  common  boundary  of  both,)  submitted  to 
the  governors  of  neither  of  these  provinces,  but  lived  in  a  state  of  war  with 
both,  making  continual  inroads  and  depradations  upon  those  countries.  These 
Cicero  totally  subdued,  taking  all  their  castles,  and  destroying  all  their  strong 
holds.  After  this  he  fell  upon  another  barbarous  and  savage  sort  of  people  in 
those  parts,'  who  call  themselves  the  Eleuthef)-o  Cilices,  i.  e.  the  Free  Cilicians, 
pretending  never  to  have  yielded  subjection  to  any  of  the  kings  that  bore  rule 
over  those  countries:  and,  having  taken  all  their  cities,  utterly  subdued  them, 
and  brought  them  under  order,  to  the  great  comfort  and  satisfaction  of  all  their 
neighbours,  to  whom  they  were  a  constant  plague.  Hereon  Cicero  was  saluted 
imperator  by  his  whole  army,  which  was  a  title  usually  given  by  the  Roman 
soldiers  to  their  general  after  some  signal  victory;  and,  on  his  return  from  this 
war,  he  was  received  with  the  general  joy  and  acclamation  of  all  his  provincials,^ 
for  his  good  success  therein,  and  the  benefit  which  they  received  from  it.  And 
for  this  he  had,  on  his  coming  back  to  Rome,''  the  honour  of  a  triumph  offered 
to  him.  But  the  civil  wars  between  Ceesar  and  Pompey  being  then  ready  to 
break  out,  he  waived  it  for  that  reason,  as  not  thinking  any  public  solemnity  of 
rejoicing  proper,  when  the  public  state  of  his  country  was  just  falling  under  so 
great  a  calamity. 

This  same  year  died  Ptolemy  Auletes,"*  king  of  Egypt.  He  left  behind  him 
two  sons  and  two  daughters.*  By  his  will  he  bequeathed  his  crown  to  the  eld- 
est of  his  sons,"  and  the  eldest  of  his  daughters,  ordering  them  to  be  joined  to 
each  other  in  marriage,  according  to  the  usage  of  their  family,  and  both,  jointly 
together,  to  govern  the  Egyptian  kingdom.  And  because  they  were  both  at 
that  time  very  young  (Cleopatra  the  eldest  of  them  being  but  seventeen,)  he 
committed  them  to  the  tuition  of  the  Roman  state.  This  was  the  Cleopatra 
who  was  afterward  so  infamous  for  her  lascivious  amours,  especially  with  Mark 
Antony  the  Roman  triumvir. 

An.  50.  HyrrMnus  H.  14.] — Bibulus  being  now  in  his  province,  had  thither 
brought  him  from  Alexandria  the  ill  news  of  the  death  of  two  of  his  sons.^ 
young  men  of  great  hopes,  who  were  there  slain  by  the  Roman  horsemen, 
whom  Gabinius  left  in  that  city  for  a  guard  to  Ptolemy  Auletes,  on  his  restoring 
h\m  to  his  kingdom.  Cleopatra,  who  then  governed  Egypt  with  her  brother, 
sent  the  murderers  to  Bibulus,  that  he  might  revenge  this  fact  in  such  manner 
as  he  should  think  fit.  But  he  sent  them  back  with  this  message,  that  the  re- 
venging of  this  wrong  belonged  not  to  him,  but  to  the  senate  of  Rome. 

And  while  he  was  under  this  grief,  he  had  another  trouble  brought  upon  him 
by  the  Parthians,  who  made  another  invasion  upon  Syria.  For  they  having 
"wintered  in  Cyrrhestica,'^  on  this  side  the  Euphrates,  as  soon  as  the  season  was 
proper  again  took  the  field;  and  marching  to  Antioch,  besieged  that  city  a  se- 
cond time,  with  Bibulus  and  all  his  forces  in  it.  Bibulus  bore  the  siege  without 
making  as  much  as  one  sally  for  the  driving  of  the  enemy  thence.  But  what 
he  durst  not  attempt  by  force,  he  effected  by  craft:  for  having,'  by  his  agents, 
encouraged  Ordonopantes,  a  noble  Parthian,  who  had  been  much  disgusted  by 
Orodes,  to  raise  a  rebellion  against  him,  this  army  was  called  back  to  suppress 
it;  whereby  Bibulus  and  the  whole  province  of  Syria  were  delivered  from  a  war 
which  very  much  distressed  them.  At  the  end  of  the  year,  the  time  of  his  go- 
vernment expiring,  he  returned  to  Rome,'"  and  arrived  there  when  the  war  be- 
tween C?esar  and  Pompey  was  just  breaking  out:  in  which  war  joining  with 
Pompey,"  he  became  his  chief  admiral,  and  died  of  sickness  in  that  office  on 
board  the  fleet  which  he  commanded  for  him. 

1  PlutarchiiB  in  Cicerone.    Cicero  ad  Familiares,  lib.  2.  ep.  10.  et  lib.  15.  ep.  4.  et  ad  Atticum,  lib.  5.  ep.  20 

2  Cicero  ad  Atticum,  lib.  5.  ep.  21.  3  Plutarch,  in  Cicerone. 

4  rtolema>ug  Astrononiiis,  in  Canone.    Cicero  ad  Familiares,  lib.  8.  ep.  4. 

5  Cffisaris  Comment,  de  Bello  Civili.  lib.  3.  6  Ca'saris,  ib.  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  42. 

7  Valerius  Maxunus,  lib.  4.  c.  1.    Ca!saris  Comment,  de  Dello  Civili,  lib.  3.     Seneca  ad  Marcium. 
°  k'.'''''"  ■'"'  Pamihares,  lib.  2.  ep.  17,  et  lib.  12.  ep.  19.  et  ad  Atticum,  lib.  tj.  ep.  8.  et  lib.  7.  ep.  2. 
9  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  40.  10  fjcero  ad  Atticum,  lib.  7.  ep.  3. 

11  Ce-saris  Comment,  de  Bello  Civili,  lib.  8. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  303 

For  the  differences  between  Cresar  and  Pompey  arising  to  that  height,  that 
they  could  no  otherwise  be  decided  but  by  the  sword,'  Cffisar,  in  the  beginning 
of  our  December,  passed  the  Rubicon;  and  thereby  began  that  war  between 
them  which  brought  destruction  upon  them  both,  and  at  length  ended  in  the 
total  subversion  of  the  Roman  rebublic.  On  this  march  of  Cssar's,  Pompey, 
with  aU  his  party,  left  Rome,  and  hasted  to  Brundusium,  thence  to  pass  over 
into  Epirus,  and  Caesar  pursued  him  to  that  port.  But  although  he  amved 
thither  on  the  twenty-sixth  of  December,  seven  days  before  Pompey's  departure 
thence,  yet  he  could  not  hinder  his  passage. 

An.  49.  Hyrcanus  II.  15.] — For  on  the  third  of  January  following,*^  he  sailed 
out  of  the  port  of  Brundusium,  and  landed  with  aU  the  forces  he  had  about  him 
on  the  other  side  of  the  Adriatic,  in  the  country  where  he  intended,  and  there 
did  set  himself  to  gather  together  such  an  army,  as  might  enable  him  to  stand 
the  enemy,  for  which  Csesar  allowed  him  a  whole  year's  time.  For  as  soon  as 
Pompey  was  gone  from  Brundusium,  he  returned  back  from  thence,  and  in  sixty 
days'  time,  having  reduced  all  Italy  under  him,  came  to  Rome.  On  his  arrival 
thither,  having  comforted  the  people  with  fair  words  and  promises  of  doing  all 
things  for  the  advantage  of  them  and  the  republic,^  he  released  out  of  prison 
Aristobulus,  king  of  Judea,  and  sent  him  with  two  legions  into  his  own  country 
to  promote  his  interest  there,  and  in  the  neighbouring  parts  of  Syria,  Phoenicia, 
and  Arabia;  but  those  of  Pompey's  party  found  means  to  give  him  poison  in 
his  way,  whereof  he  died.  And  whereas  Alexander,*  the  son  of  Aristobulus, 
had,  on  the  expectation  of  his  father's  return,  raised  forces  to  join  him  on  his. 
arrival,  Pompey  sent  orders  to  Scipio  to  put  him  to  death;  and  therefore,  hav- 
ing caused  him  to  be  taken  and  brought  to  Antioch,  there  condemned  him  in  a 
formal  trial,  and  cut  off  his  head.  This  Scipio,  was  Q.  Metellus  Scipio,^  who  had 
been  consul  with  Pompey  three  years  before,  and  then  married  him  to  Cor- 
nelia, his  daughter,  she  being  at  that  time  a  widow  on  the  death  of  Publius 
Crassus  her  former  husband,  who  was  slain  with  his  father  in  the  Parthian  war. 
On  Bibulus's  return,  he  was  appointed  president  of  Syria,*^  and,  on  Pompey's 
leaving  Rome,  was  hastened  thither  with  Cneius,  the  eldest  of  Pompey's  sons, 
to  secure  that  province  to  him,  and  all  their  shipping  for  the  augmenting  of  his 
fleet.  And  to  oppose  him  herein  was  it  that  Cfesar  released  Aristobulus,  and 
sent  him  into  Judea.  And  had  he  arrived  there  with  the  forces  assigned  him, 
he  would  no  doubt  have  fully  answered  the  end  for  which  he  was  ordered 
thither,  and  very  much  embarrassed,  if  not  wholly  baffled,  all  Pompey's  de- 
signs in  those  parts. 

From  Rome  Csesar  passed  into  Spain.''  For  that  province  being  in  Pompey's 
hands,  with  several  forces  there  attached  to  his  interest,  Cscsar  thought  not  .fit 
to  leave  such  a  country  behind  him  in  the  power  of  his  enemy,  and  therefore 
marched  through  Gallia  thither;  and  having  subdued  Afranius,  Petreius,  and 
Varro,  Pompey's  lieutenants  in  that  country,  and  settled  the  whole  province  in 
his  interest,  he  returned  again  to  Rome  about  the  time  of  the  autumnal  equinox. 
On  his  arrival  thither,  he  was  declared  dictator;  but  after  eleven  days  again 
laying  down  that  office,  he  and  Servilius  Isauricus  were  elected  consuls  for  the 
ensuing  year.  And  immediately  after^  he  hastened  away  to  Brundusium,  there 
to  pass  the  Adriatic  into  Greece  against  Pompey.  And  having,  in  order  hereto,, 
directed  all  his  forces  to  rendezvous  at  that  city,  he  sailed  over  from  thence 
with  seven  of  his  legions,  and  having  safely  landed  them  at  a  port  near  the 
promontory  of  Ceraunium,  he  sent  back  Calenus,  one  of  his  lieutenants,  with 
his  fleet,  to  bring  over  the  rest  which  he  left  behind;  but  several  months  passed 

1  Plutarch,  in  Ca!sare,  Pompeio,  Catone,  Cicerone,  et  Antonio.    Cssaris  Comment,  de  Bello  Civili,  lib.  >, 
Dion  Cassius,  lib.  41.     Appian.  de  Bellis  Civilibus,  lib.  2. 

2  Plutarch.  Caesar,  et  Appian.  de  Bellis  Civilibus,  lib.  2.     L.  Florus,  lib.  4.  c.  2.    Sueton.  in  Julio  Cssar. 

.1  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  41.  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  13.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  7.      4  Joseph.  Antiq.  ihfrf. 

5  Plutarch,  in  Pompeio.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  40,  41.    Cfesaris  Comment,  de  Bello  Civili,  lib.  3. 

0  Caesaris  Comment,  de  Bello  Civili,  lib.  1.     Plutarch,  in  Pompeio.     Ciceroad  Atticum,  lib.  9,ep.  1. 

7  Plutarch,  in  Caesare.     Caesaris  Comment,  de  Bello  Civili,  lib.  1,  2.     Dion  Cassius,  lib.  4.  1. 

8  Caesaris  Comment,  de  Bello  Civili,  lib.  3.     Plutarch,  in  Ciecare  et  Antonio.    Diou  Cassius.  lib.  41. 


304  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

before  Antony,  who  had  the  command  of  them,  found  an  opportunity  to  gain  a 
safe  passage  for  them  over  that  sea,  by  reason  of  Pompey's  fleet,  which  had 
beset  all  those  coasts  to  intercept  them. 

It  being  about  the  end  of  October,  that  Caesar  landed  his  seven  legions  on  the 
Grecian  side  of  the  Adriatic,  there  to  prosecute  the  war  against  Pompey,  almost 
a  whole  year  had  passed  since  he  last  marched  back  from  Brundusium,  for  the 
reducing  of  Italy  and  Spain.  And  therefore  Pompey,  having  all  this  time  to 
furnish  himself  with  forces  for  this  war,  had  now  gotten  together  a  very  nume- 
rous army  out  of  Grecia,'  Asia,  and  all  the  eastern  countries,  and  also  as  potent 
a  fleet  to  support  his  interest  at  sea.  But  the  season  being  winter,  it  would  per- 
mit neither  of  the  fleets  to  be  abroad  at  sea,  nor  the  armies  to  take  the  field  at 
land;  so  that  both  sides  lay  still  in  their  winter-quarters. 

An.  48.  Hyrcanus  11. 16.] — But  when  the  spring  came  on,  both  sides  prepared 
for  action,^  and  Caesar  having  now  gotten  the  rest  of  his  forces  over  to  him,  each 
army  took  the  field,  and  encamped  against  each  other  near  Dyrrachium,  now 
called  Durazzo.  In  several  skirmishes  Caesar  had  the  better;  but  at  length  in  one 
of  them  he  received  so  great  a  defeat,  that  he  acknowledged  he  must  then  have 
been  utterly  undone  had  Pompey  seen  his  advantage  and  pursued  it.  This 
having  made  him  pass  the  ensuing  night  without  sleep,  by  reason  of  the  trouble 
of  his  mind  for  what  had  happened,  he  spent  it  whoUy  in  considering  the  ill 
state  of  his  affairs,  and,  by  revolving  it  over  in  his  thoughts,  came  to  see  that  he 
had  been  guilty  of  a  great  error  in  carrying  on  this  war  against  Pompey  on  the 
sea  side,^  where  the  enemy  had  a  great  fleet  absolutely  to  command  those  seas, 
and  he  none  at  all.  For  hereby  Pompey's  army  was  constantly  supplied  with 
all  necessaries,  and  Caesar's  on  the  other  side  as  much  distressed  for  want  of 
them;  and  therefore,  condemning  himself  for  this  conduct,  he  resolved  immedi- 
ately to  alter  it,  and  accordingly  decamped  the  next  day,  and  marched  toward 
Thessaly,  where  was  plenty  of  all  things,  purposing  thereby  to  draw  Pompey 
after  him  to  a  battle,  or  else  to  fall  on  Scipio,  Pompey's  father-in-law,  who  was 
then  in  Macedonia.  I  have  mentioned  above  how  he  was  sent  from  Rome,  be- 
fore Pompey  receded  from  thence,  to  be  provincial  governor  of  Syria.  On  his 
arrival  thither,  he  grievously  pillaged  and  oppressed  that  country,  with  all  man- 
ner of  exactions,  to  raise  money  for  the  carrying  on  of  this  war  in  the  behalf  of 
his  son-in-law,  for  whose  cause,  of  all  others,  he  expressed  the  greatest  zeal; 
whereby,  having  set  on  foot  an  army  at  land,  and  equipped  a  great  fleet  at  sea, 
he  marched  with  the  army  tow'ard  Greece,  there  to  join  Pompey,  and  commit- 
ted the  fleet  to  the  charge  of  Cneius,  Pompey's  eldest  son;  who,  taking  in  fifty 
other  auxiUary  ships  from  Egypt,  sailed  with  them  to  the  Adriatic,  and  there 
ioined  the  rest  of  his  father's  fleet.  Scipio,  in  his  march,  having  led  his  forces 
through  the  Lesser  Asia,  and  augmented  them  in  his  way,  Avith  as  many  others 
as  he  could  pick  up  in  those  countries,  had  passed  the  Hellespont  with  them,  and 
was  at  this  time  come  as  far  as  Macedonia,  in  order  to  join  Pompey  for  the 
strengthening  him  in  this  war:  and  there  Caesar  purposed  to  fall  upon  him,  if 
Pompey  should  not  march  after  him  to  prevent  it.  Pompey  and  those  with  him 
not  being  at  all  aware  of  the  true  reasons  which  put  Caesar  on  this  march,  took 
it  to  have  been  the  consequence  of  his  defeat  the  day  before,  as  if,  after  that,  he 
durst  not  stay  there  any  longer;  and  therefore  marched  after  him,  as  in  pursuit 
of  one  that  fled.  And  Caesar  having  taken  his  rout  through  Epirus  and  Acarna- 
nia,  in  a  way  which  was  somewhat  about,  Pompey,  the  sooner  to  come  up  with 
him,  took  the  shortest  cut  through  Macedonia.  In  this  march  Scipio  joined  Pom- 
pey, and  Domitius  Calvinus  joined  Caesar,  with  their  armies,  and  both  at  length 
met  in  the  plains  of  Pharsalia  in  Thessaly,  where  it  came  to  a  decisive  battle 
between  them.     Caesar's  army  consisted  of  twenty-two  thousand  foot,''  and  a 

J  CiEsaris  Comment,  do  Bello  Civili,  lib.  3.    Appian.  de  Bellis  Civilibus,  lib.  2.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  41. 
J  \,  l,"'"^     •  ',"  '^''^*"i'''=.  Pompeio,  Catone,  et  Antonio.    Caesaris  Comment,  de  Bello  Civili,  lib.  3.     Appian. 
de  Bellis  Civilibud,  lib.  '2.     Dinn  Cassius,  lib.  41. 

3  Caesaris  Comment,  dc  Bello  Civili,  lib.  3. 

4  Plutarch,  in  Csesare.    Cssaris  Comment,  de  Bello  Civili,  lib.  3, 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  305 

thousand  horse:  but  Pompey's  was  above  twice  as  many;  for  he  had  forty-five 
thousand  foot,  and  five  thousand  horse:  but  they  being  most  of  them  raw  and 
inexperienced  men,  gotten  together  out  of  the  effeminated  nations  of  Lesser 
Asia  and  the  East,  they  could  not  stand  before  Cesar's  veterans;  and  therefore, 
notwithstanding  the  great  superiority  of  their  number,  they  were  soon  vanquished 
and  broken,'  fifteen  thousand  being  slain,  twenty-four  thousand  made  prisoners 
of  war,  their  camp  taken,  and  all  the  rest  dissipated  and  driven  to  flee  for  their 
lives.  Pompey,'^  when  he  found  his  camp  lost,  as  well  as  the  battle,  fled  in  dis- 
guise, and,  having  gotten  to  the  next  seaport  on  the  Thessalian  shore,  passed 
over  to  Mitylene,  in  the  island  of  Lesbus,  where  he  had,  some  time  before,  sent 
Cornelia  his  wife,  with  Sextus  his  younger  son;  and,  having  there  taken  them 
on  board  his  ship,  sailed  down  the  Archipelago,  and  put  in  at  Attalia  in  Pamphy- 
lia.  As  soon  as  it  was  known  that  he  was  in  that  port,  there  came  to  him  some 
ships  from  Cilicia,  and  about  two  thousand  soldiers,  and  with  them  sixty  Roman 
senators,  who  had  escaped  the  late  battle.  Hearing,  while  here,  that  his  fleet 
was  still  safe,  and  that  Cato,  having  gathered  together  the  remains  of  his  broken 
army,  had  put  them  on  board  his  ships,  and  sailed  with  them  for  Africa,  he  re- 
flected with  much  grief  on  the  great  error  he  had  committed  in  being  drawn 
from  the  sea  shore  to  fight  Csesar  in  the  inland  country:  for,  had  he  continued 
still  near  his  fleet,  he  might,  on  failing  at  land,  either  have  reinforced  his  army 
from  sea,  or  else  have  shipped  it  off  into  some  other  part  of  the  Roman  empire, 
and  there  have  anew  tried  his  fortune.  But,  it  being  now  too  late  to  remedy 
this  false  step,  it  only  remained  to  be  considered  what  next  was  to  be  done  in 
the  present  case.  His  first  resolution  was  to  land  in  Syria,^  and  seize  that  pro- 
vince, and  he  hoped  there  to  have,  for  his  better  support,  the  friendship  of 
Orodes,  king  of  Parthia,  to  whom  he  had  sent  Lucius  Hirtius  to  pray  his  assis- 
tance, or  at  least  a  safe  retreat  into  his  kingdom  in  case  of  need.  But  Orodes,'' 
on  hearing  of  Pompey's  misfortune,  not  only  denied  him  assistance,  but  clapped 
his  ambassador  in  chains.  When  Pompey  first  passed  over  from  Brundusium 
into  Epirus,  there  to  raise  an  army  against  Cfesar,*  he  had  solicited,  among 
others,  Orodes,  for  his  aid  in  this  war.  Orodes  promised  what  he  desired,  but 
demanded  Syria  for  his  reward;  and  that  not  being  granted  him,  he  took  this  de- 
nial for  a  pretence,  not  only  to  deny  Pompey  his  request,  but  also  to  imprison 
the  ambassador  by  whom  he  made  it.  But  the  true  meaning  of  it  was,  he  had 
no  mind  to  embark  in  a  lost  cause,  and  therefore  took  this  method  to  renounce 
it.  And  upon  this  same  principle,  and  at  the  same  time,**  the  people  of  Antioch, 
in  conjunction  with  the  Romans  then  in  that  city,  seized  the  castle  of  Antioch, 
in  order  to  exclude  him  thence,  and  forbade  all  of  his  party  to  approach  that 
place,  on  pain  of  death.  Pompey  on  his  arrival  at  Cyprus,  in  his  way  to  Syria, 
hearing  of  both  these  particulars,  steered  his  course  toward  Egypt,  not  then 
knowing  where  else  to  go.  He  had  been  a  great  friend  to  Auletes,  the  father 
of  the  present  king,  and  by  his  procurement  chiefly  it  was,  that  when  expelled 
his  kingdom,  he  was  again  restored  to  it;  and  therefore,  he  expected  to  have  been 
received  and  assisted  with  equal  kindness  by  his  son.  On  his  arrival  in  Egypt,^ 
he  found  Ptolemy  with  an  army  on  the  sea  shore  between  Pelusium  and  Mount 
Casius,  and  Cleopatra,  his  sister,  with  another  army  not  far  from  him.  For  he 
having  deprived  her  of  that  share  in  the  government  M^hich  was  lefl;  her  by  Au- 
letes's  will,  and  driven  her  out  of  the  kingdom,  she  had  raised  an  army  in  Syria 
and  Palestine  for  the  obtaining  of  her  restoration,  and  was  now  at  war  with  her 
brother  about  it.  Pompey,  on  his  drawing  near  to  land,  sent  messengers  to 
Ptolemy  to  pray  his  protection  and  aid  in  his  present  distress.  Ptolemy,  being 
then  a  minor,  was  under  the  tuition  of  Pothinus,  the  eunuch  that  bred  him  up, 

1  This  is  CEEsar's  own  account,  in  his  Commentaries  of  the  Civil  War,  boolt  3,  but  Plutarch  and  Appian 
reckon  the  number  of  the  slain  to  be  no  more  than  six  thousand,  and  quote  for  it  Asinius  Pollio,  a  Roman 
bistorian,  contemporary  with  Csesar. 

2  Plutarch,  in  Pompeio.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  4'2.     C.Tsaris  Comment,  de  Bello  Civili,  lib.  3. 

3  Caesaris  Comment,  ibid.  4  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  42.  5  Ibid.  lib.  41 

6  Caesaris  Comment,  de  Bello  Civili,  lib.  3. 

7  Plutarch,  in  Pnnipcin  et  Bruto.  Appian.  de  BellisCivilibus,  lib.  2.  CssarisCommenl.deBelloCivili,  lib.  3. 

Vol.  n.— 39 


306  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

and  Achillas,  the  general  of  his  army.  These  two  taking  Theodotus,  a  rhetori- 
cian, who  was  the  king's  preceptor,  and  some  others  into  consult  with  him,  ad- 
vised together  what  answer  to  return.  Some  were  for  receiving  him,  and  others 
for  rejecting  him;  but  Theodotus  was  for  neither,  but,  in  a  pressing  rhetorical 
speech,  set  forth  to  them,  that  the  only  safe  course  they  had  to  take  was  to  des- 
patch him.  For  he  argued,*  should  they  receive  him,  CfEsar  would  be  revenged 
on  them  for  their  abetting  his  enemy;  and  should  they  refuse  to  receive  him, 
and  he  elsewhere  gather  strength,  and  again  recover  his  power,  he  then  would 
be  revenged  on  them  for  this  refusal:  that  therefore,  the  only  way +o  secure  them 
from  both  was  to  cut  him  off;  for  this  would  make  Caesar  their  friend,  and  pre- 
vent the  other  from  doing  them  any  hurt  as  an  enemy:  for,  said  he,  in  the  words 
of  the  proverb.  Dead  men  do  not  bite.  This  way  of  reasoning  having  drawn  all 
the  rest  to  his  opinion,  they  all  resolved  on  it,  as  the  safest  course  they  could 
take;  and  Achillas,  with  Septimias,  a  Roman  commander,  then  in  the  service 
of  the  king  of  Egypt,  and  some  others,  were  sent  to  execute  it;  who,  having 
in  a  small  boat  brought  Pompey  from  his  ship,  on  pretence  of  conducting  him 
to  Ptolemy,  as  soon  as  they  came  nigh  the  shore,  fell  upon  him  and  slew  him; 
and  having  cut  off  his  head,  cast  his  dead  carcass  upon  the  strand,  where  he  had 
no  other  funeral  but  what  Philip,  an  enfranchised  bondman  of  his,  and  a  poor 
old  Roman,  who  came  thither  by  accident,  could  give  him,  by  making  him  a 
funeral  pile  of  the  broken  pieces  of  an  old  boat  that  lay  wrecked  on  the  shore. 
And  thus  ended  the  life  of  this  great  man  in  the  fifty-ninth  year  of  his  age.  No 
man  had  enjoyed  greater  prosperity,  till  he  profaned  the  temple  of  God  at  Jeru- 
salem: after  that  his  misfortunes  were  in  a  continual  decline,  till  at  length,  to 
expiate  for  that  impiety,  he  was  thus  vilely  murdered  in  the  confines  of  that 
country  where  he  had  committed  it.  This  was  done  in  the  sight  of  his  wife  and 
his  son,  and  the  rest  that  accompanied  him;  whereon  they  made  off  to  sea,  with 
all  the  haste  they  were  able.  Cornelia  and  Sextus  escaped  first  to  Tyre,  and 
then  to  Cyprus,  and  from  thence  into  Africa:  but  most  of  the  other  ships  were 
taken  by  the  Egyptian  galleys  that  pursued  after  them,  and  all  that  were  found 
on  board  them  were  cruelly  put  to  the  sword;  amongst  whom  was  Lucius  Len- 
tulus,  the  former  year's  consul,  who  was  the  chief  author  of  the  war,  by  obsti- 
nately rejecting  all  the  proposals  that  were  made  by  Caesar  for  peace. 

In  the  mean  time,^  Csesar,  pursuing  Pompey  the  same  way  in  which  he  fled, 
sailed  into  Egypt  after  him,  and  came  to  Alexandria,  just  as  the  news  arrived 
thither  of  his  death;  and,  soon  after,  on  his  entering  the  place,  he  was  presented 
with  his  head;  at  the  sight  of  which  he  wept  and  turned  away  his  face  with 
abhorrence,  as  from  an  ungrateful  spectacle,  and  ordered  it  to  be  buried  in  a 
proper  place  with  all  honourable  solemnities.  Caesar,  for  the  greater  expedition, 
made  this  pursuit  with  very  few  forces:  for,  on  his  coming  to  Alexandria,  he 
had  no  more  with  him  than  eight  hundred  horse  and  three  thousand  two  hun- 
dred foot:^  the  rest  of  his  army  he  left  behind  in  Greece  and  the  Lesser  Asia, 
under  the  conduct  of  his  lieutenants,  for  the  prosecuting  the  advantages  of  his 
late  victory,  and  the  securing  of  his  interest  in  those  parts.  And  therefore, 
confiding  on  his  good  fortune,  and  the  fame  of  his  great  success  at  Pharsalia, 
he  landed  at  Alexandria  with  these  only,  which  had  like  to  have  proved  his 
ruin:  for  these  not  being  sufficient  to  defend  him  from  the  mob  and  mutinies  of 
that  turbulent  city,  he  very  narrowly  escaped  perishing  by  them.  For  the 
Etesian  winds  then  blowing  from  the  north,"*  which  continue  in  those  parts 

1  Brutus,  afterward  meeting  this  Theodotus  in  Asia,  caused  him  to  be  put  to  death  for  this.  See  Plu- 
tarch in  the  life  of  Brutus,  and  in  the  life  of  Pompey. 

2  CiesarisUomment.  deBelloCivili,  lib,  3.     Plutarch,  in  Ccesare.     Dion  Cassius,  lib.  42.  3  Ibid. 

4  By  Etesian  winds,  are  meant  such  as  blow  at  stated  times  of  the  year,  from  what  point  of  the  compass 
Boever  they  come.  For  ihey  are  so  called  from  the  Greek  word  sto;,  i.  e.  a  year,  and  originally  denote  yearly 
or  anniversary  winds,  such  as  our  seamen  call  monsoons  and  trade  winds,  which,  in  certain  parts  of  the 
world,  come  and  continue  constantly  blowing  the  same  way  for  certain  stated  seasons  of  the  year.  Thus 
the  north  winds,  which,  during  the  dogdays,  constantly  blow  upon  the  coasts  of  Egypt  that  fie  upon  the 
Mediterranean,  and  thereby  hinder  all  ships  from  sailing  out  of  Ale.vandria  for  that  season,  are  called  Etesia; 
in  Caesar's  Commentaries.  And  so,  in  other  authors,  the  west  wind,  and  also  other  winds  are  called  EtesiK, 
or  Etesian,  where  they  come  at  certain  times,  and  continue  blowing  for  certain  seasons  of  tlie  year.  De  hac 
le  vidcas  Salmasii  Exercitationes  Plinianas  in  Solinum,  p.  431,  &c. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  307 

during  all  the  dog-days  (in  the  beginning  of  which  Caesar  entered  that  port,) 
these  hinder  all  ships  from  saiHng  out  of  Alexandria  as  long  as  these  winds  last;' 
and  therefore  did  put  a  necessity  upon  him  of  tarrying  there  during  all  that  sea- 
son. In  this  vacant  time  he  employed  himself  in  calling  in  the  debt  owed  him 
by  Auletes,'  and  in  hearing  and  determining  the  controversy  between  Ptolemy 
and  Cleopatra,  his  sister.  I  have  mentioned  above  how  Auletes,  when  Csesar 
W'as  first  consul,  engaged  him,  by  a  bribe  of  six  thousand  talents,  to  get  him  to 
be  confirmed  in  his  kingdom  by  the  Romans,  and  enrolled  among  the  friends 
and  allies  of  that  powerful  state:  part  only  of  this  sum  was  then  paid,  for  the 
rest  he  bound  himself,  in  the  obligation  of  a  debtor,  afterward  to  discharge  it. 
This  debt  now  Csesar  called  for,  as  needing  it  to  pay  his  soldiers,  and  exacted  it 
with  rigour;-  and  Pothinus,  who  was  Ptolemy's  chief  minister,  by  several  arti- 
fices, made  this  rigour  appear  to  the  people  much  greater  than  it  was.  For  he 
bared  their  temples  of  their  silver  and  gold  utensils,  and  made  the  king,  and  all 
the  great  officers  of  the  court,  as  well  as  himself,  to  eat  and  drink  only  in  earthen 
and  wooden  vessels,  pretending  that  Caesar  had  taken  away  all  their  silver  and 
gold,  that  by  so  giving  out  he  might  the  more  excite  the  people  against  him. 
But  that  which  most  exasperated  them,  and  at  length  drove  them  into  a  war 
against  him,  was  the  second  article  mentioned,^  his  calling  Ptolemy  and  Cleo- 
patra before  him  to  be  judged  by  him  as  to  the  controversy  that  was  between 
them:  for  he  had  sent  out  his  peremptory  order  to  each  of  them  to  dismiss  their 
armies,  and  bring  their  cause  to  his  hearing  for  a  final  decision.  This  was  looked 
on  as  a  violation  of  the  majesty,  and  an  invasion  upon  the  sovereign  authority, 
.of  their  king,  who,  being  an  independent  prince,  owned  no  superior,  and  there- 
fore was  not  as  a  subject  to  be  judged  by  any  man.  But  to  this  Caesar  answered, 
that  he  did  not  take  upon  him  to  judge  as  a  superior,  but  as  an  arbitrator  ap- 
pointed by  the  will  of  Auletes.  For  thereby  he  had  put  his  children  under  the 
tuition  of  the  Roman  state,  and  all  the  power  of  the  Romans  being  now  invested 
in  him  as  their  dictator  (to  which  office  he  had  been  appointed  at  Rome,''  as 
soon  as  they  there  heard  of  the  death  of  Pompey,)  it  belonged  to  him  to  arbi- 
trate and  determine  this  controversy,  as  guardian  of  those  children  by  virtue  of 
that  will;  and  that  he  claimed  it  no  otherwise  than  to  execute  that  will  and  set- 
tle peace  between  the  king  and  his  sister,  according  to  the  purport  of  it.  This 
quieting  all  for  the  present,  the  cause  was  accordingly  brought  to  Caesar's  hear- 
ing, and  advocates  were  appointed  on  both  sides  to  plead  before  him  the  matter 
that  was  in  contest  between  them.  But  Cleopatra,^  hearing  that  Caesar  was 
lasciviously  given  to  the  love  of  women  (as  indeed  he  was  to  great  excess, 
though  he  never  suffered  it  to  hinder  him  in  any  business,)  she  laid  a  plot  to 
take  hold  of  him  by  this  handle,  and  thereby  attach  him  first  to  her  person,  and 
next  to  her  cause.  For  she  being  a  very  wanton  woman,  made  nothing  of  pros- 
tituting herself  to  any  one,  either  for  her  lust  or  her  interest,  according  as  she 
was  actuated  by  either  of  them.  And  therefore  sending  to  Caesar,  she  com- 
plained that  her  cause  was  betrayed  by  those  that  managed  it  for  her;  and  there- 
fore prayed  that  she  might  be  permitted  to  come  in  person  to  him,  and  plead  it 
herself  before  him;  which  being  granted  her,®  she  came  secretly  into  the  port 
of  Alexandria  in  a  small  skiff,  toward  the  dusk  of  the  evening;  and  the  better 
to  get  to  Caesar  without  being  stopped  or  obstructed  by  her  brother,  or  any  of 
his  party,  who  then  commanded  the  place,  she  caused  herself  to  be  tied  up  in 
her  bedding,  and  thus  to  be  carried  to  Caesar's  apartment  on  the  back  of  one 
of  her  servants;  who  having  laid  down  his  burden  at  Caesar's  feet,  and  untied 
it,  up  started  the  lady  with  the  best  airs  she  could  put  on.     Caesar  was  much 

1  Caesaris  Comment,  de  Bello  Civili,  lib.  3.     Dion  Cassius,  lib.  42. 

2  Plutarch,  in  CiEsare.     Dion  Cassius,  lib.  42.     Orosius,  lib.  6.  c.  J5. 

3  Cffisaris  Comment,  de  Bello  Civili,  lib.  3.     Plutarch,  in  Caesare.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  42. 

4  For  the  Romans,  on  their  hearing  that  the  war  was  thus  determined  in  favour  of  Cjesar,  making  haste 
lo  heap  honours  upon  him,  made  him  dictator  for  a  year,  gave  him  tribunitial  power  during  life,  and  decreed 
bim  many  other  powers,  privileges,  and  honours.  All  which  he  immediately  assumed,  as  soon  as  notified  to 
iiim,  notwithstanding  his  absence  from  Rome. 

5  DioH  CasBius,  Jib.  42.  6  Ibid.    Casaris  Comment,  de  BeUo  Civili,  lib.  3.    Plutari^h.  in  Cfe^arss 


308  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

pleased  with  the  ingenious  contrivance  of  her  thus  coming  to  him,  but  much 
more  with  the  lady,  with  whose  beauty  being  at  first  sight  thoroughly  smitten, 
in  the  manner  as  projected,  he  lay  with  her  that  night,  and  thereby  begot  on 
her  a  son,  who  afterward  was,  from  his  name,  called  Csesarion.  By  this  favour 
thinkino-  himself  engaged  to  do  all  things  for  her  interest,'  the  next  morning  he 
sent  for  Ptolemy,  and  pressed  him  to  receive  his  sister  again  upon  her  own 
terms;  by  which  Ptolemy  finding  that  Csesar,  from  being  a  judge,  was  become 
her  advocate,  and  understanding  also,  that  she  was  then  in  that  part  of  the  palace 
where  he  lodged,  he  fell  into  a  rage  hereat,  and  springing  out  from  him  to  the 
people  in  the  street,  he  tore  his  diadem  from  his  head,  and  flinging  it  on  the 
ground,  complained,  with  tears  and  bitter  clamour,  that  he  was  betrayed,  and 
told  his  story  in  such  a  manner,  as  raised  the  whole  city  in  an  uproar,  and 
brought  them  upon  Cajsar  in  universal  tumult,  and  with  the  fury  which  in  such 
cases  is  usual.  The  Roman  soldiers  who  were  near  him,  seized  Ptolemy,  and 
secured  him  within  Cfesar's  power.  But  notwithstanding  this,  the  rest  of  his 
forces  being  then  scattered  all  over  the  city  in  their  quarters,  as  not  suspecting 
what  had  happened,  and  therefore  not  being  at  hand  to  help  him,  he  must  ne- 
cessarily have  been  overborne  and  torn  in  pieces  by  the  enraged  multitude,  but 
that  coming  out  to  them  in  a  safe  place  aloft,  and  from  thence  speaking  to  them, 
and  assuring  them  that  all  things  should  be  done  as  they  would  have,  he  with 
difficulty  appeased  them  for  that  time.  And  accordingly  the  next  day,  having 
called  the  people  together  in  a  general  assembly,  he  brought  out  Ptolemy  and 
Cleopatra  to  them,  and  then  causing  their  father's  will  publicly  to  be  read, 
wherein  it  was  ordained,  that  his  eldest  son,  and  his  eldest  daughter,  should, 
according  to  the  usage  of  their  ancestors,  be  joined  in  marriage,  and  both  jointly 
reign  together,  under  the  guardianship  of  the  Roman  people,  he  decreed,  by 
virtue  of  that  guardianship,  which  was,  he  said,  then  vested  in  him  as  dictator, 
that  Ptolemy  the  present  king,  as  being  the  eldest  son,  and  Cleopatra  as  being 
the  eldest  daughter,  of  the  said  Auletes,  should,  according  to  the  tenor  of  the 
said  will,  reign  in  Egypt;  and  Ptolemy,  the  younger  son  of  the  said  Auletes, 
and  his  other  daughter,  named  Arsinoe,  should  reign  in  Cyprus.  This  last  he 
added  by  way  of  gift,  the  better  to  appease  the  people,  that  so  he  might  escape 
their  fury,  which  he  was  then  in  great  fear  of.  For  this  island  had  for  some 
time  before  been  subjected  to  the  Romans,  as  hath  been  above  related.  This 
contented  the  whole  assembly,  and  pleased  all  except  Pothinus.  For  he  having 
been  the  cause  of  the  breach  between  Cleopatra  and  her  brother,  and  also  of 
her  expulsion  out  of  the  kingdom,  justly  feared,  that  both  his  authority  and  his 
life  would  be  brought  into  danger  by  her  return;  and  therefore  did  all  he  could 
to  hinder  the  execution  of  this  decree:  in  order  whereto  he  not  only  sowed  new 
discontents  and  new  jealousies  among  the  people,^  but  also  prevailed  with  Achil- 
las to  bring  his  army  from  Pelusium  to  Alexandria,  for  the  driving  of  Caesar 
thence.  His  arrival  put  all  things  there  again  in  confusion.  Achillas  having 
twenty  thousand  men  with  him,  despised  the  paucity  of  Caesar's  forces,  and 
thought  immediately  to  have  crushed  him.  But  Caesar  so  well  disposed  these 
forces  which  he  had,  by  placing  them  to  the  best  advantage,  in  the  streets  and 
avenues  in  that  quarter  of  the  town  which  he  had  taken  possession  of,  that  he 
easily  sustained  the  assault;  and  therefore,  on  their  failing  of  success  here,  they 
carried  their  war  to  the  port,  projecting  to  seize  the  fleet  there  at  anchor,  and 
therewith  to  shut  up  Caesar  by  sea,  and  exclude  him  from  having  either  suc- 
cours or  provisions  brought  him  that  way.  But  Caesar  prevailing  there  also, 
ordered  all  that  fleet  to  be  set  on  fire,  and  at  the  same  time  seized  the  tower  of 
Pharus,  and  placed  a  garrison  in  it. 

By  these  means  he  fully  secured  his  communication  with  the  sea,  without 
which  he  must  have  been  soon  ruined.  Some  of  the  ships,  when  on  fire,  driving 
to  the  shore,  communicated  their  flames  to  the  adjoining  houses;  which,  spread- 

1  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  42. 

2  Dion  Casiius,  lib.  42.    CiEsarig  Comment,  de  BeiloCivlli,  lib.  3.     riularch.  in  Cssare. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  309 

ing  into  that  quarter  of  the  city  called  Bruchium,  consumed  the  noble  library 
that  was  there  laid  up,  which  had  been  the  collection  of  several  ages,  and  then 
contained  four  hundred  thousand  volumes,  whereof  a  full  account  hath  already 
been  given. 

Caesar,  finding  a  dangerous  war  thus  begun  upon  him,  sent  for  succours'  to  all 
the  adjacent  parts,  from  which  he  could  soonest  have  them;  and,  in  an  especial 
manner,  wrote  to  Domitius  Calvinus,  Kis  lieutenant  in  the  Proper  Asia,  of  the 
great  danger  he  was  in;  who  forthwith  sent  him  two  legions,  the  one  by  sea, 
and  the  other  by  land.  That  which  was  sent  by  sea  arrived  in  time;  but  the 
other,  which  marched  by  land,  never  came  into  Egypt,  the  war  being  over  be- 
fore they  could  reach  it.  But  none  did  him  better  service  than  Mithridates,  the 
Pergamenian.^  For,  being  sent  by  him  into  Syria  and  Cilicia,  he  brought  him 
those  forces  from  thence,  which  extricated  him  from  all  his  danger,  in  the  man- 
ner as  will  be  by-and-by  related. 

Caesar,  in  the  interim,^  that  he  might  not  be  forced  to  fight  the  numerous 
forces  of  the  enemy,  till  his  succours  should  arrive,  otherwise  than  when  he 
should  see  cause  so  to  do,  fortified  that  quarter  of  the  city  where  he  lay  with 
walls,  towers,  and  other  works,  including  within  them  the  palace,  a  theatre  lying 
next  the  palace  (which  he  made  use  of  as  a  castle,)  and  a  passage  to  the  har- 
bour. While  these  things  were  doing,  the  king  being  still  detained  in  Caesar's 
quarters,''  Ponthinus,  Avhile  he  was  there  attending  on  him  as  his  governor  and 
chief  minister,  carried  on  a  correspondence  with  Achillas,  and,  by  letters  se- 
cretly conveyed  to  him,  gave  him  intelligence  of  all  things  from  thence,  and 
'encouraged  him  vigorously  to  push  on  the  war;  some  of  which  letters  being  in- 
tercepted, and  the  treason  thereby  discovered,  Caesar  caused  him  to  be  put  to 
death  for  it.  Hereon  Ganymede,^  another  eunuch  of  the  palace,  who  had  the 
bringing  up  of  Arsinoe,  the  king's  younger  sister,  fearing  the  same  punishment, 
as  having  been  in  the  same  interest,  and  the  same  designs  with  him,  secretly 
conveyed  the  young  princess  out  of  C;tsar's  quarters,  and  fled  with  her  to  the 
army,  who  v/anting  one  of  the  royal  fam.ily  to  head  them,  gladly  received  her, 
and  made  her  queen.  But  Ganymede,  outwitting  Achillas,*^  caused  an  accusa- 
tion to  be  formed  against  him,  as  if  he  had  betrayed  to  Caesar  the  fleet,  which 
he  burned  in  the  harbour,  and  having  thereby  procured  that  he  was  put  to 
death,  succeeded  him  in  the  chief  command  of  the  army;  and  thenceforth  also 
took  on  him  the  prime  administration  of  all  the  other  affairs  of  that  party,  for 
which  he  was  thoroughly  qualified.  For  he  was  a  very  crafty  discerning 
person,  and  found  out  many  subtle  devices  for  the  distressing  of  Caesar  during 
the  remainder  of  the  war.  By  one  of  which, ^  having  spoiled  all  the  fresh  water 
in  his  quarters,  he  had  very  nigh  undone  him  by  it.  For  the  Alexandrians, 
having  no  other  fresh  water  for  their  common  use  but  that  of  the  Nile,^  as  at 
present,  so  then,  had  all  the  city  vaulted  underneath  their  houses  for  the  recep- 
tion and  keeping  of  it.  Once  a  year,  when  the  Nile  was  at  the  highest,  it  flowed 
through  the  artificial  canal,  which  was  drawn  from  that  river  to  the  city;  and 
there,  running  into  those  vaults  through  a  sluice  made  for  that  purpose,  from 
thence  filled  them  all,  they  being  all  built  without  any  partitions,  in  a  general 
communication  from  one  to  another,  under  the  said  houses;  and  there  it  served 
for  the  common  use  of  the  inhabitants  all  the  year  after,  every  man  having  an 
open  hole  or  well  in  his  house,  through  which  letting  down  into  those  vaults 
either  buckets  or  pitchers,  he  drew  up  what  water  he  needed.  Ganymede, 
having  stopped  up  all  the  communications  which  those  vaults  in  Caesar's  quar- 

1  Caesaris  Comment,  ibid.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  42.     Plutarch,  in  Ca^sare.     Hirtius  de  Bello  Alexandrino. 

2  Hirtius,  ibid.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  42,     Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  14. 

3  Caesaris  Comment,  de  Bello  Civili,  lib.  3. 

4  Cffisaris  Comment,  ibid.     Dion  Cassius,  lib.  40.    Plutarch.  inCsesare. 

5  Caesaris  Comment,  ibid.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  4'2.        7  Hirtius  de  Bello  Alexandrino.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  42. 

7  Hirtius  de  Bello  Alexandrino.     PluUirch  in  Ciesare. 

8  Alexandria  is  at  present  thus  vaulted  underground,  and  to  this  day  they  there  keep  the  water  of  the  Nile 
In  those  vaults  for  common  use  all  the  year  round,  in  tJie  same  manner  as  is  described  by  Hirtius.  See  The- 
venot's  Travels,  part  1,  book  2,  cliap.  2. 


310  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

ters  had  with  those  of  the  rest  of  the  town,  poured  into  them  from  the  sea  so 
much  salt  water,  by  artificial  engines  contrived  for  that  purpose,  as  spoiled  all 
the  fresh  water  which  was  reposited  and  kept  in  them.  This,  when  perceived, 
raised  a  general  uproar  among  Caesar's  soldiers;  and  he  must  have  been  forced 
immediately  to  have  departed,  at  all  disadvantages,  but  that  having  ordered 
wells  to  be  dug,  by  going  deep  enough,  he  found  springs  of  fresh  water  suffi- 
cient to  supply  the  want  of  that  which  was  spoiled. 

After  this,  Csesar  having  received  an  account,'  that  the  legion  Calvinus  sent 
him  by  sea  was  arrived  on  the  coast  of  Libya,  not  far  from  him,  he  went  thither 
with  his  whole  fleet  to  bring  them  safe  to  Alexandria.  Ganymede,  getting  in- 
telligence hereof,  sent  all  the  Egyptian  fleet  which  he  had  then  at  hand  to  in- 
tercept him  in  his  return.  This  produced  a  fight  between  the  two  fleets,  in 
which  Caesar  having  gotten  the  victory,  brought  all  his  legion  safe  with  him  to 
Alexandria;  and,  had  not  night  come  on  too  soon,  all  the  enemy's  ships  must 
have  fallen  into  his  hands.  Ganymede,  to  repair  this  loss,  and  others  before 
sustained  (for  Caesar  had,  by  this  time  destroyed  at  several  times  above  a  hun- 
dred of  their  ships  of  war,)  gathered  together  all  the  remaining  ships  that  could 
be  gotten  from  every  mouth  of  the  Nile,  and  out  of  them  another  fleet  being 
formed,  entered  the  port  of  Alexandria.  This  produced  another  fight  at  sea,"  in 
which  Caesar  had  again  the  victory,  but  in  pursuit  of  it,-  landing  in  the  island 
ol  Pharus,  and  attempting  to  take  the  town  in  that  island,  and  the  mole  leading 
to  it,  called  the  Heptastadium,  he  was  beaten  off,  with  the  loss  of  above  eight 
hundred  of  his  men,  and  had  like  to  have  been  lost  himself  in  the  route.  For, 
finding  the  ship  in  which  he  endeavoured  to  escape  ready  to  sink,  by  reason  of 
the  numbers  of  those  who  had  crowded  into  it,  he  threw  himself  into  the  sea, 
and  with  difficulty  got  off  by  swimming  to  the  next  ship  of  his  in  the  port. 
While  thus  he  made  his  escape,  he  carried  some  valuable  papers, •*  which  he  had 
then  about  him,  in  one  hand,  and  swam  with  the  other;  and  so  saved  both  him- 
self and  them. 

After  this  loss,  Caesar''  was  persuaded  to  send  king  Ptolemy  to  the  Egyptian 
army,  in  compliance  with  their  desire,  and  on  a  promise  made  him,  that,  when 
they  should  have  their  king,  they  would  make  peace  with  him;  but  after  they 
had  him  at  the  head  of  the  army,  they  pressed  on  the  war  with  greater  vigour 
than  before,  and,  by  their  fleet,  endeavoured  to  intercept  all  Caesar's  provisions 
by  sea.  This  produced  another  sea-fight  near  Canopus,  in  which  Caesar  had 
again  the  victory;  but  by  this  time  Mithridates  of  Pergamus  was  near  at  hand 
with  his  auxiliary  army  out  of  Syria.  It  hath  been  above  mentioned,  how  Caesar 
sent  him  into  Syria  and  Cilicia  to  bring  him  from  thence  all  the  forces  he  could 
raise  in  those  countries  for  his  assistance.  This  commission  he  executed  with 
so  much  diligence  and  prudence,  that  he  soon  got  together  a  considerable  army; 
in  the  effecting  of  which  he  was  much  helped  by  Antipater  the  Idumfean.  For 
he  not  only  joined  him  with  three  thousand  Jews,^  but  he  prevailed  with  Hyrca- 
nus,  and  with  several  of  the  neighbouring  princes  of  Arabia  and  Coele-Syria,  and 
with  the  free  cities  of  Phcenicia  and  Syria,  in  like  manner  to  send  him  in  their 
aid.  With  these  forces,  Mithridates,  having  Antipater  in  person  with  him, 
marched  into  Egypt,  and,  on  his  coming  to  Pelusium,  stormed  and  took  that 
city,  which  was  chiefly  owing  to  the  valour  of  Antipater.  For,  he  first  mounted 
the  walls  where  the  breach  was  made,  and  thereby  made  way  to  those  that  fol- 
lowed to  enter  and  take  the  place.  From  thence  marching  toward  Alexandria, 
as  they  were  to  pass  the  province  of  Onion,  they  found  all  the  avenues  seized 
by  the  .lews,  who  were  the  inhabitants  of  that  part  of  Egypt,  and  thereby  were 
obstructed  from  proceeding  any  farther;  and  this  must  have  disappointed  the 
whole  expedition,  but  that  Antipater,  partly  by  his  own  authority,  and  partly 

1  Hirtius.de  Bello  Aloxandriiio. 

3  Ibid.    Dion  Cappiis,  lil). -42.  Siioton.  in  Julio  Ca^sare,  c.  C4.   Plutarch,  in  Julio  Caesare.   Appian.  de  BelliS 
Civilibiis,  lib.  2.    Orosius.  lib.  (>.  c.  15.  3  Dion  Cassius,  Plutarch.  Sueton.  et  Orosius,  ibid. 

4  Hirlius  dc  Bollo  A|r\vinclrino.     Dion  Cassiu?.  lib.  42. 

5  Hirtius,  ibid.     Joseph.  Antii].  lib.  14.  c.  14,  15.     Dion  Cassius,  lib.  42. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  311 

by  that  of  Hyrcanus,  and  the  letters  which  he  delivered  to  them  from  him, 
brought  them  over  to  Ctesar's  party.  On  the  hearing  of  which,  the  people  of 
Memphis  did  the  same,  and  Mithridates  was  plentifully  supplied  with  all  neces- 
saries from  both.  On  his  coming  to  the  Delta,'  Ptolemy  sent  an  army  thither  to 
oppose  his  passing  the  Nile;  this  produced  a  battle,  in  which  Mithridates  com- 
manded one  part  of  the  army,  and  Antipater  the  other.  Mithridates  at  first  was 
beaten  off  his  ground,  till  Antipater,  having  routed  the  adversary  on  his  part, 
came  in  to  his  assistance;  whereby  the  battle  being  again  restored,  the  Egyp- 
tians were  put  to  a  total  rout,  and  Mithridates  and  Antipater,  pursuing  the  ad- 
vantage, drove  them  out  of  the  field  with  a  great  slaughter,  and,  having  taken 
their  camp,  forced  those  that  escaped  to  repass  the  Nile. 

Jin.  47.  Hyrcanus  II.  17.] — Hereon  Ptolemy''  marched  with  his  whole  army 
for  the  oppressing  of  them,  and  Ctesar  did  the  same  for  their  support,  and,  on 
his  joining  them,  soon  brought  the  matter  to  a  decisive  battle;  in  which  Cresar 
having  gotten  an  absolute  victory,  Ptolemy,  on  his  endeavouring  to  escape  in  a 
boat  on  the  Nile,  was  sunk  with  it,  and  drowned  in  that  river.  Hereon  Alexan- 
dria and  all  Egypt  submitted  to  the  conqueror.  Caesar,  returning  from  this  vic- 
tory, entered  Alexandria  about  the  middle  of  our  January,  and  no  one  there 
any  more  opposing  him,  he  settled  the  kingdom  under  Cleopatra  and  the  sur- 
viving Ptolemy,  her  younger  brother,  as  king  and  queen,  which  was  in  effect  to 
put  the  whole  into  her  hands,  this  Ptolemy  being  then  no  more  than  eleven 
years  old.  It  was  for  the  sake  of  this  lewd  woman,  and  the  lascivious  conversa- 
tion he  had  with  her,  that  Caesar  made  this  dangerous  and  infamous  war;  and 
.therefore,  having  fully  mastered  it  by  this  victory,  he  made  it  turn  the  most  he 
could  to  her  advantage;  and  his  wanton  dalliances  with  her  detained  him  longer 
in  Egypt  than  his  affairs  could  well  admit.^  For  although  he  had  in  January 
settled  all  matters  in  that  country,  yet  it  was  not  till  the  latter  end  of  April  fol- 
lowing that  he  departed  thence.  For  Appion  tells  US'*  he  had  been  nine  months 
in  Egypt  at  this  time,  and  he  came  not  thither  till  toward  the  end  of  July  in 
the  preceding  year.  Having  taken  Arsinoe  prisoner  in  this  war,^  he  carried  her 
to  Rome  with  him,  and  caused  her  to  be  there  led  in  bonds  before  him  in  his 
triumph;  but,  after  that  show  was  over,  he  dismissed  her  from  her  imprison- 
ment.* But,  being  banished  by  him  from  Egypt,®  that  she  might  not  create  new 
troubles  in  that  kingdom,  to  the  disturbance  of  that  settlement  of  affairs  which 
he  had  there  made,  she  took  up  her  residence  in  the  province  of  the  Proper 
Asia;  for  there  Antony  found  her  after  the  battle  of  Phihppi,  and,  at  the  request 
of  Cleopatra,'  caused  her  to  be  put  to  death.  Before  Cffisar  departed  from  Alex- 
andria, in  acknowledgement  of  the  assistance  he  had  from  the  Jews,^  he  con- 
firmed all  their  privileges  in  that  city,  and  ordered  a  pillar  to  be  there  erected, 
whereon,  by  his  command,  all  these  privileges  were  engraven,  and  also  his  de- 
cree confirming  the  same. 

That  which  hastened  Csesar  out  of  Egypt  at  this  time  was  the  war  of  Phar- 
naces,  king  of  the  Cimmerian  Bosphorus,  son  of  Mithridates,  late  king  of  Pon- 
tus.  For,"  finding  the  Romans  deeply  engaged  in  the  civil  wars  between  Cae- 
sar and  Pompey,  he  took  the  advantage  hereof  to  attempt  the  recovery  of  his 
father's  dominions  in  Asia.  And  therefore,  leaving  Asander,  his  lieutenant,  in 
Bosphorus,  he  passed  the  Euxine  Sea,  and  took  possession  of  Colchis  and  the 
Lesser  Armenia,  and  several  places  in  Cappadocia,  Pontus,  and  Bithynia. 
After  the  battle  of  Pharsalia,  Csesar  had  sent  Domitius  Calvinus  with  part  of 

1  The  Nile,  a  liltle  below  Memphis,  parting  into  two  branches,  whereof  one  runs  to  Peliisium,  now  Da- 
maita,  and  the  other  to  Canopiis,  now  Rosetta;  these  two  branches  on  each  side,  with  the  shore  of  the  Medi- 
terranean at  the  bottom,  make  the  form  of  the  Greek  capital  letter  Delta;  hence  all  that  part  of  Egypt  in- 
cluded within  these  two  branches  was  called  Delia. 

2  Hirtius  de  Bello  Aloxandrino.    DionCassius,  lib.  42.    Plutarch,  in  Cssare. 

3  Sueton.  in  Julio  CsEsare.  c.  52.    Appian.  de  BellisCivilibus,  lib.  2.  p.  434.    Dion  Cassius.  lib.  42.  p.  206. 

4  De  Bellis  Civilibiis,  lib.  2.  p.  484.         5  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  43.  p.  223.         fi  Hirtius  de  Bello  Alexandrine. 

7  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  ]5.  c.  4.    Appian.  de  Bellis  Civilibus,  lib.  5. 

8  Ibid.  lib.  14.  c.  17.  et  contra  Apionem,  lib.  2. 

9  Plutarch,  in  Ceesare.  Hirtius  de  Bello  Alexandriuo.  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  42.  Appian.  de  Bellis  Civilibus, 
lib.  2.  et  in  Mithridaticis. 


312  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

his  army  against  him,'  committing  to  his  government  all  the  provinces  of  Lesser 
Asia.    But  Domitius  having  the  misfortune  to  be  vanquished  in  this  war,*  Phar- 
naces  thereon  made  himself  master  of  all  the  remaining  parts  of  Pontus  and 
Cappadocia;  and,  being  puffed  up  with  this  success,  carried  it  with  great  pride 
and  cruelty  toward  all  in  the  Roman  interest;  and,  having  seized  all  Bithynia, 
was  preparing  to  pass  from  thence  into  the  province  of  Proper  Asia.     An  ac- 
count of  all  this  coming  to  Caesar  in  Egypt,  it  roused  him  up  from  that  lethargy 
which  Cleopatra's  charms  had  bewitched  him  into,^  and  put  him  again  upon 
action:  whereon,  leaving  part  of  his  forces  in  Egypt  for  the  protection  of  Cleo- 
patra, he  passed,'*  about  the  end  of  April,  with  the  rest  into  Syria.     While  he 
was  in  that  country,  Antigonus,^  the  son  of  Aristobulus,  late  king  of  the  Jews, 
came  to  him,  and,  much  lamenting  his  father's  and  brother's  death  (the  former 
of  which  had  been  poisoned,  and  the  other  beheaded,  for  being  adherents  to  his 
cause,)  prayed  him  to  take  compassion  of  him,  and  restore  him  to  his  father's 
principalit}^;   and,  at  the  same  time,  made  heavy  complaints  of  Antipater  and 
Hyrcanus,  and  of  the  wrongs  which  he  said  he  had  suffered  from  them.     But 
Antipater,  being  then  attending  upon  Caesar,  defended  his  OM-n  and  Hyrcanus's 
cause  so  well  against  him,  that  Csesar,  rejecting  the  accusations  of  Antigonus, 
as  of  a  turbulent  and  seditious  person,  decreed,  that  Hyrcanus  should  hold  the 
office  of  high-priest  at  Jerusalem,''  and  the  principality  of  Judea  with  it  to  him, 
and  those  of  his  family  after  him,  in  perpetuity  of  possession,  and   appointed 
Antipater  to  be  procurator  of  Judea  under  him,  and  ordered  this  decree  to  be 
engraven  in  tables  of  brass  in  Greek  and  Latin,  and  to  be  hung  up  in  the  Capitol 
at  Rome,  and  in  the  temples  of  Tyre,  Sidon,  and  Askalon,  in  Phcenicia;  by  virtue 
of  which  decree,  Hyrcanus  was  again  re-established  in  the  sovereignty  of  Judea, 
the  Aristocracy  of  Gabinius  abolished,  and  the  government  again  restored  to  the 
same  state  in  which  it  had  been  under  him,  and  the  great  Sanhedrin,  before  Ga- 
binius made  that  alteration  in  it  which  hath  been  above  mentioned.    All  this  was 
brought  about  by  Antipater.     For  he  was  a  person  of  that  wisdom  and  foresight, 
and  thereby  had  acquired  such  an  interest  in  Judea,  Arabia,  Syria,  and  all  Pales- 
tine, that  he  made  himself  necessary  to  all  Roman  governors  that  came  into  those 
parts,  and  to  none  was  he  more  so  than  unto  Csesar,  who  owed  his  deliverance  at 
Alexandria,  and  the  success  with  which  he  concluded  that  war,  wholly  to  him. 
For,  without  him,  Mithridates  could  never  have  raised  that  army  for  his  assist- 
ance, by  the  help  of  which   he  conquered.     And  he  was  by  this  time  grown 
strong  in  his  family,  as  well  as  in  his  interest  and  power.    For  he  had  by  his  wife 
Cyprus  four  sons  now  grown  up  to  maturity  of  age,^  and  of  great  reputation  for 
valour  and  wisdom;  the  eldest  was  Phasaelus,  the  second  Herod,  the  third  Joseph, 
and  the  youngest  Pheroras;  and  he  had  also  by  the  same  wife  a  daughter  called 
Salome,  who  was  the  Erinnys  of  her  family,  continually  creating  feuds  and  divi- 
sions in  it  by  her  intrigues,  whereby  she  very  often  perplexed  her  brother  Herod's 
affairs,  and  yet  maintained  an  interest  with  him  to  his  last.     Her  character  will 
be  best  understood  by  her  actions,  which  will  be  hereafter  related. 

Csesar,  after  some  stay  in  Syria,  made  Sextus  Csesar,*^  his  kinsman,  president 
of  that  province,  and  then  hastened  northward  against  Pharnaces."  On  his  ar- 
rival where  the  enemy  was,  he,  without  giving  any  respite  either  to  himself  or 
them,  immediately  fell  on  and  gained  an  absolute  victory  over  them;'"  an  account 
whereof  he  wrote  to  a  friend  of  his  in  these  three  words,'"  Vent,  Vidi,  Vici!  I 
came,  I  saw,  I  overcame;  which  short  expression  of  his  success  very  aptly  set- 
ting forth  the  speed  whereby  he  obtained  it,  he  affected  it  so  much,  that  after- 
ward when  he  triumphed  for  this  victory,  he  caused  these  three  words  to  be 

1  HirtiuB  de  Bello  Alfxanririno.     Dion  Cassiiis,  lib.  42. 

2  Hirtitis,  ct  Dion  Cassius,  ibid.     Appian.  de  Bellis  Civilibus,  lib.  2.  3  Ibid.    Plutarch,  in  Casare. 

4  Hirtius,  Plutarch,  et  Dion  Cassius,  ibid.    Appian.  de  Bellis  Civilibus,  lib.  2.    Sueton.  in  Julio  Cesare,  c. 
35.     Orosius,  lib.  6.  c.  10.  5  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  15.  et  de  Bello  J\idaico,  lib.  1.  c.  8. 

6  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  17.  et  lib.  20.  c.   8.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  7,  8.  7  Ibid.  lib.  14.  C.  12. 

8  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  47.  p.  342.    Hirtius  de  Bello  Alexandrino.    Appian.  de  Bellis  Civilibus,  lib.  3,  4. 

9  Hirtius  de  Bello  Ale.vandrino.     Plutarch,  in  Ca:sare.    Dion  Cassius, lib.  42. 
10  Appian.  lib.  2.  p.  485.    Plutarch,  in  Ceesare. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  313 

written  on  a  table,'  and  carried  aloft  before  him  in  that  pompous  show.  This 
victory  being  gained  near  the  place  where  Triarius  was  vanquished  by  Mithri- 
dates,*  it  thereby  repaired  the  honour  of  the  Roman  militia,  which  was  lost  by 
that  defeat.  After  this,  all  being  again  recovered  that  Pharnaces  had  possessed 
himself  of  in  this  war,^  he  fled  to  Sinope  with  one  thousand  horsemen,'  which 
were  the  whole  remainder  of  his  vanquished  army,  and,  having  slain  the  horses, 
he  put  the  men  on  board  his  ships  in  that  port,  and  sailed  with  them  back  to 
Bosphorus.  But  Asander,*  whom  he  left  his  lieutenant  in  that  country,  having 
by  this  time  set  up  for  himself,  he  was  no  sooner  landed,  but  the  usurper  got 
him  into  his  power,''  and,  having  put  him  to  death,  reigned  in  his  stead.  Hereon 
Caesar  gave  Mithridates,  the  Pergamenian,  that  kingdom  in  reward  for  the  ser- 
vice he  did  him  in  Egypt,^  and  at  the  same  time  made  him  one  of  the  tetrarchs 
of  Galatia.  The  latter  he  had  a  title  to  in  the  right  of  his  mother,®  who  was 
descended  from  one  of  the  former  tetrarchs,  and  the  former  he  might  have  laid 
claim  to  in  the  right  of  his  father,  for  he  was  supposed  to  have  been  the  son  of 
king  Mithridates,"  his  mother  having  been  one  of  his  concubines,  after  the 
death  of  Menedotus  of  Pergamus,  her  husband,  and  therefore  he  was  bred  up 
by  that  prince,  and  called  by  his  name.  But  Caesar,  in  making  him  king  of 
Bosphorus,  gave  him  only  an  empty  title.  For  the  possession  being  in  Asan- 
der,  he  was  to  recover  it  by  war;  in  the  prosecution  of  which,  instead  of  gain- 
ing the  kingdom,  he  lost  his  life,'"  being  vanquished  and  slain  in  battle  by  Asan- 
der;  who,  after  this,  held  the  kingdom  of  Bosphorus  without  any  farther  opposi- 
tion; the  Romans,  by  reason  of  their  intestine  broils,  that  still  continued  among 
them,  not  being  at  leisure  to  give  him  any  disturbance.  Caesar  having  settled 
all  matters  in  Pontus,  Cappadocia,  and  the  other  parts  of  Lesser  Asia,  returned 
through  Greece  to  Rome,"  and  was  there  again  chosen  dictator  for  the  ensu- 
ing year. 

In  the  interim,  Antipater,'"  having  accompanied  Caesar  through  all  Syria  to 
the  utmost  confines  of  the  province,  there  took  his  leave  of  him,  and  returned 
again  into  Judea.  And  soon  after,  going  through  that  country  in  a  general  pro- 
gress over  it,  he  settled  the  civil  government  under  Hyrcanus  in  all  parts  of  it, 
according  to  Caesar's  decree,  in  the  same  manner  as  it  had  been  before  Gabinius's 
alteration;  and  appointed  Phasaelus  his  eldest  son'^  to  be  governor  of  Jerusalem, 
and  Herod  his  second  son  to  be  governor  of  Galilee,  he  being  then  twenty-five 
years  old.  The  printed  books  of  Josephus  have  it,  that  Herod  was  at  this  time 
only  fifteen  years  old;  but  that  is  an  age  which  doth  not  suit  with  such  a  charge, 
or  the  actions  which  he  immediately  performed  in  it;  and  besides,  it  doth  not 
accord  with  what  Josephus  hath  elsewhere  written:  for,  speaking  of  the  last 
sickness  of  which  Herod  died,  about  forty-four  years  after  this  time,'*  he  tells  us, 
that  he  fell  into  it  about  the  seventieth  year  of  his  age;  but,  if  he  were  now 
but  fifteen,  he  could  not  have  exceeded  the  sixtieth  year  of  his  age,  when  that 
sickness  first  seized  him.  It  is  most  likely,  some  transcriber  by  mistake  wrote  's, 
the  numerical  Greek  letters  for  fifteen,  instead  of  ='',  the  numerical  letters  for 
twenty-five;  and  from  that  copy  the  mistake  hath  been  transmitted  into  our 
printed  books.  Herod  being  of  a  very  active  genius,  and  in  the  vigour  of  his 
youth,  was  no  sooner  in  his  government,  but,  to  signalize  himself  therein,'*  he 
fell  upon  a  knot  of  thieves,  who  much  infested  Galilee  and  the  neighbouring 
parts  of  Ccele-Syria,  and,  having  taken  Hezekiah,  their  ringleader,  with  several 
of  his  associates,  he  put  them  all  to  death;  whereby  he  gained  great  reputation 
among  aU  of  those  parts,  and  made  his  name  known  with  honour  to  Sextus 
Caesar,  the  president  of  the  province.     But  those  who  envied  the  prosperity  of 

1  Sneton.  in  Julio.  Cajsare,  c.  37.  2  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  43.  p.  207.     Appian.  in  Mithridalicis. 

3  Ilirtius,  ibid.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  42.    Plutarch,  in  Cffisare.  4  Appian.  in  Mitliridalicis,  p.  254. 

5  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  42.  6  Dion  Cassius,  et  Appian,  ibid 

7  Hirtius  de  Bello  Alexandrino.     Appian.  in  MiUiridaticis,  p.  254.    Strabo,  lib.  13.  p.  625. 

8  Strabo,  ibid.  9  Hirtius  de  Bello  Alexandrino.  10  Strabo,  lib.  13.  p.  625. 

11  Plutarch,  in  Caesare.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  42. 

12  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  16.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  8.  13  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  17. 
14  Ibid.  lib.  17.  c.  8.                  15  Ibid.  lib.  14.  c.  17.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  8. 

Vol.  II.— 40 


314  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

Antipater,  and  the  growth  and  greatness  of  his  power,  laid  hold  of  this  handfe 
to  accuse  Herod  to  Hyrcanus  for  putting  these  men  to  death  without  legal  trial, 
and  prevailed  with  him  so  far  as  to  obtain  a  citation  from  him  to  summon  Herod 
to  answer  for  it  before  the  Sanhedrin;  where  having  made  his  appearance, 
clothed  in  purple,  and  surrounded  with  his  guards,  this  so  overawed  the  San- 
hedrin, that  they  sat  all  silent,  not  one  of  them  opening  his  mouth  to  say  a 
word  against  the  criminal,  excepting  only  Sameas,  who,  being  the  only  man 
among  them  of  that  integrity  and  courage  as  not  to  be  frighted  out  of  his  duty, 
on  the  silence  of  all  the  rest,  rose  up,  and,  first  accusing  Herod  of  audacious- 
ness in  thus  appearing  in  a  habit  not  proper  for  a  criminal,  and  of  violence,  in 
bringing  such  an  armed  force  with  him  into  the  court,  as  if  he  intended  to  make 
the  public  administration  of  justice  more  dangerous  to  the  judges  than  to  the 
malefactor;  in  the  next  place  turned  his  accusation  upon  Hyrcanus  and  the 
court,  and,  upbraiding  them  of  their  cowardice  in  permitting  this,  he  propheti- 
cally told  them,  that,  though  they  were  now  for  sparing  Herod,  the  time  should 
be  when  he  would  not  spare  them,  but  that  the  just  judgment  of  God  should, 
by  his  hands,  be  executed  upon  them  for  it.  And  so  afterward  it  accordingly 
happened:  for,  when  Herod  came  to  be  king  of  Judea,  he  did  put  every  one  of 
them  to  death  (excepting  this  Sameas  and  Pollio  his  master,)  and  also  Hyrca- 
nus himself,  as  will  be  hereafter  related.  However,  Hyrcanus  did  all  he  could 
to  get  Herod  to  be  acquitted,  being  influenced  hereto  not  only  by  his  affection 
for  the  young  man,  but  also  by  a  menacing  letter  which  he  had  received  from 
Sextus  Csesar  in  his  behalf.  But  the  major  part  of  the  court,  now  roused  by  Sa- 
meas's  speech,  being  inclined  to  condemn  him,  he  could  not  gain  him  an  ac- 
quittal; and  therefore,  to  save  him  from  a  sentence  of  condemnation,  he  adjourned 
the  court  to  the  next  day,  and,  in  the  interim,  advised  Herod  to  be  gone;  who, 
accordingly,  in  the  night,  withdrawing  from  Jerusalem,  went  to  Damascus,  and 
there  putting  himself  under  the  protection  of  Sextus  Csesar,  whom  he  found  in 
that  place,  he  defied  the  Sanhedrin,  and  did  from  thence  let  them  know,  thfethe 
would  appear  no  more  before  them;  which  they  resented  with  great  indignation, 
but  could  now  no  otherwise  express  it  than  by  venting  their  complaint  against 
Hyrcanus  for  permitting  it  to  be  thus  done. 

An.  46.  Hyrcanus  II.  18.] — On  Herod's  coming  to  Sextus  Csesar,^  he  so  far 
ingratiated  himself  with  him,  that,  for  a  sum  of  money  with  which  he  presented 
him,  he  obtained  of  him  the  government  of  Ccele-Syria.  Whereon  he  got  to- 
gether an  army,  and  marched  with  it  into  Judea,  to  be  revenged  on  Hyrcanus 
and  the  Sanhedrin;  intending  no  less  than  to  depose  Hyrcanus,  and  cut  off  the 
whole  Sanhedrin,  because  of  the  indignity  they  made  him  undergo  by  their  late 
process  against  him.  But  Antipater  and  Phasael  interposing,  made  him  desist 
from  this  attempt. 

Scipio  and  Cato'  heading  the  remains  of  Pompey's  faction  in  Africa,  and 
having,  with  the  assistance  of  Juba,  king  of  Mauritania,  made  themselves  mas- 
ters of  all  that  province,  and  gotten  forces  together  sufficient  to  enlarge  them- 
selves farther,  Caesar,  in  the  latter  part  of  the  former  year,  had  passed  over 
thither  to  suppress  them;  and  having  there  rendezvoused  all  his  forces  together 
about  the  middle  of  January  this  year,  immediately  marched  against  the  enemy; 
and,  in  the  beginning  of  the  February  following,  coming  to  a  battle  with  them, 
gave  them  a  total  overthrow;  whereon  Cato  slew  himself  at  Utica  and  Scipio, 
Juba,  Petrous  and  the  other  chiefs,  who  commanded  in  this  war,  perished  in 
their  flight;  and  Caesar,  having  settled  the  province,  returned  again  to  Rome, 
carrying  with  him  Juba,  the  son  of  king  Juba,  then  a  lad,^  whom  he  caused  to- 
be  led  before  him  in  his  triumph,  instead  of  his  father.  However,  from  this  cap- 
tivity, he  gained  the  benefit  of  having  a  Roman  education,"  whereby  he  became 
one  of  the  most  learned  men  of  the  age  in  which  he  lived;  in  regard  whereto, 

1  Joseph.  Aiitiq.  lih.  M.  c.  17.  et  fie  Bello  Jurtaico,  lib.  1.  c.  8. 

t  Hirtiijs  (!(.'  Bello  Africauo.    Plutarch,  in  CcEsare.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  43.  3  Plutarch.  ibicL. 

4  Vide  Vossium  de  Historicis  Graocis,  lib.  2.  c.  4. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  315 

Augustus  afterward  made  him  king  of  Getulia,  in  Africa,  and  gave  him  in  mar- 
riage Cleopatra  Selene,  the  daughter  of  queen  Cleopatra  by  Mark  Antony.  The 
most  eminent  of  his  works  was  his  Roman  History,  which  he  wrote  in  Greek, 
and  is  quoted  often  and  with  great  approbation  by  the  ancients,  but  is  now  wholly 
lost,  as  are  also  all  his  other  works.  One  of  them,  which  was  of  the  affairs  of 
Assyria,  and  collected  mostly  from  the  writings  of  Berosus,  would  have  been 
of  great  use  to  us  in  the  writing  of  this  history,  had  it  been  still  extant.  But 
before  Ctesar  left  Africa,'  he  gave  orders  for  the  rebuilding  of  Carthage;  and  the 
same  year  was  Corinth  also  rebuilt  by  his  like  order:  so  that  as  these  two  famous 
cities  were  destroyed  in  the  same  year,  they  were  now  both  of  them  just  one 
hundred  years  after  again  rebuilt  in  the  same  year;  and  two  years  after  Ro- 
man colonies  were  sent  into  each  of  them,^  for  the  replenishing  of  them  with 
new  inhabitants.  From  this  colony  at  Corinth  Avere  descended  those  Corinthi- 
ans to  whom  St.  Paul  wrote  his  two  Epistles. 

At  this  time  Cajcilius  Bassus  created  great  disorders  in  Syria.'  He  was  a 
Roman  of  the  Equestrian  order,'  and  had  fought  on  the  side  of  Pompey  in  the 
battle  of  Pharsalia;  after  that  overthrow  he  fled  to  Tyre,  and  there  lying  hid 
under  the  disguise  of  a  merchant,  associated  several  to  him  that  had  been  fa- 
vourers of  Pompey's  cause,  and  underhand  engaged  in  his  party  many  of  the 
Roman  soldiers  that  came  thither  to  garrison  the  city.  Whereon,  being  at  length 
taken  notice  of  by  Sextus  Caesar  for  these  doings,  and  called  before  him  to  an- 
swer for  them,  he  pretended  to  be  going  to  the  assistance  of  Mithridates  of  Per- 
gamus  for  the  recovery  of  the  kingdom  of  Bosphorus  given  him  by  Csesar,  and 
that  all  his  preparations  were  in  order  thereto;  and  having  persuaded  Sextus  to 
believe  him,  he  was  dismissed  as  innocent;  whereby  having  gained  farther  op- 
portunity for  the  carrying  on  of  his  plot,  as  soon  as  he  had  gotten  into  it  a  num- 
ber of  conspirators  sufficient  for  the  putting  of  it  into  execution,  he  seized  Tyre; 
and,  giving  out  that  CiEsar  was  vanquished  and  slain  in  Africa,  and  that  thereon 
he  was  now  appointed  to  be  governor  of  Syria,  he  assumed  the  title  of  president 
of  that  province;  and  by  this  forgery  having  augmented  his  forces  to  the  bulk 
of  an  army,  he  marched  out  with  them  against  Sextus  Caesar;  but  being  van- 
quished and  beaten,  he  was  forced  to  retreat  back  to  Tyre,  and  there  lie  by  for 
some  time  to  be  cured  of  his  wounds  received  in  the  conflict:  whereby  being 
discouraged  from  attempting  any  thing  farther  by  open  force  against  Sextus,  he 
at  length,  by  treachery  and  underhand  dealing,  worked  his  destruction.  For 
this  Sextus  Ccesar  being  a  young  man  much  given  to  voluptuousness,  and  making 
his  army  to  attend  him  in  all  places  where  he  went  for  his  pleasure,  this  much 
disgusted  his  soldiei-s;  which  Bassus  having  full  notice  of,  instigated  them  by  his 
emissaries  to  kill  him;  which  they  having  accordingly  effected,  they  all  thereon 
declared  for  Bassus,  and  joined  themselves  to  him,  excepting  only  some  few, 
who  detesting  this  assassination,  separated  from  the  rest,  and  retired  into  CiUcia. 
Whereon  Bassus  seizing  Apamea,  fortified  that  place,  and  made  it  the  seat  of 
his  residence,  and  there  took  on  him  the  government  of  the  whole  province. 
But  Antistius  Vetus^  having  put  himself  at  the  head  of  those  who  had  thus  re- 
treated into  Cilicia,  and  drawn  to  him  several  others  of  the  Coesarean  party  in 
that  country,  marched  back  with  them  into  Syria:  and  there  the  sons  of  Antipa- 
ter  having  joined  him  Avith  auxiliaries  from  Judea  sent  him  by  their  father,  and 
others  doing  the  same  from  other  parts,  some  to  revenge  the  murder  of  Sextus, 
out  of  the  abhorrence  they  had  of  that  fact,  and  others  to  court  the  favour  of  the 
dictator,  he  became  enabled  thereby  to  drive  Bassus  out  of  the  field;  and  havincr 
cooped  him  up  in  Apamea,  there  besieged  him  with  a  close  siege.  But  Bassus 
being  a  valiant  man  and  skilful  soldier,  defended  himself  so  well,  that  Antistius, 

1  Appian.  de  Bellis  Punicis,  in  fine. 

2  Dion  Cajsius,  lib.  43.  Strabo,  lib.  17.  p.  833.  Pausanias  in  Eliacis,  in  initio,  et  in  Corinthiacis,  in  initio. 
Soliniis,  c.  27. 

3  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  47.    Libo  apud  Appian.  de  Bellis  Civilibus,  lib.  3.  p.  576.    Epitome  Livii,  lib.  114.    Jo- 
seph. Anliq.  lib.  14.  c.  17.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  8. 

4  Dion.  Cassiiis,  lib.  47.    Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  17.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  e.  8. 


316  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

not  being  able  to  get  any  advantage  against  him,  was  forced  toward  the  end  of 
the  year  to  retreat,  and  respite  all  hostilities  for  a  while,  till  better  furnished 
with  new  preparations,  and  more  force  for  the  war. 

CtEsar  being  returned  from  his  African  expedition,  undertook  the  reformation 
of  the  Roman  calendar,  and  happily  effected  it,'  by  forming  the  Julian  year, 
which  the  world  hi,th  had  the  beneht  of  ever  since.  This  belonged  to  him  to 
do  as  high-priest  of  Rome,-  which  was  an  office  he  had  long  been  in  before  he 
was  either  dictator  or  consul.  And  there  was  now  very  great  need  for  this  to  be 
done;  for  at  this  time,  by  reason  of  the  faults  of  the  former  calendar,  the  be- 
ginning of  January  was  carried  back  to  the  time  of  our  present  Michaelmas, 
and  all  their  solemn  times  and  festivals  were  put  out  of  their  due  order  by  this 
means.  The  former  year,  which  the  Romans  went  by  till  this  time,  consisted 
of  twelve  lunar  months;  but  twelve  lunar  months  falling  eleven  days  short  of  a 
solar  year,  it  was  the  office  of  the  high-priest,  with  the  college  of  the  pontifices, 
to  add  such  intercalations  as  should  make  all  even:  this  they  usually  did,  by 
casting  in  another  month  every  second  year,  which  did  alternately  consist  of 
twenty-two  days  one  time,  and  twenty-three  another:  this  short  month  was  called 
Merkidinus,  and  the  place  in  the  Roman  calendar  where  it  was  intercalated,  was 
between  the  twenty-third  and  twenty-fourth  of  February.  But  the  pontifices, 
who  had  the  authority  of  making  these  intercalations,  executing  it  very  arbi- 
trarily, sometimes  irregularly  intercalating  the  month  Merkidinus  where  they 
ought  not,  and  sometimes  as  irregularly  omitting  to  intercalate  it  where  they 
ought,  according  as  they  had  a  mind  to  prolong  or  abbreviate  the  time  of  the 
annual  magistrates  then  in  office;  hereby  it  came  to  pass,  that  great  disorders 
got  into  the  political  as  well  as  into  the  astronomical  part  of  the  year;  and  there- 
fore, for  the  bringing  of  a  remedy  to  both,  Csesar  found  it  necessary  to  make 
this  reformation;  which  effectually  prevented  all  such  disorders  for  the  future. 
For  hereby  he  settled  the  year  to  a  fixed  and  stated  form,  always  to  go  inva'ria- 
bly  the  same,  without  leaving  it  to  any  man's  arbitrary  power  to  disturb  it;  which 
he  accomplished  by  these  following  methods.^  1st,  He  abolished  the  lunar  year, 
consisting  of  twelve  lunar  months,  or  three  hundred  and  fifty-five  days,  which 
the  Romans  had  hitherto  gone  by;  and,  instead  thereof,  introduced  the  use  of 
the  solar  year,  consisting  of  the  time  in  which  the  sun  goes  through  the  zodiac, 
and  comes  about  again  to  the  same  point  from  which  it  did  set  out.  2dly,  Hav- 
ing, according  to  the  best  observations  of  those  times,  stated  this  revolution  to 
be  made  in  three  hundred  and  sixty-five  days  and  six  hours,  of  these  he  made 
his  solar  year  to  consist.  3dly,  These  three  hundred  and  sixty -five  days  he  dis- 
tributed into  twelve  political  or  artificial  months,  instead  of  the  lunar  and  natu- 
ral months  before  in  use,  which  consisted  some  of  thirty-one  days,  and  some  of 
thirty,  and  one,  that  is  February,  of  twenty-eight  days.  4thly,  The  six  hours 
over  and  above,  in  four  years,  making  a  day,  he  added  it  in  the  beginning  of 
every  fifth  year,  making  that  year  thereby  to  consist  of  three  hundred  and  sixty- 
six  days:  and  this  is  that  which  we  call  the  leap-year.  5thly,  This  day  he 
added  between  the  twenty-third  and  the  twenty-fourth  day  of  February,  in  the 
same  place  in  the  Roman  calendar  where  formerly  their  intercalated  month 
Merkidinus  was  inserted  in  their  old  form;  and  this  addition  being  made  by 
putting  the  latter  of  those  days  twice  in  the  calendar,  and  that  day  being  there 
called  Sextus  Calendarum,*  the  putting  of  this  sextus  dies  bis,  i.  e.  twice,  is  the 
reason  why  this  leap-year  is  called  annus  bissextilus,  in  Latin,  and  from  hence 
by  us  the  bissextile.  But,  in  our  almanacks,  instead  of  putting  this  twenty- 
fourth  day  of  February  twice  in  the  said  leap-year,  we  number  on  the  days  as 

1  Plutiirch.  in  Caesare.  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  43.  p.  227.  Sueton.  in  Julio.  Cicsare,  c.  40.  Plin.  lib.  18.  c.  2.5. 
Censoriiius  de  Die  Natali,  c.  8.  Maerob.  Saturnal.  lib.  ].  c.  J4.  Ammian.  Marcellin.  lib.  26.  c.  1.  Videas 
etiain  Scaligernm,  Petaviiim,  Calvisium,  aliosquechronologos  et  aslronomr.s,  de  hac  re. 

2  For  the  intercalating  of  the  year,  and  the  whole  ordering  of  that  matter,  belonged  to  the  college  of  the 
Pontifices,  of  which  C.-psar,  as  Pontifex  Maximus,  was  the  head. 

3  Plutarch,  in  Osare.  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  43.  p.  227.  Sueton.  in  Julio  CsBsare,  c.  40.  Plin.  lib.  18.  c.  25. 
Censorinus  de  Die  Natali.  c.  8.  Maerob.  Saturnal.  lib.  1.  c.  14.  Ammian.  Marcellin.  lib.  26.  c.  1.  Videaa 
etiam  Scaligerum,  Petavium,  Calvisium,  aliopque  chronologos  et  astronomos,  de  hac  re. 

4  It  is  most  commonly  called  Sextus  Calendas,  t.  e.  Sextus  dies  ante  Calnedas. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  317 

tefore,  so  as,  in  every  such  leap-year,  to  make  that  month  consist  of  twenty- 
nine  days.  6thly,  He  began  this  year  at  the  calends,'  or  first  of  January,  on 
which  all  the  annual  magistrates  of  the  Romans  first  entered  on  their  offices. 
7thly,  This  first  of  January  he  then  fixed  to  the  winter  solstice,^  though  now  it 
hath  overrun  that  time  several  days,  by  reason  that  the  said  Julian  solar  year  is 
eleven  minutes  longer  than  the  natural  solar  year:  for  the  natural  solar  year, 
according  to  the  best  and  most  accurate  observations,  consists  of  no  more  than 
three  hundred  and  sixty-five  days,  five  hours,  and  forty-nine  minutes;  but  the 
Julian,  containing  three  hundred  and  sixty-five  days  and  six  hours,  consists  of 
eleven  minutes  more,  which  in  one  hundred  and  thirty  years  making  a  day, 
this  hath  occasioned,  that,  every  one  hundred  and  thirty  years,  the  first  of 
January  in  the  Julian  calendar  overruns  that  time  of  the  natural  year,  where  it 
was  first  placed,  one  whole  day,  which  is  the  only  fault  that  is  to  be  found  in  this 
foim.  Gregory  XIII.  pope  of  Rome,^  in  the  year  1562,  endeavoured  to  correct 
this  fault,  by  proposing  a  new  form,  which,  from  his  name,  is  called  the  Grego- 
rian; wherein  he  ordained,  that,  in  every  four  centuries,  three  leap-years  should 
be  omitted,  that  is,  one  in  the  beginning  of  each  of  the  three  first  of  them, 
without  making  any  alteration  in  the  fourth.  This,  indeed,  brings  the  matter 
nearer  to  the  truth,  but  doth  not  fully  reach  it.  And  therefore,  it  hath  not  met 
with  such  general  approbation;  but  that  still,  in  all  the  dominions  of  the  king 
of  Great  Britain,  as  well  as  in  some  other  places,  the  Julian  form  is  still  re- 
tained as  the  better  of  the  two.  The  reckoning  by  this  last  is  called  the  Old 
Style,  and  the  reckoning  by  the  other,  the  New.  Sthly,  Caesar,  to  bring  this 
form  into  practice,  besides  the  month  Merkidinus,  which  was  intercalated  in 
February,  added  to  this  present  year  two  other  months  more,  which  he  inserted 
between  the  months  of  November  and  December;  so  that  thereby  he  made 
that  year  to  consist  of  four  hundred  and  forty-five  days,  that  is,  three  hundred 
and  fifty-five  da3's  for  the  ordinary  Roman  year,  twenty-three  for  the  intercalated 
month  Merkidinus,  and  sixty-seven  days  for  the  other  months  added  between 
November  and  December.  All  these  added  together,  made  this  year  the  long- 
est the  Romans  ever  had;  which  putting  many  of  their  affairs  out  of  their  usual 
•order,  hence  it  was  called  by  them  the  year  of  confusion.  In  the  settling  of 
this  matter,  Ceesar  made  use  of  the  assistance  of  Sosigenes,  an  astronomer  of 
Alexandria,  for  the  astronomical  calculation,  and  that  of  Flavins,  a  scribe,  for 
the  forming  and  digesting  of  it  into  a  calendar  according  to  the  Roman  manner, 
that  is,  in  distributing  the  days  of  each  month  into  their  calends,  ides,  and  nones, 
and  affixing  the  festivals,  and  other  solemn  times,  to  the  days  in  which  they 
were  to  be  observed.  But  Caesar  being  slain  soon  after  this,  the  pontifices,  who 
succeeded  in  the  care  of  this  matter,  not  well  understanding  it,  instead  of  making 
the  intercalation  of  the  leap-year,*  after  every  fourth  in  the  beginning  of  the 
fifth,  did  it  after  the  third  in  the  beginning  of  the  fourth,  and  so  it  went  on  for 
thirty-six  years  following;  by  which  means,  twelve  years  having  been  inter- 
calated, or  made  leap-years,  instead  of  nine,  the  error  was  then  perceived; 
whereon  Augustus  Caesar,  then  Roman  emperor,  for  the  bringing  of  this  again 
to  rights,  ordered  that,  for  the  twelve  years  next  ensuing,  no  leap-year  should 
be  at  all  made,  whereby  the  three  supernumerary  days,  which  were  erroneously 
cast  in,  being  again  dropped,  this  form  hath  ever  since  gone  without  any  altera- 
tion, till  that  made  by  Pope  Gregory  XIII.  which  I  have  mentioned. 

An.  45.  Hyrcanus  II.  19.] — In  the  calends  of  January,  Caesar  entered   his 

1  Formerly  the  Roman  year  consisted  of  ten  months,  and  began  from  the  first  of  March;  hence  July  was 
called  ftiiintilis,  and  Aiisnst  Sextilis,  because  they  were  the  fifth  and  sixth  months  in  thai  old  Roman  year; 
and  for  the  same  reason  The  months  of  September,  October,  November,  and  December,  have  their  present 
names,  that  is,  because  they  were  the  seventh,  eighth,  ninth,  and  tenth  months,  in  that  old  Roman  year. 
Nunia  afterward  made  their  year  to  consist  of  twelve  months,  by  adding  January  and  February;  but  this 
made  no  alteration  in  the  names  of  the  other  months.  2  Censorinus. 

3  Spondani  Annales  sub  Anno  158i,  s.  14,  15,  &c.  Videas  etiam  Petavium.Calvisium,  Beverigium,  Strau- 
'chium,  aliosque  chronologos. 

4  Suetonius  in  Augusto,  c.  31.  Plin.  lib.  18.  c.  25.  Solinua  c.  1.  Macrob.  Saternal.  lib.  1.  c.  14.  Videag 
etiam  Salmasii  Exercitationes  in  Solinum,  c.  1. 


318  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

fourth  consulship,'  and  from  thence  began  the  first  Julian  year/  according  to 
the  order  of  reformation  which  he  made  the  year  preceding.  After  this,  Ccesar 
passing  into  Spain, '^  there  vanquished,  in  the  battle  of  Munda,  the  last  remain- 
ders of  Pompey's  party,  slaying  Cneius,  the  eldest  of  his  sons,  and  Labienus 
and  Attius  Varus,  the  chief  supporters  of  that  interest:  whereby,  having  quieted 
that  province,  he  returned  to  Rome  in  the  October  following  with  full  victory; 
and  therefore,  looking  on  the  civil  war  as  now  fully  concluded,  for  the  com- 
posing of  all  matters,-'  and  the  reconciling  to  him,  as  far  as  in  him  lay,  the  minds 
of  all  that  had  been  against  him,  he  issued  out  an  act  of  obhvion  or  general  par- 
don,^ granting  impunity  and  thorough  indemnity  to  all  that  had  acted  against 
him  in  the  late  war.  Hereon  he  was  made  perpetual  dictator,'*  and  had  many 
other  honours  and  powers  granted  to  him,^  whereby  he  had  the  whole  authority 
of  the  Roman  state  put  into  his  hands:  and  so  was  made,  though  not  in  name, 
yet  truly  and  in  effect,  sovereign  prince  of  their  whole  empire. 

In  the  interim,  the  war  in  Syria  went  on;  for  Statius  Murcus,®  who  was  sent 
by  Caesar  to  succeed  Sextus  in  the  presidency  of  Syria,  being  there  arrived, 
joined  Antistius  with  three  legions,  which  he  brought  with  him;  and  thereon, 
they  having  again  shut  up  Bassus  in  Apamea,  renewed  the  siege  of  that  place. 
While  this  siege  was  continued,  both  sides  solicited  the  aid  of  the  neighbouring 
princes  and  cities.''  Alcaudonius,  an  Arab  king,  being  on  this  occasion  sent  to 
by  both  sides,  came  with  all  his  forces,*  and,  planting  himself  between  Apamea 
and  the  camp  of  the  Cesareans  that  covered  the  siege,  offered  himself  by  way 
of  auction  to  that  side  which  would  give  most  for  him,  and  Bassus  having  bidden 
highest,  accordingly  had  him;  and  Pacorus,  with  his  Parthians,  coming  also  to 
his  assistance  about  the  same  time,''  these  two  reinforcements  added  such 
strength  to  him,  that  he  forced  the  Cesareans  again  to  raise  the  siege. 

An.  44.  Hyrcanus  II.  20.] — Cfesar,  on  the  first  day  of  the  next  year,  entered 
on  his  fifth  and  last  consulship;  and  having  then  received  a  request  from  Hyr- 
canus to  permit  him  again  to  repair  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,'"  which  Pompey  had 
caused  to  be  pulled  down,  he  readily  granted  it,  in  consideration  of  the  service 
he  had  done  him  both  in  Egypt  and  Syria;  and  a  decree  was  accordingly 
passed  at  Rome  for  this  purpose;  which  being  carried  to  Jerusalem,  Antipater 
by  virtue  hereof  immediately  set  about  the  work,  whereby  that  city  was  again 
fortified  as  in  former  times.  This,  Josephus  tells  us,  was  done  in  Caesar's  fifth 
consulship;  and  about  the  same  time  it  was  also  decreed  by  the  senate,  that,  in 
honour  of  him,"  the  fifth  month,  hitherto  called  Quintilis,  should  thenceforth  be 
called  Julius,  from  his  name,  which  is  our  English  July. 

Caesar'^  had  for  his  colleague,  in  this  year's  consulship,  M.  Antony;  but  in- 
tending a  war  against  the  Parthians,  for  the  revenging  the  death  of  Crassus,  and 
the  Romans  slain  with  him  at  the  battle  of  Carrhje,  he  resigned  his  own  consul- 
ship, and  substituted  in  his  stead  Publius  Cornelius  Dolabella,"  a  young  man 
of  twenty-five  years  of  age,'*  who  had  married  TuUia,  the  daughter  of  Cicero. 
But  when  all  things  were  ready  for  this  expedition,  on  the  ides  of  March,  i.  e. 
the  fifteenth  of  that  month,  four  days  before  he  intended  to  set  out  on  it,  he  was 
murdered  in  the  senate-house,''^  by  a  conspiracy  of  senators.  This  was  a  most 
base  and  villanous  act;  and  was  the  more  so,  in  that  the  prime  authors  of  it, 
Marcus  Brutus,  Decimus  Brutus,  Cassius,  and  Trebonius,  and  some  others  of 

1  Censorinus  de  Die  Niitali,  c.  8. 

2  Plutarch,  in  Cassare.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  43.    Hirtiiis  de  Bello  Hispaniensi  Lucan,  &c. 

3  Vellelus  Palercnlus,  lib.  2.  c.  56.  4  Epitome  Livii,  lib.  116.    Plutarch.  inCaesare. 

5  Plutarch,  ibid,  et  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  43. 

6  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  17.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  8.     Appian  de  Beliis  Civilibus,  lib  3,  4.    Vel- 
leius  Palercnlus,  lib.  2.  c.  61). 

7  Slrabo,  lib.  16.  p.  752.  8  Dion  Cassius.  lib.  47.    Strabo,  ibid. 

9  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  47.    Cicero  ad  Atticum,  lib.  14.  ep.  9.  10  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  17. 

11  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  44.  Appian.  de  Beliis  Civilibus,  lib.  2.  Macrob.  Saturnal.  Jib.  1.  c.  12.  Censorinus  de 
Die  Natali.  c.  9. 

12  Plutarch,  in  Caesare,  Bruto,  Cicerone,  et  Antonio.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  43.    Cicero  in  Philippicis. 

13  Appian.de  Beliis  Civilibus,  lib.  2.  Velleius  Paterculus,  lib.  2.  c.  58.  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  42.  p.  200.  et  lib. 
33.  in  fine.  14  Plutarch,  in  Cicerone. 

15  Plutarch,  in  CiEsare.  Antonio,  Bruto.  et  Cicerone.  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  44.  Sueton.  in  Julio  Ctesare,  cap. 
80,81,&c.    Epit.  Livii,  lib.  U6.    L.  Florus,  lib.  4.  c.  2.     Appian.  de  Beliis  Civilibus,  lib.  2. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  319 

them,  were  such  as  Caesar  had  in  the  highest  manner  obUged;  yet  it  was  exe- 
cuted under  the  notion  of  a  high  heroic  virtue,  in  thus  freeing  their  country 
from  one  whom  they  called  a  tyrant;  and  there  are  not  wanting  such  as  are 
ready,  even  in  our  days,  to  applaud  the  act.  But  divine  justice  declared  itself 
otherwise  in  this  matter:  for  it  pursued  every  one  of  them  that  were  concerned 
herein  with  such  a  just  and  remarkable  revenge,'  that  they  were  every  man  of 
them  cut  off  in  a  short  time  after  in  a  violent  manner,  either  by  their  own  or 
other  men's  hands.  Caesarwas  a  very  extraordinary  person,^  of  great  parts,  polite 
literature,  and  thorough  abilities  in  all  the  arts  of  war  and  civil  government,  and  of 
equal  diligence  and  application  in  the  use  and  pursuit  of  both.  However  many  of 
his  enterprises  being  entered  upon  with  great  rashness,  this  abundantly  proves, 
that  he  owed  the  success  which  he  had  in  them  only  to  an  overruling  power  of 
Providence  on  his  side;  which  having  set  him  up  as  a  fit  instrument  for  the  work 
which  he  brought  to  pass,  carried  him  through  all  dangers  and  hazards,  to  the 
fuU  accomplishing  of  it;  and  after  that,  when  there  was  no  more  for  him  to  do, 
cast  him  off  to  perish  like  a  rod,  which  is  thrown  into  the  tire  when  no  more  to 
be  used.  The  work  was  God's;  but  it  being  malice  and  ambition  that  excited 
him  to  be  the  instrument  in  the  execution  of  it,  he  justly  had  for  the  reward 
thereof  that  destruction  by  which  he  fell.  Having  found,  in  two  or  three  of  his 
attempts,  the  hand  of  Providence  with  him,  he  afterward,  presuming  hereon, 
often  ventured  on  very  hazardous  undertakings,  without  having  any  other  pros- 
pect of  succeeding  in  them  than  from  the  confidence  which  he  had  in  that 
which  he  called  his  good  fortune.  And  he  never  failed  in  any  of  them:  for  he 
fought  fifty  battles  without  missing  of  success  in  any  of  them,^  unless  at  Pharus, 
where  he  swam  for  his  life,  and  once  at  Dyrrachium.  And  in  these  battles  he 
is  said  to  have  slain  one  million  one  hundred  and  ninety-two  thousand  men; 
which  sufficiently  proves  him  to  have  been  a  terrible  scourge  in  the  hand  of 
God  for  the  punishment  of  the  wickedness  of  that  age  in  Avhich  he  lived;  and 
consequently  he  is  to  be  reputed  the  greatest  pest  and  plague  that  mankind 
then  had  therein.  But  notwithstanding  this,  his  actions  have  with  many  ac- 
quired great  glory  to  his  name;  whereas  true  glory  is  due  only  to  those  who 
benefit,  not  to  those  who  destroy  mankind. 

The  murder  of  Cassar  was  followed  with  great  confusions  and  disturbances 
all  over  the  Roman  empire.'*  Antony  being  consul,*  headed  the  Ccesarean  par- 
ty, and  by  an  oration  made  at  Ceesar's  funeral,"  so  far  excited  the  people  against 
the  murderers,  that  they  were  all  forced  to  leave  Rome;  and  Antony  governed 
all  there  till  Octavius  arrived.  This  Octavius  was  the  son  of  Caius  Octavius,® 
by  Attia,  the  daughter  of  Julia,  sister  of  Julius  Caesar;  and  therefore,  he  being 
his  nephew,  and  nearest  male  relation,'  he  adopted  him  for  his  soa,  and  by  his 
will  made  him  heir  to  three  quarters  of  his  estate,^  giving  the  other  quarter  to 
two  others  of  his  relations.  Intending  to  carry  with  him  to  the  Parthian  war,^ 
he  had  sent  him  before  to  Apollonia,  on  the  other  side  the  Adriatic,  to  head  his 
army,  which  he  had  there  provided  for  that  expedition,  till  he  himself  should 
arrive  to  march  forward  with  them  for  the  prosecuting  of  it.  And  there  he  had 
been  six  months,''  when  his  uncle  was  murdered.  On  his  hearing  of  it,'°  he 
immediately  passed  over  to  Brundusium,  in  Italy,  and  as  soon  as  he  was  landed 
there,'"  declaring  himself  the  adopted  son  and  heir  of  Julius  Caesar,  instead  of 
the  name  of  Caius  Octavius,  which  he  had  hitherto  gone  by,  he  called  himself 
Caius  Julius  Caesar  Octavianus;  and  by  this  name  he  was  afterward  known,  till 
that  of  Augustus,  which  was  given  him  after  his  victory  at  Actium,  swallowed 

1  Plutarch,  in  Caesare.  2  Plinius,  lib.  7.  c.  25.     Plutarcliiis  in  CaEsare.  3  Plin.  lib.  7.  c.25. 

4  Plutarcli.  in  Cssare,  Antonio,  Briito,  et  Cicerone.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  44,  45. 

5  Plutarch,  in  Csesare.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  45.     Suetonius  in  Julio  Caesare,  c.  83,  84,  &.C. 

6  Suetonius  in  Augusto.     Dion  Cassius,  lib.  45.  in  initio. 

7  Suetonius  in  Julio  CiEsare,  c.  83.     Plutarchus  in  Cicerone. 

8  Plutarchus  in  Anton,  et  Bruto.    Sueton.  in  Augusto,  c.  8.     Epit.  Livii,  lib.  17. 

9  Appian.  de  Bellis  Civilibus,  lib.  3.  p.  531. 

10  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  45.      Appian.  de  Bellis  Civilibus,  lib.  3.  p.  531.    Epitome  Livii,  lib.  117.    Julius  Obse- 
quens  de  Prodigiis. 


320  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

all  the  rest.  The  name  of  Csesar,  immediately  on  his  assuming  of  it,  drew  to 
him  the  soldiery,  and  most  of  the  others  that  had  been  of  his  uncle's  party; 
and  therefore,  as  he  passed  from  thence  to  Rome,  was  he  accompanied  with  a 
very  numerous  attendance;  and  all  the  way  as  he  went  others  continually 
flocked  in  to  them  to  show  their  respects  to  him.  He  came  to  Naples  on  the 
first  of  May;'  from  thence  approaching  Rome,^  he  was  met  and  conducted 
thither  by  vast  numbers  of  the  Roman  people.  The  next  morning,^  getting 
about  him  a  great  many  of  his  friends,  he  presented  himself  before  the  tribu- 
nal of  Caius  Antonius,  the  brother  of  Marcus,  then  preetor  of  the  city,  and  there 
declared  before  him,  according  to  the  Roman  law  and  usage  in  this  case,  his 
acceptance  of  his  uncle's  adoption,  and  had  it  registered  among  the  public  acts 
of  the  city.  Hereon  taking  upon  him  the  executing  of  his  uncle's  will,  by 
which  he  was  made  his  heir,''  a  controversy  arose  between  him  and  Antony, 
about  some  part  of  the  deceased's  estate,  which  the  latter  thought  to  have  swal- 
lowed; but  their  main  contest  was,  which  of  them  should  succeed  Csesar  in  his 
power  and  interest;  concerning  which,  each  having  put  himself  upon  the  ut- 
most struggle,  the  adopted  son  carried  it  against  the  other,  both  in  the  favour 
of  the  people,  and  the  number  of  the  soldiery  that  resorted  to  him.  Whereon 
Antony  was  forced  to  quit  Rome,*  and  leave  Octavianus  in  the  sole  mastery 
there,  both  of  the  senate  and  people;  which  management,  in  thus  outwitting 
one  who  had  been  so  long  experienced  in  all  the  affairs  both  of  peace  and  war, 
was  a  great  instance  of  wisdom  in  so  young  a  man,  he  being  then  no  more  than 
eighteen  years  old,  and  going  of  the  nineteenth.  For  he  was  born  on  the  ninth 
of  the  calends  of  October,®  i.  e.  September  the  twenty-third,  in  the  year  before 
Christ  63,  and  therefore  did  not  complete  the  nineteenth  year  of  his  age  till  the 
twenty-third  of  September  in  this  year.  Antony  finding  he  could  not,^  with 
the  utmost  of  his  endeavours,  make  himself  strong  enough  to  overpower  Octa- 
vianus, either  in  Rome  or  Italy,  marched  with  all  the  forces  he  could  get  toge- 
ther into  Galia  Cisalpina,  with  design  to  dispossess  Decimus  Brutus  of  that  pro- 
vince, who  Avas  lately  vested  in  it  by  a  decree  of  the  senate,  and  seize  it  to 
himself.  This  produced  the  siege  and  Battle  of  Mutina,  now  called  Modena, 
of  which  an  account  will  be  given  among  the  actions  of  the  next  year. 

In  the  interim,"  Q.  Martins  Crispus  coming  out  of  Bythynia  with  three  legions 
of  soldiers  to  the  assistance  of  Marcus,  the  siege  of  Apamea  was  the  third  time 
renewed  and  carried  on,  till  Cassius  came  and  put  a  stop  to  it.  Coesar,®  a  little 
before  his  death,  had  appointed  Cornificius  to  go  into  Syria,  and  take  on  him 
that  government;  but  afterward  Dolabella,  who  succeeded  Caesar  in  his  consul- 
ship, had  it  assigned  to  him  by  the  senate,'"  and  Cornificius  was  sent  into  Africa." 
But  Cassius  getting  into  Syria  before  Dolabella,'^  seized  that  province  by  violence: 
for  finding  that  the  Cesareans  prevailed  in  Italy,  he  and  Brutus  left  that  coun- 
try, and  retired  to  Athens;  where  resolving  on  a  new  war  with  the  Caesareans, 
in  order  to  raise  money  and  forces  for  it,  Brutus  seized  Greece  and  Macedonia, 
and  Cassius  Cilicia,  Syria,  and  the  east. 

^n.  43.  Hyrcanus  II.  21.] — Hirtius  and  Pansa,  being  the  consuls  for  the  en- 
suing year,'^  entered  on  their  office  on  the  first  of  January;  and  Marc  Antony 
being  declared  by  the  senate  a  public  enemy,  because  of  the  war  which  he  had 

1  Cicero  ad  Atticum,  lib.  14.  ep.  10. 

2  Appian.  de  Bellis  Civilibiis,  lib.  3.  p.  531.    Velleius  Paterculus,  lib.  2.  c.  59. 

3  Appian.  de  Bellis  Civilibiis,  lib.  3.  p.  534. 

4  Plutarch,  in  Antonio  et Cicerone.  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  45.  Appian  de  Bellis  Civilibus,  lib.  3.  p.  534.  Epit. 
Livii,  lib.  117. 

5  Plutarch.  Appian.  et  Dinn  Cassius,  lib.  45.    Appian.de  Bellis  Civilibus,  lib.  3.  p.  534.    Epit.  Livii,  lib.  117. 

6  Suetonius  in  Augusto,  c.  5.     Aulus  Gelliua,  lib.  15.  c.  7.     Dion  Cassius,  lib.  56.  p.  590. 

7  Plutarch,  in  Antonio  et  Cicerone.  Cicero  in  Philippicis.  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  45.  L.  Florus,  lib.  4.  c.  4. 
Appian.  de  Bellis  Civilibus,  lib.  3. 

8  Appian.  ibid.    DionCassiua,  lib.  47.  p.  343.  9  Cicero  ad  Familiares,  lib.  12.  ep  18,  19. 

10  Plutarch,  in  Cicerone.     Dion  Cassius,  lib.  45.  p.  277.     Appian.  lib.  3.  p.  530,  531.  550. 

11  Appian.  de  Bellis  Civilibus,  lib.  4.  p.  60.    Cicero  ad  Familiares,  lib.  12.  ep.  21. 

12  Plutarch,  in  Antonio  et  Bruto.  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  18.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  9.  Appian. 
de  Bellis  Civilibus,  lib.  3,  4.     Dion  Cassius,  lib.  47.  p.  339. 

13  L.  Florus,  lib.  4.  c.  4.  Dion.  Cassius.  lib.  45.  Plutarchusin  Cicerone  et  Antonio.  Cicero  in  Philippicis. 
Appian.  de  Bullis  Civilibus,  lib.  3.  p.  558,  559,  &c. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  321 

made  upon  Decimus  Brutus,  and  of  his  besieging  him  in  Mutina,  both  the  con- 
suls and  Octavianus  in  commission  with  them,  were  sent  to  his  relief  for  the 
raising  of  that  siege,  in  the  attempting  whereof,  a  great  battle  being  fought,  one 
of  the  consuls  was  slain,  and  the  other  mortally  wounded  in  it:  however,  the 
victory  being  on  their  side,  Octavianus,  who  survived,  reaped  the  whole  benefit 
of  it:  for  hereby  he  got  the  whole  army  under  his  sole  command,  and  so  far  dis- 
tressed Antony,'  that  he  was  forced,  in  a  very  broken  and  abject  condition,  to 
flee  over  the  Alps  into  Gallia  Transalpina.  But  being  there  received  by  the 
Roman  army,  which  Lepidus  commanded  in  that  province,  this  brought  Octa- 
vianus to  an  agreement  with  him;  by  which  a  new  triumvirate  being  erected, '^ 
the  three  generals,  that  is,  M.  Antonius,  Lepidus,  and  Octavianus,  divided  the 
Roman  empire  between  them.  Hence  followed  the  proscription  of  many  a  no- 
ble Roman,  among  whom,  by  order  of  M.  Antony,  perished  Cicero,  prince  of 
the  Roman  eloquence.  That  which  influenced  them  most  to  the  making  of  this 
agreement,  were  the  preparations  which  M.  Brutus  and  Cassius  were  making 
for  a  new  war,  which  made  it  necessary  for  all  the  Caesarean  party^to  unite  for 
their  common  defence:  for  Brutus  having  made  himself  master  of  Greece  and 
Macedonia,  and  Cassius  of  Cilicia,  Syria,  and  Palestine,  they  had  each  of  them 
gotten  together  great  armies  in  those  countries;  Brutus  having  mustered  eight 
legions  in  Macedonia,^  and  Cassius  twelve  in  Syria;'*  and  therefore,  the  forces 
of  both,  when  united,  made  an  army  of  twenty  legions. 

Cassius,  on  his  arrival  in  Syria,^  found  Murcus  and  Marcius  Crispus  at  the 
siege  of  Apamea.  On  his  coming  thither  they  both  joined  him  with  all  their 
forces,  and  Bassus's  soldiers  compelled  him  to  do  the  same;  whereon  the  city 
being  surrendered  on  terms,  an  end  was  put  to  this  siege,  and  Cassius,  by  the 
addition  of  these  three  armies,  made  up  his  forces  to  the  number  of  eight  le- 
gions. Being  thus  strengthened,  he  soon  brought  all  Syria  to  submit  to  him;  and 
they  did  it  the  more  willingly,  because  of  the  great  reputation  he  had  among 
them  for  his  saving  that  country  from  the  Parthians,^  after  the  overthrow  of 
Crassus  at  Carrhae.  Marcus,®  heartily  embracing  the  same  interest  with  Cas- 
sius, was  continued  by  him  in  the  government  of  Syria,  and  was  also  made  the 
admiral  of  his  fleet;  but  Crispus  and  Bassus,  not  caring  to  engage  in  this  war, 
were  permitted  quietly  to  retire.  From  Syria,  Cassius  passed  into  Phoenicia  and 
Judea,'  and,  without  any  difficulty,  secured  to  him  the  possession  of  both  these 
countries.  While  he  lay  there,'*  Alienus,  one  of  Dolabella's  lieutenants,  was 
marching  through  Palestine  with  four  legions,  sent  by  Cleopatra,  queen  of 
Egypt,  to  the  assistance  of  Dolabella;  Cassius,  hearing  hereof,  got  them  at  an  ad- 
vantage, and,  having  surrounded  them  with  double  their  number,  forced  them  aU 
to  come  over  to  him,  and  hereby  made  up  the  twelve  legions  of  which  his  army 
consisted.  For  the  maintaining  of  so  numerous  a  body  of  men,^  he  was  forced 
to  lay  heavy  contributions  on  the  country,  and  Judea  being  for  this  purpose 
taxed  at  seven  hundred  talents,  Antipater,  whose  wisdom  Avas  never  wanting 
for  the  peace  and  welfare  of  that  country,  took  speedy  care  for  the  answering 
of  this  sum,  committing  it  to  the  charge  of  his  two  sons,  Phasael  and  Herod, 
and  of  Malichus,  and  some  others,  forthwith  to  raise  the  sum,  and  assigning  to 
each  of  them  their  proper  districts  for  this  end.  Herod,  being  the  first  that 
brought  in  his  quota,  thereby  veiy  much  recommended  himself  to  the  favour  of 
Cassius.  But  Gophna,  Emmaus,  Lydda,  Thamna,  and  some  other  cities  of  Ju- 
dea, being  found  tardy  herein,  Cassius  caused  all  the  inhabitants  to  be  sold  by 
auction  for  the  raising  of  the  money;  and  Malichus  had  like  to  have  been  put 

1  Plutarch,  in  Aiitonin  et  Cicerone. 

2  Ibiii.  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  4().  Appian.  de  BellisCivilibus,  lib.  4.  Epitome  Livii,  lib.  120.  L.  Florus,  lib.4.  c  6. 

3  Appian.  de  BellisCivilibus,  lib.  4.  p.  fi32. 

4  For  he  received  three  lecions  from  Murcus,  three  from  Crispus,  two  from  Bassus,  and  four  from  Alienus. 

5  Cicero  ad  Familiaris,  lib.  12.  ep.  11, 12,  and  eum  a  Cassio  missis.     Appian.  de  Bellis  Civilibus,  lib.  3.  p. 
576.  et  lib.  4.  p.  623.     Dion  Cassius,  lib.  47.    Strabo,  lib.  16.  p.  752,  753.        6  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  47.  p.  339.  343. 

7  Joseph.  Aiitiq.  lib.  14.  c.  18.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  9. 

8  Cicero  ad  Familiares,  lib.  12.  ep.  il,  12.     Appian.  lib.  3.  p.  576. el  lib.  4.  p.  633,  624. 

9  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  18.  ct  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.9. 

Vol.  II.— 41 


322  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

to  death  by  Cassius  for  his  failure  in  this  matter,  but  that  Hyrcanus  sent  to  Cas- 
sius  a  hundred  talents  out  of  his  own  coffers  to  redeem  him  from  it.  In  the  in- 
terim,' Dolabella,  after  a  long  stay  in  the  Proper  Asia,  for  the  exacting  of  con- 
tributions in  those  parts,  passed  into  Cilicia,  there  seized  Tarsus,  and  thence 
marched  into  Syria,-  and  would  have  entered  Antioch  as  governor  of  the  pro- 
vince; but  being  repulsed  thence,  he  took  possession  of  Laodicea,  where  the 
inhabitants  voluntarily  called  him.  Cassius  and  Marcus  hearing  of  this,  has- 
tened thither  to  suppress  him,  leaving  Herod  in  the  government  of  Ccele-Syria.'* 
On  their  arrival  at  Laodicea,^  Cassius  with  the  army  invested  the  place  by  land, 
and  Murcus  with  the  fleet  by  sea;  whereby  they  so  distressed  Dolabella,  that  at 
last,  having  taken  the  place,  they  left  him,  and  the  chief  heads  of  his  party,  no 
other  way  of  escaping  falling  into  their  hands  but  by  putting  an  end  to  their 
lives,*  as  some  of  them  did  by  their  own,  and  others  by  their  servants'  hands. 
As  to  the  rest  of  his  followers,  Cassius  listed  them  among  his  legions,  and  so 
did  put  an  end  to  this  war. 

While  this  was  doing  in  Syria,  Malichus  was  acting  a  very  wicked  and  un- 
grateful part  toward  Antipater  in  Judea.  He  and  Antipater®  had  long  been  the 
chief  supporters  of  Hyrcanus's  interest  in  Judea  against  Aristobulus  and  his 
sons,  and,  next  Antipater,  he  was  of  the  greatest  power  and  authority  in  that 
country  under  the  government  of  Hyrcanus,  and  was  a  very  crafty  busy  man; 
but  not  being  contented  to  be  the  second  man  next  the  prince,"  he  would  fain 
have  been  the  first,  and  that  especially  since  he  was  a  natural  Jew,  and  the 
other  only  an  Idumsean;  and  therefore,  for  the  accomphshing  of  this  design,  he 
laid  a  plot  against  the  life  of  Antipater,  concluding,  that  if  he  were  removed, 
the  prime  administration  of  all  affairs  in  Judea  would  of  course  fall  into  his 
hands.  Antipater,  having  gotten  some  notion  of  his  treacherous  projections, 
made  preparations  against  them.  But  Malichus,  coming  to  him,  did  in  so  crafty 
a  manner,  with  oaths  and  protestations,  deny  the  matter,  that  he  fully  persuaded 
both  Antipater  and  his  sons  into  a  belief  of  his  innocency,  and  a  reconciliation 
was  made  between  them.  And  whereas  Murcus,  on  his  having  received  some 
account  of  this  man's  innovating  and  factious  designs,  intended  to  have  put  him 
to  death  for  them,  he  owed  it  to  the  intercession  of  Antipater  that  he  was  de- 
livered from  this  danger.  But,  notwithstanding  this  obligation,  his  ambition  still 
hurrying  him  on  wicked  designs,^  he  took  the  opportunity  of  Antipater's  dining 
one  day  with  Hyrcanus,  to  bribe  the  butler  to  give  him  poison  in  his  wine,  of 
which  he  died:  and  Malichus,  immediately  thereon,  wdth  an  armed  force, 
seized  the  government  of  Jerusalem.  However,  he  still  endeavoured  to  persuade 
Phasaelus  and  Herod  that  he  was  wholly  innocent  as  to  this  matter.  Herod, 
having  great  indignation  against  him  for  this  villanous  act,  would  immediately 
by  open  force  have  revenged  it  upon  him.  But  Phasaelus  being  of  opinion 
rather  to  execute  their  revenge  by  craft  and  stratagem,  lest  otherwise  they 
should  run  the  nation  into  a  civil  war,  Herod  submitted  hereto:  and  therefore 
both  of  them,  dissembling  their  resentments,  carried  themselves  toward  him  as 
if  they  believed  all  he  said.  In  the  mean  time  Cassius,®  being  informed  by 
Herod  of  the  manner  of  Antipater's  death,  gave  him  leave  to  revenge  it  on  the 
murderer,  and  sent  his  orders  to  the  commanders  of  his  forces  at  Tyre  to  be  as- 
sisting to  him  herein.  On  Cassius's  taking  Laodicea,  all  the  princes  and  chief 
lords  of  Syria  and  Palestine  hastened  thither  with  their  congratulations  and 
presents;  and  Hyrcanus,  with  Malichus  and  Herod,  being  upon  the  road  for 
the  same  purpose,  on  their  drawing  near  to  Tyre,  where  they  were  to  lodge 
that  night,  Herod  invited  all  the  company  to  sup  with  him,  and  sending  his 
servants  before,  under  pretence  of  providing  the  supper,  by  them  communi- 

1  Dion  Cassiiip,  \\h.  47.  p.  3-14. 

2  Ibid.    Ijeiiiuliis  in  Epist.  apud  Ciceronem  ad  Familiares,  lib.  12.  epist.  14,  15.  et  Cassius,  ibid,  epist.  13. 

3  Joseph.  Aiitin.  lib.  14.  c.  18.  4  Dion  Cassius,  ibid.    Appian.  de  Bellis  Civilibus,  lib.  4.. 
5  Appian.  do  Rdlis  Civilibus,  lib.  4.  p.  025.  6  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  10. 

7  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c,  18,  el  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  9,  8  Joseph,  ibid.  c.  19.  ibid. 

9  Joseph,  ibid,  c,  20,  ibid. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  323 

tated  Cassius's  orders  to  the  commanders  of  the  Roman  garrison  in  that  city; 
and  accordingly  a  party  of  armed  men  being  sent  out  by  them,  fell  on  Malichus 
as  he  approached  that  place,  and  slew  him.  Had  he  come  safe  to  Tyre,  his  de- 
sign was  by  stealth  to  have  gotten  away  his  son,  who  was  there  a  hostage,  and 
then  to  have  returned  into  Judea,  and  there  excited  the  Jews  to  a  revolt,  and, 
while  the  Romans  were  embroiled  in  the  wars  among  themselves,  to  havei 
seized  the  country,  and  made  himself  king.  But  Herod's  plot  against  him,  being 
the  better  laid  of  the  two,  took  place  for  the  defeating  of  all  that  he  had  thus 
projected.  And  thus  it  often  happens,  that,  when  crafty  men  lay  designs  for 
wdcked  ends,  they  meet  with  others  as  crafty  and  wicked  as  themselves  to  turn 
the  plot  on  their  own  heads. 

An.  4"2.  Hijrcanus  H.  22.] — Cassius,  having  several  times  sent  to  Cleopatra, 
queen  of  Egypt  for  her  assistance,'  and  being  as  often  denied,  and  hearing  also 
that  she  was  sending,  on  the  other  side,  ships  to  the  aid  of  the  triumvirs,  re- 
solved to  make  war  upon  her.  Caesar  had  made  her  queen  after  the  Alexan- 
drian war,  and,  for  form's  sake,  joined  her  brother,  a  lad  of  eleven  years  old, 
in  copartnership  with  her;  but  the  whole  power,  by  reason  of  this  minority  of 
the  young  prince,  was  in  her;  and  so  it  continued,  till  the  last  preceding  year; 
but  then  the  young  king  being  grown  up  to  be  fifteen  years  old,  and  thereby 
become  capable  of  sharing  the  royal  authority,  as  well  as  the  name,  she  made 
him  away  by  poison,^  and  at  this  time  reigned  alone  in  Egypt;  and,  since  she 
had  received  her  crown  by  the  favour  of  Caesar,  it  was  a  generous  gratitude  in 
her  not  to  send  any  aid  to  his  murderer;  and  hereby  she  drew  the  anger  of 
■Cassius  upon  her.^  But  as  he  was  on  his  way  to  invade  her,  he  was  called  back 
by  Brutus,''  who,  by  letters  after  letters,  pressed  him  to  come  and  join  him 
against  the  triumvirs.  For  they  had  now  gotten  together  an  army  of  forty 
legions,^  and  had  passed  eight  of  them  over  the  Adriatic,  and  were  following 
with  the  rest  to  fall  upon  him.  Hereon  Cassius,  leaving  a  nephew  of  his  with 
one  legion  to  govern  Syria  in  his  absence,*  marched  with  all  the  rest  toward 
Brutus,  and  joined  him  near  Smyrna  in  the  proper  Asia;*^  where  finding  them- 
selves masters  of  all  from  Macedonia  to  the  Euphrates,  excepting  only  the  Ly- 
cians  and  the  Rhodians,  they  thought  it  not  convenient  to  leave  two  such  potent 
maritime  powers  unsubdued  behind  them.^  And  therefore,  before  they  passed 
any  farther  westward,  Brutus  marched  against  the  Lycians,'^  and  Cassius  sailed 
with  the  fleet  against  the  Rhodians,  and  after  they  had  brought  both  these  peo- 
ple under  them,  they  again  joined  at  Sardis,^  and  from  thence  passed  over  the 
Hellespont,"  with  an  army  of  near  one  hundred  thousand  men,"^  to  fight  Octa- 
vianus  and  Antony,  who  were  come  with  much  more  numerous  forces  into 
Macedonia  against  them."  At  Philippi,'-  a  city  in  that  country  (the  same  to  the 
inhabitants  whereof  St.  Paul  afterward  wrote  one  of  his  Epistles,)  both  armies 
met,  where,  after  a  terrible  battle  fought  between  them,  Caesar's  murderers 
were  vanquished,  and  by  the  just  retribution  of  divine  vengeance  upon  them, 
they  were  both  of  them,  that  is,  Cassius  first,  and  afterward  Brutus,  forced  to 
murder  themselves;  and,  what  was  most  signal  herein,  they  both  did  it  with 
the  same  swords  with  which  they  had  murdered  him.  After  this,  Octavianus  re- 
turned to  Rome,  and  Antony  passed  on  into  Asia  to  settle  the  eastern  pro- 
vinces. These  matters  are  more  fully  related  by  Plutarch  in  the  lives  of  M.  An- 
tonius  and  Brutus,  and  by  Appian,  Dion  Cassius,  and  others;  but  it  not  being 

1  Appian.  de  Rellis  Civilibiis,  lib.  4.  p.  624.  etlib.  5.  p.  675. 

a  Joseph.  Aiitiq.  lib.  15.  c.  4.     Poiphyr.  in  Gnecis  Euseb.  Scaligeri.  3  Appian.  ibid. 

4  Plutarch,  in  Briito.     Appian.  ibid.  5  Appian.  de  BellisCivilibus,  lib.  4.  p.  626. 

6  Plutarch,  in  Bruto.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  47.  p.  345,  346. 

7  Appian.  de  Bollis  Civilibu.=!.  lib.  4.   Dion  Cassiu?,  lib.  47.        8  Plutarch,  in  Bruto.     Dion  Cassius,  lib.  47. 

9  Plutarch,  in  Bruto  et  Antonio.    Appian.  ibid.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  47. 

1  Appian  computes  them  to  have  been  ninety-seven  thousand  horse  and  foot,  besides  other  scattering 
forces  that  followed  them.     Appian  de  Bellis  Civilibus,  lib.  4.  p.  640. 

10  Antony,  in  his  speech  to  the  Asian  Greeks,  at   Ephcsus,  saith  they  were  twenty-eight  legions,  and 
amounted  to  one  hundred  and  seventy  thousand  men.     Appian.  de  Bellis  Civilibus,  lib.  5.  p.  674. 

11  Plutarch,  in  Bruto  et  Antonio.  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  47.  Appian.  de  Bellis  Civilibus,  lib.  4.  L.  Floras, 
«b.  4.  c.  7.    Velleius  Patercul.  lib.  2.  c.  70. 


324  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

my  purpose  to  write  the  Roman  history,  I  meddle  with  it  no  otherwise  than  as  it 
may  serve  to  illustrate  that  of  the  Jews,  which  is  the  main  subject  of  this  work. 

As  soon  as  Cassius  was  gone  out  of  Syria,  the  faction  of  Malichus  at  Jerusalem 
rose  in  arms  to  revenge  his  death  upon  the  sons  of  Antipater;'  and,  having 
gained  on  their  side  Hyrcanus,  and  also  Felix,  the  commander  of  the  Roman 
forces  left  at  Jerusalem,  did  put  all  into  an  uproar  in  that  city;  and,  at  the  same 
time,  a  brother  of  Malichus's  took  possession  of  Massada,  and  several  other  cas- 
tles in  Judea,  by  the  permission  of  Hyrcanus.  Herod  being  then  with  Fabius, 
the  Roman  governor  of  Damascus,  and  there  laid  up  by  sickness,  Phasaelus  was 
forced  alone  to  stand  this  storm,  and  weathered  it  with  full  success.  For  he 
drove  Felix  and  all  of  that  party  out  of  Jerusalem;  and  when  Herod  returned, 
both  brothers  together  soon  mastered  this  faction  every  where  else,  and  recovered 
Massada  again  from  them,  and  all  other  places  which  they  had  taken:  and,  when 
they  had  thus  settled  all  matters  again  in  peace,  they  justly  upbraided  Hyrcanus 
with  ingratitude  in  favouring  the  adverse  faction  against  them,  v/hen  it  was  to 
the  assistance  and  wise  administration  of  Antipater,  their  flither,  that  he  owed 
all  that  he  had.  But  a  match  being  about  this  time  set  on  foot  between  Herod 
and  Mariamne,^  the  grand-daughter  of  Hyrcanus,  that  reconciled  all  differences 
between  them. 

However,  peace  did  not  long  continue.  The  suppressed  faction  soon  revived 
again  under  another  head.  For  they  called  to  them  Antigonus,-'  the  younger 
son  of  Aristobulus,  and,  under  the  pretence  of  restoring  him  to  his  father's  throne, 
raised  new  disturbances  in  the  country.  Aristobulus,  his  father,  and  Alexander, 
his  eldest  brother,  being  dead,  he  as  heir  of  the  family,  claimed  the  kingdom 
which  Aristobulus  had  been  possessed  of;  and  herein  he  was  supported  by  Ma- 
rion, king  of  Tyre,  Fabius,  governor  of  Damascus,  and  Ptolemy,  the  son  of 
MennfBUs,  prince  of  Chalcis:  the  first  of  these  engaged  in  this  cause  out  of  the 
hatred  he  bore  to  Herod;  the  second  for  the  money  which  was  given  to  hire  him 
into  it;  and  the  last  by  reason  of  the  affinity  that  was  between  their  families; 
for  he  had  married  a  sister  of  Antigonus's.  After  Aristobulus  had  been  poi- 
soned by  the  Pompeians,  and  Alexander  his  son  beheaded  at  Antioch,  as  hath 
been  above  related,  and  the  family  was  thereby  brought  to  great  distress,  this 
Ptolemy  the  son  of  MennEeus,  sent  Philippion  his  son  to  Askalon,''  where  the 
widow  of  Aristobulus  was  retired  with  her  remaining  children,  to  bring  them 
all  to  him  to  Chalcis,  proposing  there  to  provide  for  them.  This  he  did  for  the 
sake  of  the  love  with  which  he  was  smitten  for  one  of  the  daughters,  named  Alex- 
andria. But  Philippion  taking  the  same  liking  to  her,  married  her  on  the 
way,  for  which  his  father  put  him  to  death  on  his  return,  and  then  married  her 
himself.  And,  by  reason  of  this  affinity,  he  did  all  he  could  to  promote  the  in- 
terest of  Antigonus;  who,  being  thus  assisted  by  him,*  and  the  others  mentioned, 
got  an  army  into  the  field  for  the  pursuing  of  his  pretensions.  But  Herod  en- 
countering him  on  his  first  entering  Judea,  gave  him  a  total  overthrow,  and  then 
recovering  what  Marion  had  taken  in  Galilee,  he  returned  to  Jerusalem  with 
victory  and  triumph. 

An.  41.  Hyrcanus  H.  23.] — Antony  having,  after  the  victory  of  Philippi,* 
passed  over  into  Asia  to  settle  all  matters  there  in  the  interest  of  the  conquerors, 
exacted  grievous  taxes  and  contributions  in  all  places,  for  the  payment  of  his 
soldiers,  and  the  support  of  the  excessive  luxury  which  he  thenceforth  gave 
himself  up  unto.  Wherever  he  came,  after  his  arrival  in  those  parts,  he  had  his 
chamber  door  every  morning  thronged  at  his  levee  by  kings  and  princes  from 
the  eastern  countries,  or  by  ambassadors  from  others  of  them  to  solicit  his  favour, 
and  several  of  them  brought  with  them  their  wives  and  daughters,  that,  prosti- 
tuting them  to  his  lust,  they  might  thereby  the  better  obtain  their  ends.  Among 
other  ambassadors  that  came  to  him,  there  were  several  of  principal  note  from 

1  Jospph.  Antiq.  lil).  14.  c.  20.  el  de  Bello  Jiidaico,  lib.  1.  c.  10. 

2  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  U.c.  21.  ct  il.-  Bi-lln  Jiidaico,  lib.  1.  c.  10.  3  Ibid.  4  Joseph,  ibid.  c.  )3. 
>5  Ibid.  c.  21.  etde  Belld  Jiidairo,  lib.  I.e.  10. 

«  riuiarcli.  in  Antoiiij.     Oiun  Cassius,  lib.  48.     Appian.  de  Bollis  Civilibus,  lib.  5. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  S^ 

the  nation  of  the  Jews,'  who  were  sent  to  accuse  Phasael  and  Herod  for  usurp- 
ing the  government  from  Hyrcanus,  and  abusing  it  to  their  own  ends.  But 
Herod  being  present,  partly  by  his  money,  and  partly  by  his  interest  with  An- 
tony, obtained,  that  Antony  would  not  hear  them.  For  he  having  received 
great  obligations  from  Antipater  when  he  served  under  Gabinlus  in  Judea,^  for 
his  sake,  much  favoured  his  sons;  and  Herod,  on  this  account,  had  ever  after  a 
very  great  interest  with  him.  Not  long  after,  there  came  to  him  other  ambassa- 
dors out  of  Judea  from  Hyrcanus,^  to  pray  that  the  lands  and  territories,  which 
Cassius  had  taken  from  the  Jews,  might  be  restored,  and  that  all  of  that  nation, 
whom  Cassius  had  unjustly  sold  into  slavery,  might  be  again  set  free:  both  which 
petitions  were  readily  granted.^  At  Tarsus,  Cleopatra,  queen  of  Egypt,  came 
to  him,  being  summoned  to  answer  an  accusation  against  her,  as  if  she  had  fa- 
voured the  interest  of  Cassius.  On  her  arrival  thither,  by  the  charms  of  her 
beauty  and  her  Avit,  she  drew  him  into  those  snares  which  held  him  enslaved 
to  her  as  long  as  he  lived,  and  in  the  end  caused  his  ruin.  On  his  coming  into 
Syria,^  he  deposed  aU  the  tyrants  which  Cassius  had  made  in  that  country. 
For,  on  his  coming  from  thence  to  the  war  against  the  triumvirs  for  the  raising 
of  money  for  the  expenses  of  that  expedition,  he  cantoned  out  the  greatest  part 
of  that  country  into  small  principalities,''  and  sold  them  to  those  who  would  give 
most  for  them;  and  thus"  was  it  that  Marion,  who  hath  been  mentioned,  came  to 
be  king  of  Tyre.'  At  Daphne,  near  Antioch,  one  hundred  of  the  principal 
Jews^  came  to  him  in  another  embassy  with  the  same  complaints  against  the 
sons  of  Antipater  as  the  former.  Antony  now  gave  them  a  hearing;  and  Hyr- 
canus being  present,  he  put  it  to  him  to  declare,  whom  he  thought  the  fittest  to 
manage  the  government  under  him,  to  Avhich  he  answered  in  favour  of  the  two 
brothers;  being  induced  hereto  by  reason  of  the  affinity  which  he  had  newly 
contracted  with  Herod  in  the  espousals  of  his  grand-daughter.  Whereon  Antony, 
being  otherwise  inclined  to  favour  the  two  brothers,  for  the  reason  above  men- 
tioned, made  them  both  tetrarchs,  and  committed  all  the  aifairs  of  Judea  to  their 
administration;  and,  having  imprisoned  fifteen  of  the  ambassadors,  would  have 
put  them  to  death,  but  that  Herod  saved  them  by  his  intercession.  However, 
they  did  not  give  over  their  solicitation.  For,  on  Antony's  coming  to  Tyre,''  in- 
stead of  the  former  hundred,  there  came  thither  a  thousand  to  him  with  the 
same  accusations  against  the  two  brothers,  which  Antony  looking  on  as  a  tu- 
mult, rather  than  an  embassy,  caused  them  to  be  fallen  upon  by  his  soldiers, 
whereon  several  of  them  were  slain,  and  more  wounded. 

Antony,  wanting  money  to  pay  his  army,'°  sent  all  his  horse  to  Palmyra,  to 
take  the  plunder  of  that  city,  instead  of  their  pay.  This  was  an  ancient  city  in 
Syria,  formerly  called  Tadmor.  The  holy  scriptures"  make  mention  of  it  by  this 
name,  and  tell  us,  that  it  was  built  in  the  desert  by  Solomon,  king  of  Israel,'* 
after  his  having  vanquished  and  brought  under  him  the  kingdom  of  Hamath 
Zoba,  in  which  it  was  situated.  When  the  Greeks  became  masters  of  those 
countries,  they  gave  it  the  name  of  Palmyra,'^  which  it  retained  for  several  ages 
after;  and,  under  it,  about  the  middle  of  the  third  century  after  Christ,  grew  fa- 
mous by  being  made  the  seat  of  the  eastern  empire  under  Odenathus  and  Ze- 
nobia.'''  But  when  the  Saracens  became  lords  of  the  east,  they  again  restored 
it  to  the  old  name  of  Tadmor:  and  that  it  hath  ever  since  borne  even  to  this 
day.  But  it  is  now  famous  for  nothing  else  but  its  ruins;  which  are  the  most 
august  that  are  at  present  any  where  to  be  found;'"  and  these  truly  prove  how 
great  the  magnificence,  riches,  and  splendour  of  this  ancient  and  noble  city  was 

I  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  22.  et  de  Bello  Jiidaico,  lib.  1.  c.  10.  'J  Ibid.  3  Ibid. 

4  Plutarch,  in  .intDiiio.  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  48.  Appian  de  Bellis  Civilibus,  lib.  .'>.  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.C.23. 

5  Appian.  de  Beliis  Civilibus,  lib.  5.  p.  G75.  6  Joseph,  de  Bello  Jiidaicn,  lib.  1.  c.  JO. 

7  Joseph,  ibid,  et  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  21.  8  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  21).  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  10. 

9  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  23.  etde  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  10.        '  10  Appian.  de  Bellis  Civilibus,  lib.  5. 

II  1  KinjjsLv.  18.    2  Chron.  viii.  4.  12  2  Chron.  viii.  3.  13  Plin.  lib.  5.  c.  2-5. 

14  Vide  Trebelliuin  Pollionem  in  duobus  Gallienis  et  Flavium  Vopiscumin  Aureliano.  Zosimum,  Zonarani, 
aliosque. 

15  See  an  account  of  them  published  some  time  since  by  the  Royal  Society  in  their  Philosophical  Trans- 
actions, 


326  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  Of* 

in  former  times.  It  is  one  hundred  and  twenty-seven  miles  north  of  Damascus, 
on  this  side  the  Euphrates,  at  the  distance  of  a  day's  journey  from  that  river. 
The  situation  of  it  is  much  hke  what  that  of  Ammonia  in  the  deserts  of  Libya 
is  described  to  have  been.  For  it  is  built  upon  an  island  of  firm  land,'  which 
lies  in  the  midst  of  a  vast  ocean  of  sand  in  sandy  deserts  surrounding  it  on  every 
side.  Its  neighbourhood  to  the  Euphrates  having  placed  it  in  the  confines  of 
two  potent  empires,  that  of  the  Parthians  on  the  east,  and  that  of  the  Romans 
on  the  west;  it  happened  often  that  in  the  times  of  war  they  were  grinded  be- 
tween both.  But,  in  times  of  peace,  they  made  themselves  sufficient  amends 
by  their  commerce  with  each  of  them,^  and  the  great  riches  which  they  gained 
thereby.  For  the  caravans  from  Persia  and  India,  which  now  unload  at  Aleppo, 
did  in  those  times  unload  at  Palmyra,  and  from  thence  the  eastern  commodities 
which  came  over  land,  being  carried  to  the  next  ports  on  the  Mediterranean, 
were  from  thence  transmitted  into  the  west;  and  the  western  commodities  being 
through  the  same  way  brought  from  the  said  ports  to  this  city,  were  there  loaded 
on  the  same  caravans,  and  on  their  return  carried  back  and  dispersed  all  over 
the  east.  So  that  as  Tyre,  and  afterward  Alexandria,  were  the  chief  marts  for 
the  eastern  trade  that  was  carried  on  by  sea,  Palmyra  was  for  some  time  the 
chief  mart  for  so  much  of  that  trade  as^was  carried  on  by  land.  By  the  means 
whereof,  that  place  being  very  much  enriched,  Antony  thought,  with  the  plun- 
der of  it,  to  have  paid  off  his  cavalry;  and,  for  this  purpose  sent  them  thither. 
But  the  Palmyrenians,^  having  timely  notice  of  the  designs,  had,  before  their 
arrival,  removed  all  their  families  and  effects  to  the  other  side  of  the  Euphrates, 
where  the  invaders,  not  being  able  to  come  at  them,  they  were  forced  to  return 
without  the  prey  they  came  for;  and,  on  their  recess,  the  Palmyrenians  came 
back  again  to  their  houses,  and  being  exasperated  by  this  ill  usage,  did  thence- 
forth put  themselves  under  the  protection  of  the  Parthians,  which  became  one 
of  the  principal  causes  of  the  second  Parthian  war. 

Cleopatra^  having  accompanied  Antony  as  far  as  Tyre,  there  took  her  leave 
of  him,  and  returned  into  Egypt,  but  left  him  so  ensnared  in  the  fetters  of 
amour  to  her,  that  he  could  not  stay  long  behind;  and  therefore,*  having  ap- 
pointed Plancus  to  be  his  lieutenant  in  Lesser  Asia,  and  Saxa  in  Syria,  he  made 
haste  after  her-  to  Alexandria,  and  there  spent  the  whole  ensuing  winter  with 
her,^  in  a  most  scandalous  conversation  of  luxury  and  lasciviousness.  In  the 
interim,  all  Syria  and  Palestine*^  being  grievously  oppressed  with  the  taxes  which 
were  imposed  on  them,^  the  Aradians  and  some  others  slew  those  who  were 
sent  to  gather  them,  and  thereon  joined  with  the  Palmyrenians,  and  those  ty- 
rants whom  Antony  had  deposed,*  for  the  calling  in  of  the  Parthians  against 
him,  which  put  the  whole  country  in  the  utmost  misery  and  confusion.  For 
the  Parthians,"  on  this  invitation,  passed  the  Euphrates  with  a  great  army,  under 
the  command  of  Pacoras,  the  king's  son,  and  Labienus,  a  Roman  general  of  the 
Pompeian  party.  This  Labienus  was  the  son  of  Titus  Labienus,'"  who  had  been 
Cfesar's  lieutenant  in  Gallia,  and  one  of  the  chiefest  of  his  friends;  but  after- 
ward going  over  to  Pompey,  became  the  bitterest  of  his  enemies,  and  was  slain 
fighting  against  him  in  the  battle  of  Munda."  His  son  pursuing  the  same  in- 
terest,^'^  was  sent  by  Brutus  and  Cassius,  a  little  before  the  battle  of  Philippi,  in 
an  embassy  to  the  Parthian  king,  to  pray  his  aid  in  that  war;  and  Avas  soliciting 
this  matter  at  the  Parthian  court  when  that  battle  happened;  by  the  ill  success 
whereof,  being  discouraged  from  any  more  returning,^'^  he  continued  in  that 
country,  and  having  prevailed  with  king  Orodes  to  undertake  this  war,^"*  was  sent 

1  riin.  lil).  ,5.  c.  25.  2  Appian.  de  Bellis  Civilibus,  lib.  5.  3  Ibid. 

4  Dion  (Jiissiiis,  lib.  40.     Appinn.  de  Bellis  Civilibus,  lib.  5. 

5  Plutarch,  in  Antonio.     Appian.  ibid.  6  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  40. 

7  Eusphius  in  Chronico.    Dion  Cassius,  ibid.    The  Aradians  were  the  inhabitants  of  the  islands  of  Ara- 
dius  in  Syria.  8  Appian.  ibid. 

9  Appian.  in  Parthicls.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  48.  p.  371.    Plutarch,  in  Antonio.    Epitome  Livii,  lib.  127. 

10  Csesaris  Comment.  Plutarch,  in  Cffsare  et  Pompeio.  11  Hirtius,  in  Comment,  de  Bello  Hispaniensi. 

12  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  48.     I,.  Florus,  lib.  4.  c.  9.    Velleius  Patercul.  lib.  2.  78. 

13  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  48.  p.  371. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT  327 

with  Pacorus,'  the  king's  son,  to  be  under  him  the  chief  commander  in  it.  On 
their  entering  Syria,^  they  vanquished  Saxa  in  battle,  and  forced  him  to  flee 
into  Cilicia,  and,  after  this,  having  divided  the  army  between  them,  Labienus, 
with  one  part  of  it,  pursued  Saxa  into  Cilicia,  and,  having  there  slain  him,* 
overran  all  the  Lesser  Asia;  and  forcing  Plancus  to  flee  thence  into  the  isles, 
brought  all  places  under  him,  as  far  as  the  Hellespont  and  the  iEgean  Sea.  And 
at  the  same  time,  Pacorus,  with  the  other  part  of  his  army,  subdued  all  Syria 
and  Phffinica,^  as  far  as  Tyre,  which  alone  stood  out  against  him.  For  the  re- 
mainder of  the  Roman  forces  in  that  country,  having  gotten  thither  before  him, 
held  out  that  place,  so  that  he  could  not  make  himself  master  of  it. 

An.  40.  Hyrcanus  II.  -^4.] — Antony,^  being  roused  up  by  the  accounts  brought 
him  at  Alexandria,  of  the  ill  state  of  his  aflairs  in  Italy,  as  well  as  in  Syria  and 
Lesser  Asia,  early  in  the  ensuing  spring  took  his  leave  of  Cleopatra,  to  carry  a 
remedy  to  them.  For  in  Italy,"  Fulvia,  his  v/ife,  and  Lucius  Antonius,  his 
brother  (who  had  been  consul  the  preceding  year,)  having,  under  the  pretence 
of  supporting  his  interest,  engaged  in  a  war  against  Octavianus,  were  vanquished 
by  him;  and  after  the  taking  of  Perusia  (where  Lucius  had  suffered  a  long  and 
hard  siege  in  this  cause,')  were  both  driven  out  of  that  country.  And  what  was 
the  state  of  affairs  in  Syria  and  Lesser  Asia  hath  been  related.  For  the  remov- 
ing of  those  evils,  he  first  sailed  to  Tyre;"*  but  on  his  putting  in  there,  finding 
all  the  country  round  in  the  hands  of  the  Parthians,"  and  receiving  also  in  that 
place  lamentable  letters  of  complaint  from  Fulvia,'"  concerning  her  sufferings 
from  Octavianus,  he  neglected  the  foreign  enemy  to  make  war  upon  the  domes- 
tic, and  sailed  into  Italy  with  two  hundred  sail  of  ships  against  Octavianus;  but 
on  his  arrival  thither,  receiving  an  account  that  Fulvia  was  dead  at  Sicyon,"  he 
hearkened  to  the  advice  of  his  friends,  for  the  making  up  of  all  differences  with 
Octavianus,  by  marrying  Octavia  his  sister,  who  had  lately  become  a  widow  by 
the  death  of  Marcellus,  her  former  husband;"  on  which  terms  peace  being  made 
between  them,  they  both  went  together  to  Rome,  and  the  marriage  was  there 
solemnized  with  great  pomp  and  solemnity.  After  this  the  triumvirs  came  to 
a  new  partition  of  the  Roman  empire  between  them,  by  virtue  whereof  Lepidus 
had  the  provinces  of  Africa,  Octavianus  Dalmatia,  the  two  Gallias,  Spain,  and 
Sardinia,  and  Antony  all  the  eastern  province  beyond  the  Adriatic.  And  the 
war  against  the  Parthians  was  committed  to  his  charge,  and  that  against  Sextus 
Pompeius  (who  had  seized  Sicily)  to  Octavianus;  and  Italy,  it  was  agreed,  should 
be  common  to  them  both,  for  the  raising  of  forces  for  these  wars. 

In  the  mean  time,  Labienus  ravaged  all  Lesser  Asia,'-  and  Pacorus,'^  having 
taken  in  Sidon  and  Ptolemais,  sent  a  party  to  invade  Judea,  for  the  making  of 
Antigonus,  the  son  of  Aristobulus,  king  of  that  country.  For  Ptolemy,  the  son 
of  Mennaeus,  prince  of  Chalcis,'*  dying  this  year,'*  Lysanius  his  son,  who  suc- 
ceeded him  in  that  principality,  having  a  great  interest  with  Barzapharnes,  a 
chief  commander  of  the  army  that  followed  Pacorus,  contracted  with  him  in 
the  behalf  of  Antigonus  (to  whom  he  was  allied  in  the  manner  as  hath  been 
above  mentioned,)  that  for  one  thousand  talents,  and  five  hundred  Jewish  wo- 
men, to  be  given  to  the  Parthians  by  Antigonus,  they  should  restore  him  to  his 
father's  kingdom;  which  contract  being  consented  to  and  ratified  by  Pacorus, 
he  sent  from  Ptolemais  a  part  of  his  army  under  the  command  of  his  cupbearer, 

1  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  48.  p.  371.    Appianus  iti  Parthicis.     L.  Floras,  lib.  4.  c.  9. 

2  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  48.     Flonis,  ibid.     Epitome  Livii,  lib.  127.     Velleius  Paterculus,  lib.  2.  c.  75. 

3  Dion  Cassius,  ibid.    Florus,  ibid.     Plutarch,  in  Antonio.     Appian.  in  Syriacis  et  Parthicis,  et  de  Bellis 
Civilibus.  lib.  5. 

4  Dion  Cassius,  ibid.     Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  23.  et  de  Bello  .Tudaico,  lib.  1.  c.  11. 

5  Plutarch,  in  Antonio.     Appian.  de  Bellis  Civilibus,  lib.  5.     Dion  Cassius,  lib.  43. 

6  Plutarch,  ibid.     Dion  Cassius,  Appian.  ibid.     Velleius  Patercul.  lib.  2.  c.  74. 

7  The  place  was  famished  into  a  surrender;  hence  Perusina's  fame  grew  to  be  a  proverb. 

8  Plutarch,  et  Appian.  ibid.  i)  Dion  Cassius,  ibid.  10  Plutarch,  in  Antonio,  lib.  5. 

11  Plutarch,  in  Antonio.     Appian.de  Bellis  Civilibus,  lib.  5.    Livii  Epitome,  lib.  127.     Dion  Cassius,  lib. 
48.  p.  375. 

12  Plutarch,  ibid.     L.  Florus,  lib.  4.  c.  9.     Dion  CJassius,  lib.  48.     Appian.  in  Syriacis  et  Parthicis,  ct  d& 
Bellis  Civilibus,  lib.  5. 

13  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  24.  etde  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  11.  14  Joseph,  ibid.  lib.  14.  c.  23. 
15  Joseph,  ibid.  c.  24.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  11. 


328  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

called  also  Pacoius,  to  put  it  into  execution.  Whereon  Antigonus,  having  got- 
ten together  an  army  of  Jews  from  about  Mount  Carmel  and  elsew^here,  marched 
with  them  into  Judea,  and  the  cupbearer  followed  to  support  him.'  Antigonus 
having  vanquished  in  battle  those  that  first  came  forth  to  oppose  him,  pursued 
them  unto  Jerusalem,  where,  having  gotten  into  the  city,  many  skirmishes  hap- 
pened between  him  and  the  two  brothers;  in  which  the  Antigonians  being 
worsted,  were  forced  to  take  shelter  in  the  mountain  of  the  temple,  and  the 
other  party  seized  the  palace;  and  from  these  tw^o  places,  as  the  head-quarters 
of  the  two  parties,  they  frequently  sallied  upon  each  other;  and  these  hostilities 
were  continued  between  them,  till  the  feast  of  Pentecost,  when  great  numbers 
of  people  coming  to  Jerusalem  from  all  parts  to  this  holy  solemnity,  and  some 
joining  on  one  side,  and  some  on  the  other,  this  produced  such  great  distrac- 
tions, and  such  shedding  of  blood  in  every  part  of  the  city,  as  moved  both  par- 
ties to  think  of  a  composure  of  these  troubles.  Hereon  Antigonus  subdolously 
proposed  the  calling  in  of  the  cupbearer  to  arbitrate  all  differences  between  them 
(for  he  having  followed  Antigonus,  according  to  the  orders  of  his  master,  was 
then  with  his  forces  encamped  without  the  walls  of  the  city:)  which  proposal 
being  accepted  of,  the  cupbearer,  with  five  hundred  of  his  horse,  was  received 
into  Jerusalem,  and  he  taking  his  lodging  at  Phasael's  house,  and  being  there 
kindly  entertained  as  his  guest,  made  use  of  this  opportunity  to  work  his  host 
into  such  a  confidence  in  him,  as  to  be  drawn  by  his  treacherous  persuasions  to 
go  on  an  embassy  to  Barzapharnes  (who  then  governed  Syria  under  Pacorus,) 
as  being  made  believe,  by  this  subtle  Parthian,  that  it  was  the  most  certain  way 
to  gain  such  a  settlement  of  his  affairs  as  would  be  best  to  his  content.  And 
therefore,  taking  Hyrcanus  along  with  him,  he  went  on  this  journey  wholly 
against  the  opinion  of  Herod,  who  having  no  faith  in  the  Parthians,  blamed  his 
brother's  credulity  in  this  matter.  The  cupbearer  conducted  them  on  their  way 
with  part  of  his  horse,  leaving  the  other  part  at  Jerusalem.  When  the  ambas- 
sadors came  into  Galilee,  they  were  met  with  a  guard  from  Barzapharnes  to 
conduct  them  to  him;  and  the  cupbearer  returned  again  to  Jerusalem.  Barza- 
pharnes at  first  received  them  with  an  appearance  of  kindness,  till  he  thought 
the  cupbearer  w'as  returned  again  to  Jerusalem,  and  had  there  seized  Herod 
according  to  the  orders  that  were  given  him.  But  as  soon  as,  by  computing  the 
time,  he  concluded  this  was  done,'-  he  caused  both  Phasael  and  Hyrcanus  to  be 
seized  and  put  into  chains.  Herod  having  timely  inteUigence  hereof,  before  any 
part  of  the  intended  treachery  could  be  executed  upon  him,  got  away  from  Je- 
rusalem in  the  night,  taking  with  him  all  his  family,  and  the  best  of  his  effects, 
and  as  many  soldiers  in  his  pay,  as  he  had  then  at  hand  for  their  guard,  and 
made  the  best  of  his  way  toward  Massada,*  which  was  a  castle  built  on  the  top 
of  a  very  high  mountain,  near  the  west  side  of  the  late  Asphaltites,  and  the 
strongest  fortress  in  all  that  country.  In  his  march  thither,  he  was  several  times 
assaulted,  both  by  the  Parthians  pursuing  him,  and  also  by  the  Jews  of  the  op- 
posite faction;  but  in  all  these  conflicts  he  had  the  better  of  them;  and  having 
more  especially  in  one  of  them,  which  was  fought  with  the  Jews  of  Antigonus's 
party,  at  the  distance  of  about  seven  miles  from  Jerusalem,  gotten  a  more  re- 
markable advantage  than  in  any  of  the  rest,  he  there  afterward  built  a  very  fa- 
mous palace,''  called  Herodium,  in  memory  of  it.  On  his  coming  to  Ressa,  in 
Idumaea,  his  brother  Joseph  met  him  with  such  forces  as  he  could  get  together 
for  his  assistance.  But  on  their  drawing  near  to  Massada,  that  place  not  being 
capable  of  containing  all  the  company,  Herod  dismissed  nine  thousand  of  them. 
Of  the  rest,  he  put  eight  hundred  into  the  castle,  wdth  his  mother,  sister,  and 
the  other  women  of  quality  which  he  brought  with  him  from  Jerusalem;  and 
then,  having  furnished  the  fortress  with  provisions  for  several  months,  and  left 

1  I  choose  to  mention  him  by  this  name,  that  the  reader  may  not  confound  him  with  the  other  PacoruB,. 
the  king's  son. 

2  Joseph.  Antic),  lili.  14.  c.  25.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  11. 

3  See  a  full  description  of  this  fortress  in  Josephus,  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  7.  c.  31.  p.  937,  938. 

4  ITlis  palace  is  described  by  Josephus,  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  16. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  329 

Joseph  in  the  chief  command  of  it,  he  with  the  remainer  of  his  followers,  made 
the  best  of  his  way  for  Petra,  in  Arabia,  where  Malchus  having  succeeded  Are- 
tas,  then  reigned  as  king  of  that  country.  Herod  having  laid  many  obligations 
upon  him  by  former  kindnesses  and  services,  thought  to  have  found  him  his 
friend  in  this  time  of  need;  but  he  being  one  who  like  many  others  would  not 
own  a  friend  in  adversity,  as  soon  as  he  heard  of  Herod's  case,  sent  to  him  to 
depart  his  dominions,  pretending  for  it  the  command  of  the  Parthians.  Hereon 
Herod,  dismissing  most  of  those  who  had  hitherto  followed  him,  went  directly 
for  Egypt;  and  on  his  coming  to  Rhinocorura  in  his  way  thither,  he  there  had 
an  account  of  the  death  of  Phasaei  his  brother. 

For  the  Parthians,'  when  they  found  Herod  gone  from  Jerusalem,  after  hav- 
ing first  plundered  the  place,  and  all  the  country  round,  made  Antigonus,  ac- 
cording as  they  had  agreed  with  him,  king  of  Judea,  and  delivered  Hyrcanus 
and  Phasaei  in  chains  to  him.  Phasaei  knowing  his  death  to  be  determined,  to 
prevent  the  executioner,  beat  out  his  brains  against  the  wall  of  the  prison. 
Hyrcanus's  life  was  spared:  but,  to  incapacitate  him  from  being  any  longer 
high-priest,  Antigonus  caused  his  ears  to  be  cut  off  (for  no  one  was,  according 
to  the  Levitical  law,"  to  be  priest  or  high-priest  among  the  Jews  who  was  not 
perfect  and  whole  in  all  the  parts  and  members  of  his  body,)  and  after  this  de- 
livered him  back  again  to  the  Parthians  to  be  carried  by  them  into  the  east, 
that,  being  so  far  off,  he  might  not  be  in  the  way  to  disturb  him;  and  accord- 
ingly on  their  return  they  carried  him  to  Seleucia,  and  soon  after  there  hap- 
pened a  reason  which  forced  them  to  return  sooner  than  they  intended. 

For  Antony,'  after  his  agreement  with  Octavianus,  having  sent  Ventidius, 
one  of  his  lieutenants,  into  the  east  against  them,  he  managed  this  war  with 
such  success,  as  soon  cleared  all  the  Roman  territories  of  them.  His  passage 
into  Asia  was  with  such  speedy  expedition,*  that,  arriving  thither  much  sooner 
than  expected,  he  surprised  Labienus  with  the  suddenness  of  his  coming,  before 
he  was  prepared  to  withstand  him.  For  he  had  then  none  of  the  Parthian  army 
with  him,  but  only  such  forces  as  were  made  up  of  Roman  deserters,  and  those 
Asiatics  which  he  had  gathered  up  in  Syria,  Phoenicia,  and  Lesser  Asia,  since 
his  coming  over  the  Euphrates.  And  therefore,  not  daring  to  stand  the  approach 
of  a  Roman  army,  he  retreated  before  them  as  fast  as  he  could,  till  he  came  to 
Mount  Taurus,  where  having,  by  the  advantage  of  the  mountains,  encamped  in 
such  a  place  as  secured  him  from  being  forced  to  a  battle,  he  sent  to  Pacorus 
for  assistance:  hereon  an  army  of  Parthians  coming  thither  to  his  aid,  they  had 
the  Romans  in  such  contempt,  because  of  their  former  victories  over  them,  that 
they  engaged  Ventidius,  before  Labienus  could  come  to  join  them;  and  there- 
fore, being  overthrown  in  this  battle,  and  most  of  them  cut  in  pieces,  they  re- 
ceived the  reward  which  was  justly  due  to  their  presumption.  Labienus's  sol- 
diers being  terrified  with  this  defeat  of  the  Parthians,  all  deserted  him  and  fled, 
every  one  shifting  as  well  as  he  could  for  himself:  whereon  Ventidius;  pursu- 
ing after  them,  slew  some  of  them,  and,  having  taken  the  rest,  listed  them 
among  his  forces.  Labienus,  making  his  escape  in  a  disguise,  for  some  time 
skulked  about  Cilicia  from  one  hiding  place  to  another,  tiU  at  length  being  dis- 
covered by  Demetrius  (a  freedman  of  Julius  CtBsar's,  whom  Antony  had  made 
governor  of  Cyprus,)  he  was  taken  and  put  to  death.  After  this  victory,  Ven- 
tidius having  recovered  all  Cilicia,^  marched  on  to  Mount  Amanus,  which 
parted  CiUcia  from  Syria;  where  he  met  another  army  of  Parthians,  who,  under 
the  command  of  Pharnapates,  one  of  Pacorus's  lieutenants,  had  seized  the 
passes  leading  into  Syria,  and  thereby  endeavoured  to  hinder  his  farther  pro- 
gress. But  Ventidius,  falling  on  them,  slew  their  general,  and  gained  a  second 
victory  over  them  as  considerable  as  the  former;  and  then,  without  any  farther 
opposition,  passed  on  into  Syria.     Whereon  Pacorus,"  calling  all  his  forces  to 

1  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  25,  et  de  Bello  Jiidaico,  lib.  1.  c.  11.  2  Levit.  xxi.  16 — 34. 

3  Plutarch,  ia  Antonio.     Appian.  in  Parthicis  et  Bellis  Civilibus,  lib.  5.  4  Dion  Cssius.  lib.  48. 

5  Ibid.     Appian.  in  Parthicis.     Epit.  Livii,  lib.  127.    L.  Florus,  lib.  4.  c.  9.     Plutarch,  in  Antonio. 

6  Dion  Tassms.  et  Appian.  in  Parthicis.    Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  26.  etde  Bello  Judaico.  lib.  1.  c.  12, 

Vol.  H.— 4-2 


330  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

him,  marched  back  with  all  the  haste  he  was  able,  and  repassing  the  Euphrates, 
left  Syria,  and  all  else  on  this  side  that  river,  wholly  to  the  Romans,  and  all 
again  in  those  countries  returned  to  their  former  subjection  to  them,  excepting 
only  the  Aradians,  who,  by  reason  of  their  having  slain  those  that  were  sent 
thither  to  gather  their  taxes,  despairing  of  pardon,  held  out  for  some  time,  till 
they  were  at  length  reduced  by  force  of  arms. 

In  the  interim,'  Herod,  from  Rhinocorura,  went  to  Pelusium,  and  from 
thence  to  Alexandria;  where,  taking  ship,  he  passed  by  the  way  of  Rhodes  and 
Brundusium  to  Rome;  and  there  applying  to  Antony,  acquainted  him  of  the 
lamentable  state  all  his  affairs  in  Judea  were  then  in;  and  earnestly  prayed  his 
aid.  Antony,^  on  the  account  of  the  friendship  which  he  had  first  with  his  fa- 
ther, and  afterward  with  him,  pitied  his  case,  and,  for  the  sake  of  a  great  sum 
of  money  promised,  undertook  to  help  him,  and  did  much  more  for  him  than 
he  expected.  For  whereas  the  utmost  of  his  design  was  to  have  obtained  the 
kingdom  for  Aristobulus,  the  brother  of  Mariamne,  whom  he  had  lately 
espoused,  Avithout  proposing  any  thing  farther  for  his  own  interest,  than  that 
he  might  govern  the  country  under  him  in  the  same  manner  as  Antipater  had 
under  Hyrcanus  his  grandfather;^  Antony  procured,  that  the  crown  was  given 
to  him,  contrary  to  the  custom  of  the  Romans  commonly  practised  by  them  in 
this  case.  For  they  used  not  to  pass  over  the  royal  line  of  any  dependent  king- 
dom, and  grant  the  crown  to  one  that  was  an  alien  to  it.  But  Octavianus  being 
prevailed  with  to  favour  the  design,  partly  to  gratify  Antony,  and  partly  out  of 
gratitude  to  the  family  of  Antipater,  for  the  seasonable  help  brought  by  him  to 
Julius  Cassar  in  Egypt,  their  joint  interest  was  not  to  be  withstood.  And  there- 
fore Messala  and  Atratinus,  two  noble  senators,  having  introduced  Herod  into 
the  senate,  and  there  set  forth  the  merits  of  him  and  his  family  toward  the  Ro- 
man people,  and  the  demerits  of  Antigonus;  and  Antony  having  added,  that  it 
would  be  very  advantageous  to  him  in  his  carrying  on  the  Parthian  war  to  have 
Herod  king  of  Judea,  the  royal  dignity  was  decreed  to  him  by  the  unanimous 
suffrage  of  the  whole  senate,  and  Antigonus  was  declared  an  enemy  to  the  Ro- 
man state.  And,  on  the  rising  of  the  senate,  Herod  Avas  conducted  by  the  con- 
suls and  other  magistrates  up  to  the  Capitol,  Octavianus  going  on  one  side  of 
him,  and  Antony  on  the  other;  and  the  decree  being  there  deposited  among^ 
the  public  records  of  the  state,  he  was  thereon  solemnly  inaugurated  into  the 
kingdom,  according  to  the  Roman  usage.  Having  had  so  good  and  expeditious 
success  in  this  matter,  he  made  aU  the  haste  back  again  into  Judea  that  he  was 
able.  For,  having  tarried  only  seven  days  at  Rome  for  the  despatch  of  thi& 
whole  affair,  he  returned  to  his  ships  at  Brundusium,  and,  sailing  thence  Avith 
the  first  fair  Avind,  he  landed  at  Ptolemais  toward  the  end  of  summer,  so  that 
he  was  not  above  three  months  in  all  this  journey,  both  by  sea  and  land. 

On  his  arrival,  his  first  care  was  to  relieve  his  mother,  sister,  and  other  friends 
that  A\'ere  shut  up  in  Massada.*  For  Antigonus*  had  besieged  them  with  a  close 
siege  ever  since  his  departure,  and  had  once  brought  them  to  so  great  a  distress  for 
Avant  of  water,  that  Joseph  had  resolved  to  attempt  desperately  to  break  through 
the  besiegers,  and  flee  unto  Malchus  in  Arabia:  for  he  had  heard  that  Malchus 
had  repented  of  his  unkindness  to  Herod,  and  was  now  much  better  inclined  to 
him  and  his  party.  But  the  night  before  he  intended  to  have  put  this  design  in 
execution,  there  fell  such  plentiful  shoAvers  of  rain,  as  filled  all  their  cisterns, 
and  thereby  put  them  in  a  capacity  of  holding  out  tiU  Herod  came  and  relieved 
them.  And  to  relieve  them  being  what  he  had  most  at  heart  (especially  for  the 
sake  of  Mariamne,  his  late  betrothed  mistress,  who  was  a  lady  of  the  greatest 
beauty,  and  the  greatest  merit  of  any  of  her  time,)  he  did  all  he  could  to  provide 
for  it.  For,  immediately  on  his  return,  he  set  himself  to  raise  men,  listing  into 
his  service  as  Avell  foreigners  as  Jews;  and  with  those,  and  such  Roman  auxili- 

1  Joseph.  Atitiq.  lib.  14.  c.  25.  et  de  Bello  Jiidaico,  lib.  1.  c.  II.  2  Joseph,  ibid.  c.  20.  et  de  Bello,  ibid. 

3  He  was  the  son  of  Alexandra,  the  dausrhter  ot"  Hyrcanus,  by  Alexander  the  son  of  Aristobulus,  the  bro- 
ther of  Hyrcanus,  so  that  he  had  the  title  of  both  brothers  in  him. 

4  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  J4.  c.27.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  12.  5  Joseph,  ibid.  c.  26.  ibid. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  331 

aries  as  he  received  from  Ventidius  and  Silo  his  lieutenant  in  Palestine,  he 
made  himself  master  of  all  Galilee,  some  few  places  only  excepted.  After  this, 
he  endeavoured  to  get  at  Massada,  but  not  thinking  it  safe  to  leave  so  strong  a 
place  as  Joppa  behind  him  in  the  hands  of  his  enemies,  he  took  in  that  first, 
and  then  proceeding  to  the  place  intended,  and  having  there  raised  the  siege, 
and  received  all  his  friends,  he  took  in  Ressa,  a  strong  fortress  in  Iduma^a;  and 
marching  back,  joined  Silo,  whom  Ventidius  had  left  in  Judea,  for  the  pro- 
moting of  his  interest,  and  encamped  with  him  before  the  walls  of  Jerusalem. 

For  Ventidius,  on  his  having  driven  the  Parthians  out  of  Syria,'  marched 
into  Palestine,  out  of  pretence  to  relieve  Joseph  in  Massada,  but  in  reality  to  get 
as  much  money  as  he  could;  and  therefore,  having  appeared  before  Jerusalem, 
and  thereby  frighted  Antigonus  to  part  with  all  the  money  he  could  get  to- 
gether, for  the  purchasing  of  his  departure,  he  marched  back  into  Syria  with 
the  gross  of  his  army,  leaving  Silo  with  the  rest  in  Judea.  And  with  these  he 
joined  Herod,  but  did  him  more  hurt  than  good.  For  following  the  same  me- 
thod which  Ventidius  had  lately  given  him  an  example  for,  he  managed  this 
war  in  no  other  manner  than  as  it  might  bring  most  money  into  his  own  pocket, 
receiving  great  sums  from  Herod  to  promote  his  interest,  and,  at  the  same  time, 
greater  from  Antigonus  to  hinder  it;  so  that,  playing  booty  on  both  sides,  he 
squeezed  each  of  them  to  the  utmost,  and  truly  served  neither.  He  helped,  He- 
rod, indeed  in  reducing  Joppa,  and,  on  his  return  from  Massada,  went  with  him 
to  the  siege  of  Jerusalem,  but  there  managed  that  matter  so,  that  by  encouraging 
his  soldiers  to  mutiny,  on  pretence  of  wanting  necessaries,  he  made  it  end  only 
,  in  the  sackage  of  Jericho,  to  the  utter  ruin  of  that  place,  and  then  dismissed  the 
army  into  winter-quarters,  which  he  made  Herod  provide  for  them  in  Idumasa, 
Samaria,  and  Galilee. 

This  year  was  born  to  Asinius  Pollio,  consul  of  Rome,  a  son,^  whom,  from  his 
taking  of  Salone,  a  city  in  Dalmatia,  he  called  Saloninus;  on  his  birth,  Virgil 
made  his  fourth  eclogue,  and  therein  attributes  to  him,  what  was  then  generally 
talked,  first  by  the  Jews,  and  afterward  from  them  by  others,  of  the  kingdom  of 
the  Messiah,  who  was  speedily  to  appear,  and  restore  the  righteousness  and  bliss 
-of  the  golden  age  again  to  the  world.  That  Saloninus  was  not  this  person  was 
soon  proved,^  for  he  died  on  the  ninth  day  after  his  birth;  but  what  was  then 
foretold  and  rumoured  abroad  concei'ning  this  matter,  was,  in  less  than  forty 
years  after,  all  fulfilled  in  the  birth  of  our  Saviour.  And  the  kingdom  of  Christ 
would  truly  be  all  that  this  eclogue  describes  it  to  be,  would  men  but  keep  the 
laws  thereof.  Where  all  do  good  to  all,  there  is  heaven;  and  where  all  do  evil 
to  all,  there  is  hell;  and  according  as  the  one  or  the  other  prevails,  so  we  have 
a  heaven  or  a  hell  here  on  earth.  The  law  of  Christ  is  truly  and  exactly  calcu- 
lated for  the  former;  and  were  the  righteousness,  justice,  and  charity,  which  it 
enjoins,  fully  observed,  then  all  would  do  good  to  all,  and  a  state  of  bliss  would 
be  established  among  men  here  on  earth,  next  that  which  is  enjoyed  by  the 
saints  in  heaven.  And  all  that  is  said  of  the  golden  age  by  the  poets,  or  of  the 
kingdom  of  the  Messiah  by  the  prophets  of  Israel,  would  be  truly  verified  in 
this  life;  and  that  it  is  not  so,  is  wholly  owing  to  the  wickedness  of  men, 
who,  by  their  malice,  violence,  and  uncharitableness,  obstruct  what  otherwise 
the  law  of  Christ  would  effect,  and  thereby  introduce  a  hell  instead  of  a  heaven 
among  us. 

An.  39.  Antigonus  1.] — Herod,"  though  he  had  put  Silo's  soldiers  into  winter- 
quarters,  still  kept  the  field  with  his  own;  one  part  of  which  he  sent  into  Idu- 
msea,  under  the  command  of  his  brother  Joseph,  to  secure  all  there  to  his  inter- 
est; with  the  rest  he  marched  to  Samaria,  and  having  there  placed  his  mother, 
sister,  and  all  his  other  friends,  which  he  brought  from  Massada,  under  a  safe 
■guard,  he  passed  on  into  Galilee,  and  there  reduced  Sepphoris,  and  all  other 

1  Joseph.  Antiq  lib.  14.  c.26.  etde  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  12. 

2  Servius  in  Notis  ad  qiiartain  Eclogam  Virgilii.  3  Servius,  ibid,  ad  versum primuni> 
4  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  27.  fit  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  12. 


332  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

places  which  held  for  Antigonus  in  that  country;  and  after  that  betook  himself 
to  rid  it  of  those  bands  of  thieves  and  banditti,  which  at  that  time  very  much 
infested  it.  For  there  being  many  mountains  and  steep  craggy  rocks  in  this 
country,  with  caves  in  them  capable  of  affording  hiding-places  for  great  numbers 
of  this  sort  of  people,  great  numbers  of  them  were  often  found  from  those  dons 
to  make  ravages  and  depredations  in  it,  and  never  more  than  at  this  time.  For 
the  suppressing  of  these,  Herod  marched  with  all  his  forces  against  them,  and 
all  were  scarce  enough:  for  these  robbers,  having  joined  their  forces  together, 
made  such  a  head  against  him,  that  at  first  Herod's  left  wing  was  put  to  the 
rout,  till  he  himself  came  up  in  person  with  other  forces  to  their  rehef;  whereon, 
having  gained  the  victory,  he  pursued  them  as  far  as  the  river  Jordan,  and 
there  drove  them  all  out  of  the  country,  excepting  only  some  few,  who  lurking 
behind,  sheltered  themselves  in  the  caves  and  fastnesses  of  the  mountains* 
After  this  he  gave  his  soldiers  a  donative  of  one  hundred  and  fifty  drachms  a 
man,  and  dismissed  them  into  winter-quarters.  While  they  lay  there,  he  took 
care,  by  the  agency  of  Pheroras,  his  brother,  to  furnish  them  and  also  the  Ro- 
mans under  Silo,  with  plenty  of  provisions;  and  also  took  care,  at  the  same  time, 
by  the  same  person,  for  the  re-edifying  and  new  fortifying  of  the  castle  of  Alex- 
andrium.  And,  as  soon  as  the  season  of  the  year  would  allow  him  to  take  the 
field,  he  marched  again  into  Galilee,  to  rid  it  from  the  remainder  of  those  thieves, 
who  still  infested  that  country  from  the  caves  and  holes  of  the  mountains  where 
they  had  taken  shelter;  but  how  to  come  at  them  was  the  difficulty.  For,  by 
reason  of  the  cragginess  and  steepness  of  those  mountains,  there  was  no  scaling 
them  from  below,  and  to  get  down  to  them  from  above,  by  any  passage,  was  al- 
together as  impracticable;  and  therefore,  to  ferret  them  out  of  their  dens,  he  was 
forced  to  m^ake  certain  chests,  and,  filling  them  with  soldiers,  to  let  them  down 
into  the  entrance  of  those  caves,  by  chains  from  engines  which  he  had  fixed 
above;  by  which  means  having  destroyed  all  that  lurked  in  them,  or  else  reduced 
them  to  terms  of  submission,  he  wholly  quieted  that  country  for  the  present,  and 
marched  to  Samaria,  from  thence  to  make  war  upon  Antigonus.  But  he  was  no 
sooner  gone,  but  those  thieves,  whom  he  had  lately  driven  over  Jordan,  again 
returned,  and  infested  anew  that  country,  slew  Ptolemy,  whom  Herod  had  made 
governor  of  it,  and  began  again  to  ravage  all  round  about  them.  But  Herod,  on 
notice  hereof,  coming  back  again,  soon  made  them  pay  dear  for  it.  For,  ferret- 
ing them  out  of  all  their  hiding  holes,  he  cut  off  the  most  of  them,  destroyed  all 
their  places  of  retreat,  and  deeply  fined  all  of  the  country  that  had  afforded  them 
any  relief  or  countenance;  by  which  necessary  rigour  he  at  length  restored  full 
peace  and  security  to  all  Galilee. 

In  the  interim,'  Antony  was  at  Athens,  there  spending  this  winter  with  his 
new  wife  Octavia,  in  the  same  excesses  of  luxury,  folly,  and  loose  divertise- 
ments,  as  he  had  the  former  with  Cleopatra  at  Alexandria.  While  he  thus  lay 
idle  in  that  place,'  there  came  thither  to  him  an  account  of  the  two  victories 
gained  by  Ventidius  against  the  Parthians;  for  which  he  made  great  rejoicing 
and  feasting  in  that  place.  But  hearing  that  Pacorus  was  making  great  prepa- 
rations for  another  invasion  into  Syria,  he  thought  not  fit  any  longer  to  lie  still 
and  leave  it  to  his  lieutenant  to  reap  all  the  laurels  of  this  war.  And  therefore, 
as  soon  as  the  spring  advanced,  he  left  Athens  with  all  his  forces,  and  marched 
toward  the  east;  but,  before  he  could  get  thither,  Ventidius  had  gained  a  third 
victory,  much  greater  than  the  other  two,'^  whereby  he  seemed  to  have  fully  re- 
venged the  death  of  Crassus,  aiKl  those  that  were  cut  off  with  him  in  the  battle 
of  CarrhfE:  for  the  loss  on  the  Parthians'  side,  at  this  time,  was  altogether  as  sig- 
nal as  that  other  on  the  Romans;  Pacoras  himself,  and  above  twenty  thousand 
of  his  best  men,  being  slain  in  this  overthrow.  The  manner  whereby  it  was 
effected  was  as  followeth: — 

1  Dion  Caspius.  lib.  4H.     Appian.  de  Bellis  Civilibii?,  lib.  5.     Pliitarchus  in  Antonio. 

2  Joseph.  Autiq.  lib.  11.  c  27.  Plutiirchus  in  Antonio.  Appian.  in  Pnrtliicis.  Dion  Cassins,  lib.49.  Strabo, 
lib.  16.  p.  751.     Epitome  Livii,  123.     Justin,  lib.  4ii.  c.  4.     Jnlius  Frontin.  Stratagem,  lib.  1.  c.  1.  et  lib.  2. 

c.  2.     Velleius  Polcrculus,  lib.  2.  c.  78.    Eutrop.  lib.  7.     Orosius,  lib.  U.  c.  18. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  3SS 

Ventidius/  hearing  that  the  Parthlans  were  in  great  readiness  for  another  ex- 
pedition into  Syria,  feared  that  they  might  pass  the  Euphrates  upon  him,  be- 
fore he  should  be  able  to  get  his  army  together  from  the  several  places  where 
they  were  dispersed  into  quarters,  for  the  putting  of  himself  into  a  condition  to 
oppose  them.  And  therefore,  for  the  preventing  thereof,  he  had  recourse  to  this 
stratagem.  There  being  then  in  his  camp,  under  the  name  of  an  ally,  a  petty 
prince  of  those  eastern  parts,  whom  he  knew  to  be  a  well-wisher  and  secret  cor- 
respondent of  the  Parthians,  that  communicated  to  them  all  the  intelligence  he 
could  get  of  the  Roman  counsels  and  designs,  he  laid  a  plot  of  serving  himself 
by  this  man's  treachery.  For,  taking  the  first  opportunity  that  offered  to  dis- 
course with  him,  and  expressing  himself  as  if  he  placed  great  confidence  in  him, 
communicated  to  him  his  pretended  fears,  feigning  that  he  had  heard,  and  was 
thereon  much  concerned,  that  the  Parthians,  waiving  the  usual  passage  of  the 
Euphrates  at  Zeugma,  intended  now  to  enter  Syria  another  way,  at  a  passage 
of  that  river  much  below  the  former.  For,  said  he,  if  they  pass  at  Zeugma,  the 
country  on  this  side  the  Euphrates  is  there  mountainous,  where  the  Parthian 
horse,  of  which  their  army  mostly  consists,  will  not  be  useful  to  them;  but,  in 
case  they  take  the  lower  passage,  the  country  is  all  plain,  and  there  the  horse 
will  have  their  full  advantage,  and  the  Romans  will  not  be  able  to  stand  before 
them.  As  soon  as  this  conference  was  over,  the  traitor,  according  as  Ventidius 
foresaw,  conveyed  a  full  account  of  it  to  the  Parthians,  and  there  it  had  the  full 
effect  which  was  intended.  For  Pacorus,  immediately  hereon  altering  his 
course,  left  the  road  of  Zeugma,  and  took  his  rout  into  the  other  road,  where 
Ventidius  wished  he  should:  which  causing  a  long  march  about,  and  requiring 
other  preparations  to  be  made  for  the  passing  of  the  river  at  the  place  now  in- 
tended, while  all  this  was  doing,  forty  days  were  gained  to  Ventidius;  in  which 
time,  having  gotten  to  him  Silo  from  Judea,  and  all  his  legions  from  beyond 
Taurus,  where  they  had  been  quartered,  he  was  in  full  readiness  to  meet  the 
Parthians,  as  soon  as  they  entered  Syria;  where,  having  first  outwitted  them  by 
several  stratagems  and  artifices  of  war,  he  at  length  vanquished  them  with  that 
signal  overthrow  which  I  have  mentioned.  It  is  remarked  of  this  victory  of  the 
Romans,  that,  as  it  fully  revenged  the  victory  gotten  over  Crassus  by  the  Par- 
thians, so  it  was  gotten  on  the  same  day  of  the  year  on  which  the  other  was 
lost,-  just  fourteen  years  before.  It  happened,  therefore,  in  the  month  of  June; 
for  in  that  month  the  battle  of  Carrha?  was  fought  by  Crassus. 

Orodes,  king  of  Parthia,  hearing  of  this  defeat,  and  the  death  of  his  son  in  it,' 
was  so  overwhelmed  with  excess  of  grief  for  this  calamity,  that  he  grew  dis- 
tracted upon  it.  For  several  days  he  sat  mute,  not  speaking  a  word,  or  caring 
to  take  any  meat;  and,  when  his  grief  had  at  length  made  way  for  his  tongue  to 
express  it,  nothing  else  could  be  heard  from  him  but  the  name  of  Pacorus:  some- 
times he  would  seem  to  see  him,  and  call  upon  him  as  if  present,  sometimes  to 
talk  with  him,  sometimes  to  hear  him  speaking  to  him,  and  at  other  times,  re- 
collecting that  he  was  lost,  he  would  pour  out  his  lamentations  for  it  with  show- 
ers of  tears.  And,  in  truth,  there  was  reason  enough  for  all  this  grief  in  the 
present  case.  For  this  overthrow  was  the  greatest  blow  which  the  Parthians  had 
at  any  time  till  now  received:^  and  the  loss  of  the  prince  was  as  great  as  that  of 
the  army;  for  he  was  the  worthiest  person  for  justice  and  clemency,*  as  well  as 
for  valour,  and  all  other  princely  qualities,  which  the  royal  family  of  Arsaces 
had  ever  bred;  by  which,  in  the  short  time  that  he  was  in  Syria,  he  so  far  en- 
deared himself  to  the  people  of  that  country,  that  they  never  expressed  a  greater 
affection  for  any  prince  that  ever  reigned  over  them  than  they  did  for  him. 

Had  Ventidius,  after  this  victory,  pursued  all  the  advantages  of  it,  he  might 
have  driven  the  Parthians  out  of  all  Mesopotamia  and  Babylonia,  and  extended 

1  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  27.  Plutarch,  in  Antonio.  Appi.m.  in  Parthicis.  Dion.  Cassins,  lib.  49.  Strabo, 
lib.  16.  p.  751.  Epitome  Livii,  128.  Justin,  lib.  4-2.  c.  4.  Julius  Frontin.  Stratagem.  lib.  1.  c.  1.  et  lib.  2.  c. 
2.    Velleius  Paterculus,  lib.  a.  c.  78.    Eutrop.  lib.  7.     Orosius,  lib.  6.  c.  18, 

2  Dion.  Cassius,  lib.  49.  p.  405.    JEutrop.  lib.  7.  Orosius,  lib.  6.  c.  18,  3  Justin,  lib.  42.  c.  4. 
4  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  40.  p.  404. 


334  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

the  Roman  empire  to  the  banks  of  the  Tigris,  if  not  beyond  them:  but  he  feared 
he  might  thereby  excite  the  envy  of  Antony  against  him;'  and  therefore  con- 
tented himself  with  reducing  all  those  places  in  Syria  and  Phoenicia  which  had 
revolted  from  the  Romans  in  the  late  war;  and,  in  pursuit  hereof,  he  was  with 
all  his  army  in  Commagena  when  Antony  arrived.  For  Antiochus.^  the  king  of 
that  country,  having  embraced  the  Parthian  interest  against  the  Romans,  Ven- 
tidius  made  war  upon  him  for  it,  and,  having  shut  him  up  in  Samosata,  the 
capital  of  his  kingdom,  was  then  straightly  besieging  him.  Antony,  on  his 
coming  thither,  took  this  war  out  of  his  hands,  and,  dismissing  him  from  his 
presidency  of  Syria,  and  all  other  command,  sent  him  to  Rome,  on  pretence 
that  he  might  there  take  his  triumph  for  his  victories;  but  the  true  reason  was,* 
he  envied  him  the  glory  of  them,  and  therefore  sent  him  away  from  the  army, 
with  which  he  was  in  great  reputation,  and  never  employed  him  afterward, 
though  on  many  occasions  after  this  time  he  needed  so  able  and  experienced  a 
general  to  fighi  his  battles  for  him.  However,  Ventidius,"*  on  his  return  to 
Rome,  was  there  received  with  all  the  honour  that  his  victories  deserved:  for 
he  was  not  only  admitted  to  his  triumph,  but  had  it  granted  to  him  with  the 
general  applause  of  all  the  Roman  people;  and  herein  had  this  peculiar  glory, 
that  he  was  the  only  person  that  ever  triumphed  over  the  Parthians,  none  before 
or  after  having  ever  attained  to  it  besides  him  alone.  And  another  thing  was 
also  peculiar  to  him  in  this  matter,  which  was  altogether  as  remarkable,''  that  is, 
he  came  to  this  honour  of  triumphing  from  being  led  in  triumph  himself,  which 
no  one  else  besides  himself  ever  did.  For,  in  the  social  war  which  the  Italian 
allies  waged  with  Rome  for  the  freedom  of  that  city,  being  made  a  captive  at 
the  taking  of  Asculum,  the  chief  city  of  Picenum,  by  Strabo,  the  father  of  Pom- 
pey,  he  was  then,  being  very  young,  led  before  that  general  in  his  triumph  for 
the  said  victory.  After  this,  his  family  being  brought  to  poverty  by  the  ruin 
and  sackage  of  their  city,  he  was  forced,  when  grown  up,  to  betake  himself  to 
a  mean  and  sordid  employment  for  his  livelihood.  For  at  first,*^  he  was  only  a 
muleteer;  and,  being  used  to  provide  mules  for  the  carrying  of  the  baggage  of 
such  Roman  magistrates  as  were  sent  to  govern  foreign  provinces,  Caesar  made 
use  of  him  for  this  purpose  when  he  went  first  into  Gallia;  and,  having  on  that 
occasion  taken  notice  of  the  activity  and  quick  apprehension  of  the  man,  took  him 
with  him  into  his  Gallic  wars;  wherein,  by  his  valour  and  other  military  qualifi- 
cations, he  rose  so  fast  through  all  the  stations  of  the  camp,  as  that  he  became 
one  of  the  chief  of  Caesar's  generals  in  all  the  w^ars  that  he  afterward  waged; 
and,  on  his  return  to  the  city,  reaped  honours  there  asfast  as  he  had  in  the  army, 
being  first  made  tribune  of  the  people,®  and  afterward  praetor  and  consul  of 
Rome.''  After  Ca?sar's  death, ^  he  joined  himself  to  Antony,  and  fought  for  his 
cause  in  the  wars  both  of  Mutina  and  Perusia;  and  afterward  being  sent  as  Ms 
lieutenant  into  the  east,  he  there  obtained  the  victories  I  have  mentioned:  for 
which  having  triumphed  at  his  return  to  Rome,  he  there  afterward  lived,  and 
there  died  in  great  honour;  and,  on  his  decease,"  a  public  funeral  was  there 
made  for  him  at  the  charges  of  the  commonwealth. 

In  the  interim,  Herod  carried  on  his  war  in  Judea  against  Antigonus;'"  and 
Machceras,  a  Roman  general,  by  the  order  of  Antony,  was  sent  with  two  le- 
gions and  one  thousand  horse  to  his  assistance.  But,  on  his  approach  to  the 
walls  of  Jerusalem,  where  he  went  with  design  to  confer  with  Antigonus,  being 
beaten  back  by  the  archers  and  slingers  that  guarded  the  rampart,  he  fell  into 
such  rage  hereon,  that,  on  his  retreat  from  thence,  he  slew  all  the  Jews  that  came 
in  his  way,  without  regarding  whether  they  were  friends  or  foes;  in  which  wild 
fury  of  his,  many  of  Herod's  friends  being  cut  off,  he  could  not  bear  it  with 

1  Plutarch,  in  Antonio.     Appian.  in  Parthici?.  2  Plutarch,  et  Appian.  ibid.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  49. 

3  Plutarch.  Appian.  et  Dion  Cassiu-s,  ibid. 

4  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  49.  p.  404,  40.5.    A.  Gellius,  lib.  15.  c.  4. 

5  Velleius  Paterrnliis,  lib.  2.  c.  f)5.  Valerius  Maximus,  lib.  6.  c.  9.  Plinius,  lib.  7.  c.  43.  A.  Gellius,  lib. 
15.  c.  4.     Dion  Cassius,  lib.  49.  p.  405. 

6  A.  Gellius,  ibid.  7  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  47.  p.  335.     A.  Gellius,  ibid.  8  Plutarch,  in  Antonio. 
9  A.  Gellius,  lib.  l.j.  c.  4.                          10  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  27.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  12. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  335 

any  patience;  and  therefore  went  away  immediately  to  Samaria,  and  from 
thence  hastened  toward  Antony,  to  make  complaint  to  him  of  this  outrage:  of 
which  Machserus  having  notice,  made  after  him  as  fast  as  he  could,  and,  having 
overtaken  him,  prevailed  with  him  to  overlook  what  was  past,  and  be  reconciled 
unto  him.  However,  Herod  continuing  his  journey  to  pay  his  respects  unto  An- 
tony, left  Joseph  his  brother  to  command  in  Judea  during  his  absence,  but  with 
special  order  to  put  nothing  to  hazard  till  he  should  return.  On  his  coming  to 
Antony  (whom  he  found  still  at  Samosata,)  he  was  received  with  great  honour, 
and,  in  requital  of  it,  there  did  him  special  service  in  the  carrying  on  of  the  siege 
of  that  place.  Ventidius  first  began  it,  as  hath  been  already  mentioned,  and 
King  Antiochus,  whom  he  shut  up  therein,  offered  a  thousand  talents  for  his 
peace;'  but  Antony,  on  his  arrival  not  accepting  of  it,  after  he  had  dismissed 
Ventidius,  carried  on  the  siege  himself,  but  with  much  less  success.  For  the 
people  of  the  place,  on  Antony's  rejecting  the  best  terms  they  could  offer  him 
for  peace,  being  by  desperation  made  valiant,  defended  themselves  so  well,  that 
Antony^  was  glad  at  length  to  compound  the  matter  with  Antiochus  for  less 
than  one  third  of  the  sum  that  was  offered,  that  so  he  might  raise  the  siege  with 
honour,  which  otherwise  he  feared  he  might  be  forced  to  without  it,  by  reason 
of  the  discontent  of  his  own  soldiers.  For  they  being  all  displeased  at  the  dis- 
mission of  Ventidius,  under  whom  they  had  gotten  such  signal  victories,  did  very 
much  resent  it;  and  therefore  executed  Antony's  orders  in  the  siege  neither 
with  that  vigour  nor  that  care  as  was  necessary  to  make  them  succeed.  After 
this,  Antony,  having  appointed  Sosius'  to  be  his  lieutenant  in  Cilicia,  Syria,  and 
Palestine,  left  the  army  with  him,  and  sailed  to  Athens, ■*  and  from  thence  to 
Brundusium,  to  confer  with  Octavianus:  but,  not  finding  him  there  at  the  time 
appointed,  he  returned  back  to  Athens,  and  from  thence  passed  to  Alexandria, 
and  there  spent  the  ensuing  winter  in  the  same  dalliances  and  luxurious  de- 
lights with  Cleopatra  as  he  had  the  winter  two  years  before. 

While  Herod  was  absent  in  his  attendance  upon  Antony,  Joseph,^  forgetting 
the  orders  he  had  received  from  him,  made  an  expedition  against  Jericho,  taking 
with  him  his  own  men,  and  five  cohorts  received  from  Machseras;  but,  being 
there  circumvented  by  the  enemy,  he  was  himself  slain,  and  most  of  his  forces 
cut  in  pieces;  whereon  those  that  were  disaffected  to  Herod  in  Galilee  and  Idu- 
mjEa,  revolted  from  him  in  both  these  provinces.  Herod  being  come  back  from 
Antony  as  far  as  Daphne,  near  Antioch,  had  there  an  account  brought  him  of 
these  misfortunes;  whereon  he  hastened  back  into  Judea,  to  bring  the  best  re- 
medy to  them  that  he  could.  On  his  coming  to  INIount  Libanus,  he  there  raised 
eight  hundred  men:  and  with  these,  and  one  Roman  cohort,  marched  to  Ptole- 
mais,  and  from  thence  made  war  upon  the  revolters  of  Galilee;  and,  having 
there  received  another  cohort  from  Antony,  soon  brought  all  these  again  to  sub- 
mit to  him  who  had  in  that  country  declared  against  him;  and  after  that  went 
to  Jericho,  for  the  revenging  of  his  brother  Joseph's  death,  but  there  attempted 
it  to  his  hurt:  for  the  Antigonians  in  those  parts,  overpowering  him  Avith  num- 
bers, put  his  forces  to  the  rout,  and  wounded  Herod  himself  in  the  conflict. 
But,  after  this,  having  gotten  more  men  together  about  him,  he  soon  grew  into 
a  better  condition  for  the  prosecuting  of  the  war.  And  therefore,  finding  that 
Pappus,  a  prime  general  of  Antigonus's,  had  taken  the  field  against  him  with 
the  main  strength  of  that  party,  he  engaged  him  in  battle,  and  gained  an  abso- 
lute victory  over  him,  having  slain  Pappus  himself  in  the  rout,  and  cut  off  most 
of  his  army  with  him;  and,  had  it  not  been  for  the  severity  of  the  winter,  which 
now  approached,  he  had  gone  immediately  to  Jerusalem,  and  made  an  end  of 
the  war  by  taking  that  place;  but  the  soldiers  not  being  able  to  bear  lying  any 

1  Plutarch,  in  Antonio.     Appian.  in  Parthicis. 

2  Plutarch,  et  Appian.  ibid.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  49.  p.  405. 

3  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  27.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  e.  J3. 

4  Plutarch,  in  Antonio.     Appian.  de  Bellis  Civilibus.  lib.  5.     Dion  Cassius,  lib.  48.  p.  385. 

5  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  27.  el  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  13. 


336  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

longer  abroad,  he  was  forced  to  put  them  into  winter-quarters,  and  to  refer  what 
remained  undone  to  the  operation  of  the  next  campaign. 

An.  38.  Antigonus  2.] — As  soon  as  the  spring  began  to  come  on,  Antony  sailed 
from  Alexandria  to  Athens,'  where  he  had  left  his  wife  Octavia  ever  since  his 
last  going  from  thence  for  Syria,  and,  having  taken  her  in,  passed  from  thence 
with  her  for  Italy,  attended  with  a  fleet  of  three  hundred  sail,  and  landed  at  Ta- 
rentem,  proposing  with  this  naval  force  to  assist  Octavianus  against  Sextus  Pom- 
peius;  but  Octavianus  not  accepting  his  aid,  out  of  jealousy  of  him,  this  had 
like  to  have  made  another  quarrel  between  them,  and  other  reasons  of  discon- 
tent on  this  occasion  were  urged  on  both  sides  against  each  other;  but  Octavia, 
mediating  between  her  husband  and  her  brother,  made  up  all  matters.  And, 
whereas,  the  five  years  were  now  near  expiring,  for  which  the  sovereign  govern- 
ment of  the  Roman  empire  was  granted  to  the  triumvirs  by  the  people,  they 
prolonged  it  for  five  years  more  by  their  own  authority;"  and  as  long  as  the 
sovereignty  was  in  them,  they  thought,  by  virtue  thereof,  they  had  right  so  to 
do.  After  this,  Antony  returned  into  Syria,  to  make  preparations  for  the  Par- 
thian war.^  Octavia  accompanied  him  as  far  as  Corcyra;  but,  that  she  might 
not  be  exposed  with  him  to  the  dangers  of  that  expedition,  he  from  thence 
sent  her  back  into  Italy,  there  to  reside  till  it  should  be  over,  committing  her,* 
and  the  children  which  he  had  either  by  her  or  Fulvia,  to  the  care  of  Octavianus. 

On  Antony's  returning  into  Syria,  Octavianus  married  Livia  Drusilla,''  the 
daughter  of  Livius  Drusus,  who  having  been  one  of  those  that  were  prescribed 
by  the  triumvirs,  was  driven  thereby  to  take  shelter  with  Brutus  and  Cassius,' 
after  whose  overthrow  at  Philippi,  not  knowing  where  else  to  flee,  he  fell  on 
his  sword  and  slew  himself.  She  was  first  the  wife  of  Tiberius  Nero,  and  bore 
him  Tiberius  Caesar,  who  succeeded  Augustus  in  the  empire.  On  the  breach 
that  happened  between  Octavianus  and  Fulvia,  the  wife  of  Antony,  he  sided 
with  the  latter,  whereon  he  was  forced,  after  the  taking  of  Perusia,  to  flee  out 
of  Italy,  carrying  with  him  his  wife  and  his  young  son  Tiberius;  but  being  in- 
cluded in  the  pacification  that  was  afterward  made  between  Octavianus  and  An- 
tony, he  returned  to  Rome,  where  Octavianus  falling  in  love  with  her,  Tiberius, 
for  the  purchase  of  his  favour,  willingly  yielded  her  unto  him;  and  he  accord- 
ingly married  her,  though  she  were  then  great  with  child  by  Tiberius,  and 
within  three  months  of  her  time  of  delivery.  This  for  some  time  caused  a  de- 
lay, and  the  pontifices  were  consulted  about  the  lawfulness  of  marrying  her  in 
this  case;  but  their  answer  being,  that  it  was  only  unlawful  when  it  might  cause 
a  doubt  to  which  husband  the  next  child  born  of  her  might  belong;  and  it  being 
now,  after  six  months'  pregnancy,  past  aU  doubt,  that  the  child  next  to  be  born 
belonged  to  Tiberius,  Octavianus  forthwath  married  her,  and  three  months  altera 
son  being  born  of  her  (the  same  who  hereafter,  by  the  name  of  Drusus,  AviU  be 
often  spoken  of,)  he  was  sent  to  Tiberius  as  to  the  proper  father;  but  Tiberius  dy- 
ing a  little  after,  both  this  son  and  the  other  also  were  sent  back  to  Octavianus,  t& 
be  taken  care  of,  and  bred  up  by  him,  as  being  left  their  guardian  by  the  will 
of  their  father.  He  had  a  former  wife,  called  Scribonia,  who  brought  him  his 
daughter  Julia:  her  he  divorced  for  her  ill  temper;  but  Livia,  though  she  brought 
him  no  children,  continued  to  be  his  wife  as  long  as  he  lived,  and  always  com- 
manded his  affection  to  the  last. 

In  the  interim,  Herod  having  made  great  preparations  for  the  carrying  on  of 
this  year's  campaign,*  brought  a  great  army  into  the  field,  and,  marching  with 
it  directly  up  to  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  laid  close  siege  to  that  city,  and  forth- 
with ordered  the  casting  up  of  such  works  against  it  as  were  in  those  times  made 
use  of  for  the  taking  of  besieged  places.     While  this  was  doing,  he  himself 

1  Plutarch,  in  Antonio.     Appiaii.  de  Bellis  Civilibus,  lib.  5.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  48. 

2  Plutarch,  et  Appian.  de  de  Bellis  Ci^^libus,  lib.  5.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  48. 

3  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  48.  in  fine.     Plutarch,  et  Appian.  ibid. 

4  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  48.  p.  383.     Sueton.  in  Octavio,  c.  62.  et  in  Tiberio,  c.  4. 

5  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  27.  in  fine,  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  13. 


'   THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  337 

went  to  Samaria,  and  there  consummated  his  marriage  with  Mariamme.'  He 
had  betrothed  her  four  years  before;  but  his  troubles  hindered  that  he  did  not 
marry  her  till  now.  She  was  the  daughter  of  Alexander  the  son  of  king  Aris- 
tobulus,  by  Alexandra,  the  daughter  of  Hyrcanus  II.  and  therefore  was  grand- 
daughter to  both  those  brothers.^  She  was  a  lady  of  extraordinary  beauty  and 
great  virtue,  and  in  all  other  laudable  qualifications  accomplished  beyond  most 
others  of  her  time.  The  Jews  of  those  times  having  generally  a  zealous  affec- 
tion for  the  family  of  the  Asmona?ans,  Herod  thought  that,  by  marrying  this  lady 
out  of  it,  he  should  the  easier  reconcile  that  people  to  him;  and  this  made  him 
so  earnest  for  the  consummating  of  the  marriage  at  this  time.  On  his  return  to 
his  army  before  Jerusalem,^  Sosius,  the  governor  of  Syria,  came  thither  to  him. 
For,  being  ordered  by  Antony  to  do  his  utmost  for  the  subduing  of  Antigonus, 
and  the  putting  of  Herod  in  full  possession  of  the  kingdom  of  Judea,  he  marched 
into  that  country  with  the  best  of  his  forces  for  this  purpose,  and,  having  joined 
Herod  before  Jerusalem,  they  both  together  carried  on  the  siege  of  that  place 
with  the  utmost  vigour,  and  a  very  numerous  army.  For  both  of  them  together 
had  no  fewer  than  eleven  legions,'*  and  six  thousand  horse,  besides  the  Syrian 
auxiliaries.  However,  the  place  held  out  several  months  with  a  great  deal  of 
resolution,  and,  had  the  military  skiU  of  those  that  defended  it  been  equal  to 
their  valour,  they  could  not  have  been  subdued.  But  their  defence  being  made 
rather  with  boldness,  than  due  order  and  good  conduct,  according  to  the  art  of 
war,  the  Romans  herein  much  outdid  them;  and,  by  means  hereof,  at  length 
carried  the  place,  after  a  siege  of  above  half  a  year." 

An.  37.  Herod  the  Great  I.] — For  it  was  not  till  the  year  next  after  following, 
that  the  place  was  taken.  For  then  the  Jews  being  beaten  out  of  all  their  places 
of  defence,^  the  city  was  broken  up,  and  the  enemy  entering  it  on  every  side, 
made  themselves  thorough  masters  of  it,  and  being  exasperated  by  the  length 
of  the  siege,  and  the  great  labour  and  hardship  which  they  had  endured  in  it, 
for  the  revenging  hereof,  they  filled  all  the  quarters  of  the  place  with  blood  and 
slaughter,  and  ravaged  it  all  over  with  rapine  and  devastation.  Herod  did  all 
he  could  to  hinder  both,  but  without  success,  Sosius  encouraging  the  soldiers  in 
what  they  did.  Hereon  Herod  went  to  him  with  heavy  complaints  about  it, 
alleging,  that  if  the  city  were  thus  destroyed  by  plunder  and  slaughter,  the  Ro- 
mans would  make  him  only  king  of  a  desert;  and  therefore  desired  that  a  stop 
might  be  put  to  this  ravage  and  cruelty:  but  receiving  no  other  answer,  but  that 
the  spoils  of  the  city  were  due  to  the  soldiers,  for  the  reward  of  their  labour 
and  valour  in  the  taking  of  it,  he  was  forced,  by  a  sum  of  money,  to  redeem 
the  city  from  all  further  devastation,  which  otherwise  would  have  been  utterly 
ruined  and  destroyed. 

Antigonus  seeing  all  lost,'  surrendered  himself  to  Sosius,  and  cast  himself  in 
a  very  submissive  and  abject  manner  at  his  feet  to  pray  his  compassion.  But 
Sosius,  despising  his  cowardice  and  meanness  of  spirit,  rejected  him  with  scorn; 
and  looking  on  such  behaviour  as  more  becoming  a  woman  than  a  man,  instead 
of  Antigonus,*  by  way  of  contempt,  called  him  Antigona,  and  forthwith  ordered 
him  to  be  put  in  chains;  and  as  soon  as  Antony  was  returned  out  of  Italy,  and 
came  again  to  Antioch,  Sosius  sent  this  captive  king  thither  to  him.  Antony  at 
first  intended  to  have  reserved  him  for  his  triumph.^     But  Herod  not  thinking 

1  In  Hfbrew  the  name  is  Miriam,  in  Greek  Maria,  in  Josephus  Mariamme,  but  most  Latin  writers  call 
her  Mariamne. 

2  Hyrcanus  and  Aristobulus  were  brothers,  as  being  both  the  sons  of  Alexander  Jannaeus,  by  Alexandra 
his  queen. 

3  Joseph,  de  Belln  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  13.  et  Antiq.  lib.  U.  c.  28. 

4  Legions  were  of  an  uncertain  number,  as  containing  sometimes  four  thousand,  sometimes  five  thousand, 
and  sometimes  si.x  thousand  men.  According  to  the  lowest  computation,  this  army,  with  the  horsemen  and 
the  Syrian  au.xiliaries,  could  not  be  less  than  sixty  thousand  men. 

5  Reckoning  from  the  time  that  Herod  came  before  the  place,  which  was  some  time  before  Sosius  joined 
him,  and  carried  on  the  siege  in  conjunction  with  him. 

6  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  28.  et  de  Bello  .ludaico,  lib.  1.  c.  13.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  49.  7  Joseph,  ibid. 

8  Antigonus  is  the  masculine  name,  Antigona  the  feminine:  the  former  is  proper  to  men,  the  other  to 
women. 

9  Joseph.  Antiq,  lib.  15.  c.  ].  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  13. 

Vol.  II.— 43 


•338  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

himself  safe  in  his  kingdom  as  long  as  this  remainder  of  the  old  roval  family 
continued  ahve,  never  left  soliciting  Antony,  till  at  length,  by  a  great  sum  of 
money,  he  obtained  that  this  poor  prince  was  put  to  death;  to  which  he  havino- 
been  condemned  by  a  former  sentence  in  judicature,  this  sentence  was  executed 
upon  him  in  the  same  manner  as  upon  a  common  criminal,'  by  the  rods  and 
axe  of  the  lictor,  which  the  Romans  never  before  subjected  any  crowned  head 
to.  And  here  ended  the  reign  of  the  Asmonseans,  after  it  had  lasted  from  the 
beginning  of  Judas  Maccabseus's  government  to  this  time,^  one  hundred  and 
twenty-nine  years;  and  with  it  I  shall  end  this  book. 


BOOK  VIII. 

Jin.  37.  Herod  1.] — On  the  taking  of  Jerusalem,  Herod  was  put  in  thorough 
possession  of  the  kingdom  of  Judea.  But  the  greater  part  of  the  Jews,^  as  long 
as  Antigonus  was  ahve,  partly  out  of  the  affection  they  had  for  the  old  royal 
family  of  the  Asmoneeans,  and  partly  out  of  their  hatred  to  Herod,  could  not  be 
induced  by  any  means  to  own  him  for  their  king,  which  conduced  much  to  the 
hastening  on  the  death  of  that  captive  prince.  As  Herod  was  forced  to  make 
his  way  to  the  throne  of  this  kingdom  through  a  great  deal  of  blood,''  so  he 
found  it  necessary  to  establish  himself  in  it  by  the  same  means,  putting  daily  to 
death  such  of  the  opposite  faction  as  he  most  feared,'*  among  whom  were  all 
the  councillors  of  the  great  Sanhedrin,  except  Pollio  and  Sameas.  These  two 
had^  during  the  whole  siege  declared  for  the  receiving  of  Herod  to  be  king,  and 
the  rendering  of  the  city  to  him;  telling  the  people,  that  their  sins  being  grown 
to  so  very  great  a  height  as  they  then  were,  they  had  nothing  else  to  expect, 
but  that  God  would  dehver  them  into  the  hands  of  this  man  for  the  punishment 
of  them,  and  that  therefore  it  was  in  vain  to  resist  him.  But  the  rest  of  the 
Sanhedrin  running  violently  the  other  way,**  cried  up,  "The  temple  of  the 
Lord!  The  temple  of  the  Lord!"  as  if  for  the  sake  thereof  God  would  certainly 
protect  that  city;  and  on  this  conceit  they  did  all  they  could  to  excite  and  en- 
courage the  people  to  a  fierce  and  obstinate  resistance;  and  hereto  it  was  owing 
that  the  siege  held  on  so  long.  And  therefore  Herod,  when  he  had  gotten  them 
into  his  power,  put  them  all  to  death  for  it.  To  this  he  is  also  said  to  have  been 
provoked  by  another  reason,  that  is,  for  their  having  called  him  before  them 
upon  a  trial  for  his  life  for  the  death  of  Hezekiah  the  robber,  when  he  was  go- 
vernor of  Galilee  under  Hyrcanus;  of  which  mention  hath  been  above  made. 
But  if  that  influenced  him  in  this  matter,  he  would  not  have  spared  Sameas, 
who  was,  of  all,  the  most  violent  against  him  in  that  cause.  These  two  men 
are  by  the  Jewish  writers  called  Hillel  and  Shammai;  and  their  names  are  of 
the  greatest  note  among  them  of  all  their  Mishnical  doctors,'^  that  is,  of  all  those 
who  taught  their  traditions,  from  the  time  of  Simon  the  Just,  to  the  compiling 
of  the  Mishnah  by  R.  Judah  Hakkadosh;  and  they  make  the  sixth  link  in  their 
cabalistical  chain  from  the  said  Simon:  for  he,^  they  said,  delivered  their  tradi- 
tions to,  I.  Antigonus  of  Socho;  Antigonus  of  Socho  delivered  them  to,  2.  Jo- 
ses  Ben  Joezer  and  Joseph  Ben  Jochanan;  these  to,  3.  Joshua  Ben  Perachiah, 
and  Nathan  the  Arbelite;  these  to,  4.  Simon  Ben  Shetach  and  Jehudah  Ben 
Tabbai;  these  to,  5.  Shemaiah  and  Abtalion;  and  these  to,  6.  Hillel  and  Sham- 
mai.    Of  these  pairs,  the  first  in  each  of  them  was  Nasi,"  that  is,  president  of 

1  Josoiih.  Anliq.  lib.  15.  c.  1.  et  de  Bcllo  Juiiaico.  lib.  1.  c.  13.   Plut.  in  Antonio.  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  49.  p.  405. 

2  WlK.Tuas  Josephus,  iu  his  Antiquities,  book  14,  c.  28,  salth,  it  lasted  only  one  hundred  and  twenty-six 
years,  this  is  to  be  computed  from  the  time  that  Judas  was  established  in  the  government  by  his  peace  with 
Antiochus  Eupator,  three  years  after  he  first  took  it  upon  him. 

3  Joseph.  Anti.i.  lib.  i.'",.  c.  1.  4  ibid,  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  13. 
5  Jn.srph.  Anti().  lib.  14.  c.  17.  et  lib.  1.5.  c.  1.                               6  Ibid. 

7  Juchasin,  Shalshnleth,  Haccabbala,  Zemach  David. 

8  Pirkc  Aboth,  c.  1.  Maiiijonides  in  Pra^fatione  ad  Seder  Zeraim,  et  in  Prafatione  ad  Yad  Chazekah,  Aba- 
Darnel,  alnque  e  Rabbinis. 

9  Nasi  in  Hebrew  sigtiifieth  prince,  and  Ab  licth  Dm,  father  of  the  house  of  judgment. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  339 

flie  great  Sanhedrin,  and  the  other  Ab  Beth  Din/  that  is,  vice-president  of  the 
same;  and  both  ot"  them  were,  while  in  these  offices,  the  chief  teachers  of  their 
schools  of  divinity.  The  Jewish  writers  ascribe  to  Shemaiah  and  Abtalion 
only  six  years,  but  to  their  immediate  predecessors  a  full  hundred  and  one  over,^ 
which  gives  that  link  in  the  chain  of  their  additional  succession  a  stretch  beyond 
credibility.  Shemaiah  and  Abtalion^  are  said  to  have  been  both  proselytes,  and 
sons  of  the  same  father,  by  whom  they  derived  their  descent  from  Sennacherib, 
liing  of  Assyria;  but  they  had  for  their  mother  a  woman  of  Israel,  otherwise 
they  could  not  have  been  members'*  of  the  great  Sanhedrin,  or  have  held  any 
place  of  judicature  in  the  Jewish  nation.  Herod,  at  this  time  putting  to  death 
all  the  members  of  the  great  Sanhedrin,  excepting  Hillel  and  Shammai,  is  not 
to  be  doubted,  but  that  these  two,  Shemaiah  and  Abtalion,  perished  in  that 
slaughter;  after  whose  death  Hillel  was  made  president,  and  Shammai  vice-pre- 
sident, of  the  Sanhedrin  that  was  afterward  formed. 

This  Hillel,  whom  Josephus  calls  Pollio,*  was  one  of  the  most  eminent  that 
lever  was  amongst  the  Jewish  doctors,  for  birth,  learning,  rule,  and  posterity. 
For,  as  to  his  birth,®  he  was,  by  his  mother,  of  the  seed  of  David,  being  by  her 
descended  from  Shephatiah,  the  son  of  Abitel,  David's  wife.  For  his  learning 
in  the  Jewish  law  and  traditions,  the  Jewish  writers,  by  a  unanimous  suffrage, 
give  him  the  first  place  of  eminency  among  all  the  ancient  doctors  of  their  na- 
tion. As  for  rule,  he  bore  it  in  the  highest  station  of  honour  among  his  people 
for  forty  years  together,  for  so  long,  as  president  of  the  Sanhedrin,  he  sat  in  the 
first  chair  of  justice  over  the  whole  Jewish  nation,  and  discharged  himself 
■  therein  with  greater  wisdom  and  justice  than  any  that  had,  from  the  time  of  Si- 
mon the  Just,  possessed  that  place  before  him.  And  as  for  his  ]X)sterity,  he 
was  so  happy  therein,  that  for  several  descents,  they  succeeded  him  in  the  same 
eminericy  of  learning,  and  thereby  gained  also  for  several  descents  to  succeed 
him  in  the  same  station  of  honour:  for  those  of  his  family  were  presidents  of 
the  Sanhedrin,  from  father  to  son,  to  the  tenth  generation.  For  after  him  suc- 
ceeded Simeon  his  son,  who  is  supposed  to  have  been  the  same  who  took  Christ 
in  his  arms  on  his  being  first  presented  in  the  temple,''  and  then  to  have  sung 
over  him  his  J\''unc  Dimitas.  After  Simeon  succeeded  Gamaliel  his  son,  who 
presided  in  the  Sanhedrin  at  the  time  when  Peter  and  the  apostles  were  called 
before  that  council  (Acts  v.  34,)  and  was  the  same  at  whose  feet  Paul  was  bred 
up  in  the  sect  and  learning  of  the  Pharisees  (Acts  xxii.  3.)  He  is  called  in 
the  Jewish  writings  Gamiel  the  Old,**  because  of  his  long  life;  for  he  lived  down 
to  the  eighteenth  year  before  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem.  After  him  succeed- 
ed Simeon,  the  son,  the  second  of  that  name  in  this  line,  who  perished  in  the 
destruction  of  Jerusalem.  The  next  successor  after  him  was  Gamaliel,  his  son, 
the  second  of  that  name.  To  him  succeeded  Simeon,  his  son,  the  third  of  that 
name.  After  him  was  R.  Judah  Hakkadosh,  his  son,  who  composed  the  Mish- 
nah,  and  on  that  account  his  name  hath  ever  since  been  had  in  great  venera- 
tion among  all  the  Jewish  nation.  His  son  and  successor  in  the  same  office 
was  Gamaliel,  the  third  of  that  name;  and  after  him,  his  son  Judah  Gemaricus; 
and  after  him,  his  son  Hillel  the  Second,  who  was  the  compiler  of  the  present 
calendar  of  the  Jewish  year.  How  long  after  him  this  office  continued  in  that 
family  is  not  said.  And  no  doubt  it  was  with  respect  to  the  famih'  of  David 
that  Hillel  had  this  honour  so  long  continued  among  his  posterity.     But  he  was 

1  Nasi  in  Hebrew  signifieth  prince,  and  Ab  Beth  Din,  father  of  the  house  of  judjincnt. 

2  The  Jewish  chronologers  tell  us,  tliat  these  two  persons  entered  on  their  offices  in  the  year  of  the  world, 
according  to  the  Jewish  computation,  3021,  and  that  Shemaiah  and  Abtalion  did  not  succeed  them  till  the  3722, 
between  which  intervened  one  hundred  and  one  years. 

3  Zacutus  in  Juchasin,  et  David  Ganz  in  Zemach  David.  4  Maimnnides  in  Tract.  Sanhedrin. 

5  Josephus  joins  Pollio  with  Shammai,  and  makes  him  to  be  Shammai's  master,  and  Hillel  was  so  accord- 
ing to  the  Rabbins;  and  therefore,  undoubtedly,  the  Pollio  of  Josephus  and  the  Hillel  of  the  Rabbins  was  the 
same  person. 

6  Zacutus  in  Juchasin,  Ged.aliah  in  Shalsheleth  Haccabbala,  et  David  Ganz  in  Zemach  David.  Videas 
etiam  Buxtorfii  Lexicon  Rabbinicum,  col.  617.  et  de  Abhreviaturus,  p.  48.  58;  Vorstii  Observationea  ad  Ze- 
mach David,  and  Lightfoot's  Harmony  of  the  New  Testament,  part  1.  s.  8. 

7  Luke  ii.  8  Zacutus,  Gedaliah,  et  David  Ganz,  ibid. 


340  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

descended  from  it  only  by  his  mother's  side;  for  by  his  father  he  was  of  the 
tribe  of  Benjamin.  He  was  born  in  Babylonia/  and  there  lived  till  the  fortieth 
year  of  his  life;  at  which  age  he  came  to  Jerusalem,  and  there  betook  himself 
to  the  study  of  the  law;  in  which  he  grew  so  eminent,  that  after  forty  years 
more,  he  became  president  of  the  Sanhedrin,  being  then  eighty  years  old,  and 
continued  in  that  office  for  another  forty  years  after;  so  that,  according  to  this 
account,  he  lived  full  one  hundred  and  twenty  years.  The  time  he  first  enter- 
ed on  his  presidentship  was  about  one  hundred  years  before  the  destruction  of 
Jerusalem.  The  Jewish  writers  make  it  a  complete  hundred  years.  But  those 
people  are  far  from  being  exact  in  their  chronological  computations;  for  the 
sake  of  a  round  number,  or  an  imaginary  mystery,  they  often  in  such  matters 
shoot  under  or  over  the  truth  at  their  pleasure.  He  is  said,  on  his  first  entering 
on  this  office,  to  have  had  for  his  vice-president  one  Manahem,  a  learned  man 
of  those  times;  but  he  not  long  after  deserting  this  station  to  enter  into  the  ser- 
vice of  Herod,  Shammai  was  chosen  in  his  place.  And  what  we  have  in  Jose- 
phus  agreeth  herewith;  for  he  makes  mention  of  a  Manahem  that  was  a  person 
of  eminent  note  in  those  times;^  of  whom  he  tells  us,  that  being  of  the  sect  of 
the  Essenes,  he  had  the  spirit  of  prophecy:  and  one  time  meeting  with  Herod 
among  his  schoolfellows  when  he  Avas  a  boy,  greeted  him  with  this  salutation, 
"Hail,  king  of  the  Jews;"  and  laying  his  hand  gently  on  his  shoulder,  foretold 
to  him  that  he  should  be  advanced  to  that  honour.  Herod  for  many  years  had 
no  regard  to  this  prediction,  it  being  a  thing  he  had  no  expectation  of.  But 
afterward,  when  he  came  to  be  king,  remembering  the  matter,  he  sent  for  Ma- 
nahem, and  was  very  solicitous  to  know  of  him  how  long  he  should  reign;  con- 
cluding, that  he  who  foretold  that  he  should  be  king,  could  also  foretel  how  long 
he  should  be  so.  Manahem  at  first  not  returning  him  a  certain  answer,  Herod 
put  it  to  him,  whether  he  should  reign  ten  years?  Manahem  answered,  Yea, 
ten;  yea,  twenty;  yea,  thirty;  with  which  Herod  being  contented,  asked  no 
further;  but  from  this  time  had  Manahem  in  great  esteem;  and  no  doubt,  on 
this  occasion,  drew  him  into  his  service;  and  thereon  Shammai  was  appointed 
to  be  vice-president  in  his  room. 

This  Shammai,^  had  been  for  some  time  the  scholar  of  Hillel,  and  came  the 
nearest  to  him  in  eminency  of  learning  of  all  the  Tannaim  or  Mishnical  doc- 
tors. But  when  he  became  his  vice-president,  he  did  not  always  concur  in 
opinion  with  him;  for  there  were  many  points  wherein  they  differed,  which 
caused  the  like  contests  and  disputes  between  their  followers,  as  there  are  be- 
tween the  Thomists  and  Scotists  among  the  schoolmen.  For  in  a  great  many 
things  the  school  of  Hillel''  went  one  way,  and  the  school  of  Shammai  another. 
This  produced  such  divisions  and  quarrels  between  their  scholars,  that  at  length 
it  came  to  the  effusion  of  blood,  and  several  were  slain  on  both  sides.  But,  in 
the  conclusion,  the  school  of  Hillel  carried  it  against  the  school  of  Shammai;  a 
determination  being  given  for  the  former,  they  say,  by  a  bath  kol,  that  is,  by  a 
voice  pretended  to  come  from  heaven;  and  by  this  fiction  all  disturbances  be- 
tween them  were  appeased.  Hillel  was  of  a  mild  and  peaceable  temper;  but 
Shammai,  on  the  contrary,  was  of  a  veiy  angry  and  fiery  spirit;  and  from  hence 
proceeded  most  of  the  oppositions  and  disputes  that  were  between  the  schools 
of  these  two  great  doctors;  of  which  Shammai  growing  at  length  weary,  was 
contented  to  have  all  ended  by  the  fiction  I  have  mentioned. 

Hillel  bred  up  above  one  thousand  scholars  in  the  knowledge  of  the  law,*  of 
which  eighty  are  reckoned  to  be  of  greater  eminency  above  the  rest.  For  of 
them,  say  the  Jewish  writers,  thirty  were  M'orthy  on  whom  the  divine  glory 
should  rest,  as  it  did  upon  Moses;  and  thirty  for  whom  the  sun  should  stand 

1  Zacutus,  Gndaliah,  et  David  Ganz.  2  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  c.  13. 

3  Videas  Zaciitum,  Godaliiim,  Davidiim  Ganz,  et  Biixtorfium,  ibid,  et  Dnisium  detribiis  Sectis,  lib.  2.  c.  10. 

4  Of  this  division  made  among  the  Pharisaical  Jews  by  the  different  schools  of  Hillel  and  Shammai,  Je- 
rome speaks  in  his  Commentary  on  Isaiah  viii.  14,  and  he  there  tells  us,  that  these  two  men  flourished  in  • 
Judea  notions  before  Christ  was  born.  His  words  are,  "Sammui  et  Hillel  non  multo  prius  quam  Dominus 
nasceretur  orti  sunt  in  Judica." 

5  Zacutus,  Gedalias,  et  David  Gnnz,  ibid. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  341 

still,  as  it  did  for  Joshua;  and  the  twenty  others  were  of  a  middling  size.  The 
most  eminent  of  them  all  was,  Jonathan  Ben  Uzziel,  the  author  of  the  Chaldee 
paraphrase  upon  the  prophets:  with  whom  was  contemporary  Onkelos,  who 
was  the  author  of  the  Chaldee  paraphrase  upon  the  law.  But  whether  he  was 
a  scholar  of  Hillel's  or  no,  is  not  saicl.  There  are  other  Chaldee  paraphrases  be- 
sides these  two;  but  what,  or  how  many  there  were,  or  for  what  use  they  served, 
not  being  as  yet  any  where  mentioned  in  this  work,  it  is  proper  I  here  give  the 
reader  an  account  of  them. 

The  Chaldee  paraphrases  are  translations  of  the  scriptures  of  the  Old  Testa- 
ment made  directly  from  the  Hebrew  text  into  the  language  of  the  Chaldeans; 
which  language  was  anciently  used  through  all  Assyria,  Babylonia,  Mesopota- 
mia, Syria,  and  Palestine;  and  is  still  the  language  of  the  churches  of  the  Nes- 
toriau  and  Maonite  Christians  in  those  eastern  parts,  in  the  same  manner  as  the 
Latin  is  the  language  of  the  Popish  churches  here  in  the  west.  And  therefore 
these  paraphrases  were  called  targums,'  because  they  were  versions  or  transla- 
tions of  the  Hebrew  text  into  this  languag-e;  for  the  word  targ-um  sig-nifieth,  in 
Chaldee,  an  interpretation  or  version  of  one  language  into  another,  and  may 
properly  be  said  of  any  such  version  or  translation:  but  it  is  most  commonly  by 
the  Jews  appropriated  to  these  Chaldee  paraphrases;  for  being  among  them 
what  were  most  eminently  such,  they  therefore  had  this  name  by  way  of  emi- 
nency  especially  given  unto  them. 

These  targums  were  made  for  the  use  and  instruction  of  the  vulgar  Jews  after 
their  return  from  the  Babylonish  captivity;  for  although  many  of  the  better  sort 
still  retained  the  knowledge  of  the  Hebrew  language  during  that  captivity,  and 
taught  it  to  their  children,  and  the  holy  scriptures  that  were  delivered  after  that 
time,^  excepting  only  some  parts  of  Daniel  and  Ezra,  and  one  verse  in  Jere- 
miah, were  all  written  therein;  yet  the  common  people,  by  having  so  long  con- 
versed with  the  Babylonians,  learned  their  language  and  forgot  their  own.  It 
happened,  indeed,  otherwise  to  the  children  of  Israel  in  Egypt;  for  although 
they  lived  there  about  three  times  as  long  as  the  Babylonish  captivity  lasted, 
yet  they  still  preserved  the  Hebrew  language  among  them,  and  brought  it  back 
entire  with  them  into  Canaan.  The  reason  of  this  was,  in  Egypt  they  all  lived 
together  in  the  land  of  Goshen;  but  on  their  being  carried  captive  by  the  Ba- 
bylonians, they  were  dispersed  all  over  Chaldea  and  Assyria,  and  being  there 
intermixed  with  the  people  of  the  land,  had  their  main  converse  with  them, 
and  therefore  were  forced  to  learn  their  language;  and  this  soon  induced  a  dis- 
use of  their  own  among  them;  by  which  means  it  came  to  pass,  that,  after 
their  return,  the  common  people,  especially  those  of  them  who  had  been  bred 
up  in  that  captivity,  understood  not  the  holy  scriptures  in  the  Hebrew  lan- 
guage, nor  their  posterity  after  them.  And  therefore,  when  Ezra  read  the  law 
to  the  people,^  he  had  several  persons  standing  by  him  M^ell  skilled  in  both  the 
Chaldee  and  Hebrew  languages,  who  interpreted  to  the  people  in  Chaldee  Avhat 
he  first  read  to  them  in  Hebrew.  And  afterward,  when  the  method  was  esta- 
blished of  dividing  the  law  into  fifty-four  sections,  and  of  reading  one  of  them 
every  week  in  their  synagogues  (according  as  hath  been  already  described,)  the 
same  course  of  reading  to  the  people,  the  Hebrew  text  first,  and  then  intepret- 
ing  it  to  them  in  Chaldee,  was  still  continued.  For  when  the  reader  had  read 
one  verse  in  Hebrew,  an  interpreter  standing  by  did  render  it  in  Chaldee;  and 
then  the  next  verse  being  read  in  Hebrew,  it  was  in  like  manner  interpreted  in 
the  same  language  as  before;  and  so  on  from  verse  to  verse  was  every  verse 
alternately  read,  first  in  the  Hebrew,  and  then  interpreted  in  Chaldee,  to  the 
end  of  the  section:  and  this  first  gave  occasion  for  the  making  of  Chaldee  ver- 

1  BnxtorfiiLPxicon  Kabbiniciini.col.  2G44. 

2  The  book  of  niinicl  is  written  in  Chaldee,  from  the  fourth  verse  of  the  second  chapter  to  the  end  of  the 
seventh  chapter;  and  the  boolv  of  Ezra,  from  the  eighth  verse  of  the  fourth  chapter  to  the  twentj'seventh 
verse  of  the  seventh  chapter.  In  the  book  of  Jeremiah,  the  eleventh  verse  of  the  tenth  chapter  is  only  writ- 
ten in  that  language;  all  the  rest  of  it  is  in  Hebrew. 

3  Nehemiah,  viii.  4—8. 


342  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OP 

sions  for  the  help  of  these  interpreters.  And  they  thenceforth  became  neces- 
sary, not  only  for  their  help  in  the  pubUc  synagogues,  but  also  for  the  help  of 
the  people  at  home  in  their  families,  that  they  might  there  have  the  scriptures 
for  their  private  reading  in  a  language  which  they  understood. 

For,  first,  as  synagogues  multiplied  among  the  Jews  beyond  the  number  of 
able  interpreters,  it  became  necessary  that  such  versions  should  be  made  for  the 
help  of  the  less  able.  This  was  done  at  first  only  for  the  law,  because  at  first  the 
law  only  was  publicly  read  in  their  synagogues,  till  the  persecution  of  Anti- 
ochus  Epiphanes;  but,  after  that  time,  lessons  being  read  out  of  the  prophets  in 
those  religious  assemblies,  as  well  as  out  of  the  law,  the  same  reason  rendered  it 
necessary  that  Chaldee  versions  should  be  made  of  these  scriptures  also.  And, 
2dly,  the  use  of  the  people  (which  was  the  other  reason  for  the  composing  of 
those  versions)  made  this  necessary  for  all  the  scripture,  as  well  as  for  the  law 
and  the  prophets.  For  all  scripture  being  given  for  our  edification,  all  ought  for 
this  end  to  have  them  in  a  language  which  they  understood.  For  when  God 
gave  his  law  unto  Israel,'  he  enjoined,  that  they  should  have  his  command- 
ments, statutes,  and  judgments,  always  in  their  hearts;  that  they  should  medi- 
tate on  them  day  and  night;  teach  them  their  children;  and  talk  of  them  when 
they  did  sit  in  their  houses,  and  when  they  walked  by  the  way,  and  when  they 
lay  down,  and  when  they  rose  up;  and,  that  all  might  be  the  better  enabled  to 
perform  all  this,  it  was  strictly  enjoined,  by  a  constitution  of  the  elders  from  an- 
cient times, ^  that  every  man  should  have  by  him  at  his  home  a  copy  of  the 
holy  scriptures,  fairly  written  out,  either  by  his  own,  or,  if  he  could  not  write 
himself,  by  some  other  hand,  for  his  instruction  herein.  But  how  could  this  be 
done,  if  they  had  those  scriptures  only  in  a  language  which  they  did  not  un- 
derstand? It  Avas  necessary,  therefore,  that,  as  they  had  the  Hebrew  text  for 
the  sake  of  the  original,  so  also  that  they  should  have  the  Chaldee  version  for 
the  sake  of  helping  them  to  understand  it.  Indeed,  the  letter  of  the  law  which 
commands  what  I  have  here  mentioned,  extends  no  farther  than  to  the  five 
books  of  Moses;  for  no  more  of  the  holy  scriptures  were  then  written  when  that 
law  was  given;  and  also  the  constitution  above  mentioned,  which  was  super- 
added by  the  elders,  is  by  positive  words  limited  thereto.  But  the  reason  of 
the  thing  reacheth  the  w^hole  word  of  God.  For,  since  all  of  it  is  given  for  our 
instruction,  we  are  all  equally  obliged  to  know  each  part  of  it  as  well  as  the 
other;  and  therefore  this  caused,  that  at  length  the  whole  scriptures  were  thus 
translated  from  the  Hebrew  into  the  Chaldean  language,  for  the  sake  of  those 
who  could  not  otherwise  understand  them.  For,  to  lock  up  from  the  people  in 
an  unknown  language  that  word  of  God,  which  was  given  to  lead  them  to  ever- 
lasting life,  was  a  thing  that  was  not  thought  agreeable  either  with  reason  or 
piety  in  those  times. 

This  work  having  been  attempted  by  divers  persons  at  different  times,  and  by 
some  of  them  with  different  views  (for  some  of  them  were  written  as  versions 
for  the  public  use  of  the  synagogues,  and  others  as  paraphrases  and  commen- 
taries for  the  private  instruction  of  the  people,)  hence  it  hath  come  to  pass,  that 
there  were  anciently  many  of  these  targums,  and  of  different  sorts,  in  the  same 
manner  as  there  anciently  were  many  different  versions  of  the  same  holy  scrip- 
tures into  the  Greek  languasce,  made  with  like  different  views;  of  which  we 
have  no  sufficient  proof  in  the  Octapla  of  Origen.  No  doubt,  anciently  there 
were  many  more  of  these  targums  than  we  now  know  of,  which  have  been  lost 
in  the  length  of  time.  Whether  there  were  any  of  them  of  the  same  compo- 
sure on  the  whole  scriptures  is  not  any  where  said.  Those  that  are  now  remain- 
ing were  composed  by  different  persons,  and  on  different  parts  of  scripture, 
some  on  one  part,  and  others  on  other  parts;  and  are,  in  all,  of  these  eight  sorts 
following:  1 .  That  of  Onkelos  on  the  five  books  of  Moses;  2.  That  of  Jonathan 
Ben  Uzziel  on  the  prophets,  that  is,  on  Joshua,  Judges,  the  two  books  of  Samuel, 
the  two  books  of  Kings,  Isaiah,  Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  and  the  twelve  minor  pro- 

1  Deut.  vi.  G— 9.  chap.  xi.  18—20.  2  Maimonidea  in  Tephilah,  c.  7. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  343 

phets;  3.  That  on  the  law,  which  is  ascribed  to  Jonathan  Ben  Uzziel;  4,  The. 
Jerusalem  targum  on  tlie  law;  5.  The  targum  on  the  five  lesser  books,  called 
Megilloth,  i.  e.  Ruth,  Esther,  Ecclesiastes,  the  Song  of  Solomon,  and  the  La- 
mentations of  Jeremiah;  6.  The  second  targum  on  Esther;  7.  The  targum  of 
Joseph,'  the  one-eyed,  on  the  book  of  Job,  the  Psalms,  and  the  Proverbs;  and, 
8.  The  targum  on  the  first  and  second  book  of  Chronicles.  On  Ezra,  Nehe- 
miah,  and  Daniel,  there  is  no  targum  at  all.  The  reason  given  by  some  for  this 
is,  because  a  great  part  of  those  books  is  written  in  the  Chaldee  language,  and 
therefore  there  is  no  need  of  a  Chaldee  paraphrase  upon  them.  This  indeed  is 
true  for  Daniel  and  Ezra,  but  not  for  Nehemiah;  for  that  book  is  all  originally- 
written  in  the  Hebrew  language.  No  doubt,  anciently  there  were  Chaldee 
paraphrase,  on  all  the  Hebrew  parts  of  those  books,  though  now  1  ;t.  It  was 
long  supposed  that  there  were  no  targums  on  the  two  books  of  Ch  nicies,  be- 
cause none  such  were  known,  till  they  were  lately  published  by  eckius,*  at 
Augsburg,  in  Germany;  that  on  the  first  book  A.  D.  1680;  and  that  on  the  se- 
cond in  1683. 

As  the  targum  of  Onkelos  is  the  first  in  order  of  place,  as  being  on  the  Pen- 
tateuch, which  is  the  first  part  of  the  holy  scriptures,  so,  I  think,  it  is  not  to  be 
doubted  but  that  is  the  first  also  in  order  of  time,  and  the  most  ancient  that  was 
written  of  all  that  are  now  extant.  The  Jewish  writers,^  though  they  allow  him 
to  have  been,  for  some  time  of  his  life,  contemporary  with  Jonathan  Ben  Uz- 
ziel, the  author  of  the  second  targum  above  mentioned,  yet  make  him  much  the 
younger  of  the  two:  for  they  tell  us  that  Jonathan  was  one  of  the  prime  scho- 
lars of  Hillel,  who  died  about  the  time  when  our  Saviour  was  born;  but  that 
Onkelos  survived  Gamaliel  the  elder,  Paul's  master  (who  was  the  grandson  of 
Hillel,  and  died  not  till  eighteen  years  before  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem;)  for 
they  relate,  that  Onkelos  assisted  at  the  funeral  of  this  Gamaliel,  and  provided 
for  it  seventy  pounds  of  frankincense  at  his  own  charge.  But  there  are  several 
reasons  which  prevail  with  me  to  think  Onkelos  the  most  ancient  of  the  two; 
the  chief  and  principal  of  them  is  the  style  in  which  his  targum  is  written. 
That  part  of  Daniel  and  Ezra  which  is  in  Chaldee  is  the  truest  standard  whereby 
to  try  the  purity  of  the  Chaldee  language:  for  this  language,  as  well  as  all  others, 
being  in  a  constant  flux,  and  in  every  age  deviating  from  what  it  was  in  the 
former,  it  follows  from  hence,  that  the  farther  any  Chaldee  writing  doth  in  its 
style  differ  from  that  ancient  standard,  the  later  certainly  it  is;  and  the  nearer 
it  comes  to  it,  we  may  as  certainly  conclude  the  more  ancient  it  is.  But  no 
Chaldee  writing  now  extant  coming  nearer  to  the  style  of  what  is  written  in 
that  language  by  Daniel  and  Ezra  than  the  targum  of  Onkelos,  this,  to  me, 
proves  that  targum,  of  all  others,  to  be  the  most  ancient.  And  I  can  see  no 
other  reason,  why  Jonathan  Ben  Uzziel,  when  he  undertook  to  compose  his  tar- 
gum, should  pass  over  the  law,  and  begin  with  the  prophets,  but  that  he  found 
Onkelos  had  done  this  work  before  him,  and  with  that  success  in  the  perform- 
ance which  he  could  not  exceed.  This  targum  of  Onkelos  is  rather  a  version 
than  a  paraphrase:  for  it  renders  the  Hebrew  text  word  for  word,  and  for  the 
most  part  accurately  and  exactly;  and  it  is  by  much  the  best  of  all  this  sort: 
and  therefore  it  hath  always  been  had  in  esteem  among  the  Jews  much  above 
all  the  other  targums;  and  being  set  to  the  same  musical  notes  with  the  Hebrew 
text,  it  is  thereby  made  capable  of  being  read  in  the  same  tone  with  it  in  their 
public  assemblies.  And  that  it  was  accordingly  there  read  alternately  with  the 
text,  in  the  manner  as  is  above  described,*  Elias  Levita  tells  us,  who,  of  all  the 

1  He  is  commonly  called  Joseph  Cacus,  or  Josephus  the  Blind.  This  is  not  to  be  understood  as  if  he  were 
blind  of  both  eyes,  for  then  he  could  not  have  done  this  work.  The  word  in  Hebrew,  by  which  he  is  so  de- 
nominated, signifieth  luscitm,  one  that  is  blind  of  one  eye,  as  well  as  ccEcum,  one  that  is  blind  of  both  eyes. 

2  Leusden  in  Philolono  Hebrico-mixto,  dissertatione  (luinta,  s.  5. 

3  Zacutus  in  Juchasin.    Gedaliah  in  Shalsheleth  Haccabbala.     David  Ganz  in  Zemach  David,  aliique. 

4  In  Methurgenian,  i.  e.  Lexico  Chaldaico,  sic  dicto.  Verba  ejus  in  prcefatione  ad  illud  Lexicon  sunt  hffic 
sequentia.  Antequani  inveniretur  ars  typographica,  non  extabant  targum  prophetarum  et  hagiographorum, 
nisi  vel  unum  in  provincia,  vel  ad  summum  duo  in  univcrso  climate:  propterea  nee  quisquam  erat  quia  ea 
curaret.  At  targum  Onkelosi  semper  repertum  est  affatim,  et  hoc  ideo,  quia  nos  obligati  sumus,  ut  legam.us 
qaavis  septimana  Parasham  bis,  i.  e.  semcl  in  textu  Hebr<eo,  et  semcl  in  targum. 


344  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

Jews  that  have  handled  this  argument,  hath  written  the  most  accurately  and 
fully  of  it;  for  he  saith,  "  That  the  Jews  holding  themselves  obhged  every  week, 
in  their  synagogues,  to  read  twice  that  parashah,  or  section  of  the  law,  which 
was  the  lesson  of  the  week  (that  is,  in  the  Hebrew  original  first,  and  then  in 
the  Chaldee  interpretation  after  it,)  made  use  of  the  targum  of  Onkelos  for  this 
purpose;  and  that  this  was  their  usage  even  down  to  his  time  (which  was  about 
the  first  part  of  the  sixteenth  century.')  And  that,  for  this  reason,  though,  till 
the  art  of  printing  was  invented,  there  were  of  the  other  targums  scarce  above 
one  or  two  of  a  sort  to  be  found  in  a  whole  country,  yet  then  the  targum  of 
Onkelos  was  every  where  among  them."  Some  say  this  Onkelos  was  a  prose- 
lyte, and  hold  him  to  have  been  the  same  with  Akilus,  another  proselyte,  who 
is  quoted  in  Berishith  Rabba,"  to  have  written  a  targum:  and  others,  that  he  was 
the  same  with  Aqulla  of  Pontus,  who  composed  one  of  the  Greek  versions  of 
the  holy  scripture,  which  was  in  Orlgen's  Octapla,  as  if  the  Akilus  mentioned 
in  Berisheth  Rabba,  and  Aquila  of  Pontus,  were  two  distinct  persons.  For  the 
setting  of  all  this  at  rights,  it  is  to  be  observed,  1.  That  the  Akilas  whose  targum 
is  quoted  in  Berishith  Rabba,  and  elsewhere  from  it  by  the  Rabbins,  can  be  none 
other  than  Aquila  of  Pontus;  for  the  name  is  the  same,  'Ax.^^:.;  in  Greek,  and 
Akilas  in  Hebrew:  the  time  in  which  they  are  said  to  live  is  also  the  same,  that 
is,  about  the  year  of  Christ  130;  and  both  are  said  to  be  proselytes;  and  these 
three  characters  joined  together,  sufficient)}-  prove  them  to  be  both  the  same 
person.  2.  That  this  Akilas  could  not  be  Onkelos:  for  not  only  the  names  are 
different,  and  the  times  in  which  they  liv^ed  different,  but  also  the  targums  which 
they  are  said  to  have  written;  lor  Onkelos  wrote  on  the  law,  but  the  targum  of 
Akilas,  which  is  quoted  in  Berishith  Rabba,  is  on  the  prophets  and  the  hagio- 
grapha.  3.  That  the  targum  of  Akilas,  quoted  by  the  author  of  Berishith  Rabba, 
and  other  Rabbins  from  him,  is  not  a  Chaldee  targum,  but  the  Greek  version  or 
targum  made  by  Aquila  of  Pontus;  for  although  the  word  targum  be  restrained 
by  its  most  common  use  among  the  Jews  to  the  Chaldee  versions  of  the  Hebrew 
scriptures;  yet,  in  its  general  signification,  it  takes  in  any  translation  from  one 
language  to  another,  whatsoever  those  languages  may  be;  and  that,  therefore, 
there  was  never  any  such  Chaldee  targum,  as  is  supposed  to  be  quoted  by  the 
author  of  Berishith  Rabba,  or  any  such  person  as  Akilas  a  proselyte,  distinct 
from  Aquila  of  Pontus,  to  be  the  author  of  it;  but  that  the  targum  so  quoted 
was  the  Greek  targum,  or  Greek  version  of  the  Hebrew  scriptures  made  by  the 
said  Aquila  of  Pontus,  of  which  I  have  above  given  a  full  account.  4.  That 
the  representing  of  Onkelos  to  have  been  a  proselyte  seems  to  have  proceeded 
from  the  error  of  taking  him  to  have  been  the  same  with  Aquila  of  Pontus,  who 
was  indeed  a  Jewish  proselyte:  for  having,  from  being  an  heathen,  embraced 
the  Christian  religion,  he  apostatized  from  it  to  the  Jews.  The  excellency  and 
accuracy  of  Onkelos's  targum,  sufficiently  prove  him  to  have  been  a  native  Jew; 
for,  without  having  been  bred  up  from  his  birth  in  the  Jewish  religion  and  learn- 
ing, and  long  exercised  in  all  the  rites  and  doctrines  thereof,  and  being  also 
thoroughly  skilled  in  both  the  Hebrew  and  Chaldee  languages,  as  far  as  a  native 
Jew  could  be,  he  can  scarce  be  thought  thoroughly  adequate  to  that  work  which 
he  performed. 

The  next  targum  to  that  of  Onkelos  is  the  targum  of  Jonathan  Ben  Uzziel  on  the 
prophets;  which  is  next  it  also  in  the  purity  of  its  style,  but  is  not  like  it  in  the 
manner  of  its  composure.  For  whereas  the  targum  of  Onkelos  is  a  strict  version, 
rendering  the  Hebrew  text  word  for  word,  Jonathan  takes  on  him  the  liberty  of  a 
paraphrast,  by  enlargements  and  additions  to  the  text:  for  therein  are  inserted  se- 
veral stories,  and  also  several  glosses  of  his  own,  which  do  not  much  commend  the 
work;  and  more  of  this  is  to  be  found  in  that  part  which  is  on  the  latter  prophets, 
than  in  that  which  is  on  the  former;  for  in  that  latter  part  he  is  more  lax  and  para- 
phrastical,  and  less  accurate  and  clear,  than  in  the  other.    The  books  of  Joshua^ 

1  Some  of  his  books  were  published  anno  1517,  and  some  anno  1539. 

2  Berishith  Kabba  is  an  old  Rabbinical  commentary  on  the  book  of  Genesis. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  345 

Judges,  Samuel,  and  Kings,  are  called  the  former  prophets;  and  the  books  of  Isaiah, 
Jeremiah,  Ezekiel,  and  the  twelve  minor  prophets,  the  latter.  The  Jews  speak 
highly  of  this  Jonathan:^  for  they  do  not  only  give  him  the  first  place  of  eminency 
among  all  the  disciples  of  Hillel,  but  equal  him  even  to  Moses  himself,  and  tell 
many  miraculous  things  of  hirft,  which,  they  say,  happened  while  he  was  em- 
ployed in  this  work:  as,  that  nothing  was  permitted  to  give  him  any  disturbance 
herein:  that,  if  any  bird  happened  to  flee  over  him,  or  any  fly  to  light  upon  his  pa- 
per, while  he  was  writing  this  targum,  they  were  immediately  burned  up  by  fire 
from  heaven,  without  any  hurt  done  either  to  his  person  or  his  paper.  And  they 
tell  us  also,  that,  on  his  attempting  to  write  a  targum  upon  the  hagiographa.  After 
his  having  finished  that  on  the  law,  he  was  hindered  by  a  voice  from  heaven, 
which  forbade  him  to  proceed  in  that  work,  giving  this  reason  for  it,  because 
therein  (that  is,  in  the  hagiographa)  was  contained  the  end  of  the  Messiah; 
which  some  Christians  laying  hold  of  against  the  Jews,  by  interpreting  it  of  the 
death  of  Christ  predicted  in  the  prophecies  of  Daniel  (which  they  place  among 
the  hagiographa,^)  some  of  the  latter  Jews  have  taken  upon  them  to  altar  that 
passage,  for  fear  this  fabulous  story  should  hurt  their  cause.  Many  other  fables 
the  Jewish  writers  tell  us  of  this  Jonathan  and  his  targum,  which  I  think  not 
proper  to  trouble  the  reader  with. 

The  third  targum  in  the  order  above-mentioned  is  that  on  the  law,  which  is 
ascribed  to  Jonathan  Ben  Uzziel.  But  that  it  is  none  of  his  is  sufficiently  proved 
by  the  style,  which  is  wholly  different  from  that  wherein  is  written  the  true  tar- 
gum of  Jonathan  (that  upon  the  prophets,  which  all  allow  to  have  been  his,)  as 
will  thoroughly  appear  to  all  such  as  shall  thoroughly  compare  them  together; 
and,  besides,  its  enlargements  in  the  paraphrastical  way,  by  glosses,  fables,  pro- 
lix explications,  and  other  additions,  are  much  beyond  what  we  find  practised 
by  Jonathan  in  that  targum  which  is  truly  his.  But  that  which  thoroughly  cuts 
the  throat  of  this  pretence  is,  that  there  are  several  things  mentioned  in  this  tar- 
gum which  had  no  being,  or  at  least  no  name,  till  after  Jonathan's  time:  for 
therein  is  mention  made  of  the  six  orders  or  books  of  the  Mishnah:^  but  they 
could  have  no  being  till  the  Mlshnah  was  made  by  R.  Judah,  near  two  hundred 
years  after  Jonathan's  time;  and  therein  we  also  find  mention  made  of  Constan- 
tinople* and  Lombardy:^  whereas  there  was  no  such  city  as  Constantinople, 
nor  any  country  called  by  the  name  of  Lombardy,  till  several  hundred  years 
after  the  time  wherein  Jonathan  flourished.  Who  was  the  true  author  of 
this  targum,  or  when  it  was  composed,  is  utterly  unknown.  It  seems  long  to 
have  lain  in  obscurity  among  the  Jews  themselves:  for  Elias  Levita,  who  wrote 
most  fully  of  the  Chaldee  paraphrases,  knew  nothing  of  this  paraphrase;  for  he 
says  nothing  of  it,  though  he  tells  us  of  aU  the  rest:  neither  was  it  taken  notice 
of  till  first  published  in  print  at  Venice,  about  one  hundred  and  fifty  years  since: 
and  the  name  of  Jonathan,  it  is  probable,  was  for  no  other  reason  then  put  to 
it,  but  to  give  it  the  more  credit,  and  the  better  recommend  it  by  that  specious 
title  to  the  buyer.  Most  of  those  prophecies  which  are  in  the  Pentateuch  con- 
cerning the  Messiah,  being  in  this  targum  interpreted  in  the  Christian  way, 
some  Christians  for  this  reason  would  maintain  it  to  be  the  genuine  work  of  the 
author  whose  name  it  bears;  and,  to  make  this  out,  assert  it  to  be  as  ancient  as 
that  author,  and  that  therefore  it  might,  according  to  its  title,  be  truly  his:  and 
their  argument  for  it  is,  that  it  is  quoted  by  St.  Paul,  and  that  therefore  it  must 
be  composed  before  his  time,  and  the  age  before  his  time  was  that  in  which  Jo- 
nathan Ben  Uzziel  lived.  For  whereas  St.  Paul,  in  his  Second  Epistle  to  Timo- 
thy, chap.  iii.  8,  makes  mention  of  Jannes  and  Jambres,  as  the  names  of  those 
Egyptian  magicians  who  withstood  Moses  in  the  presence  of  Pharaoh  (Exodus 

1  Zacutusin  Juchasiti.  Gedaliah  in  Shalshelnth  Haccabbala.  David  Ganz  in  Zeinach  David.  Talmud  in 
Bava  Bathra,  c.  8.  et  in  Siicca  et  in  Mogilla.  Videas  etiam  Buitorfiuin  de  Abbreviaturis,  p.  104,  105.  Et  in 
Praefatione  ad  Lexicon  Chaldaicum.    Shickardiim  in  Bcchinath  Happeriishini,  aliosque. 

2  That  the  Jews  allow  not  Daniel  a  place  among  the  prophets,  and  for  what  reason,  hath  been  above 
shown,  part  1,  book  3,  under  the  year  534. 

3  Exod.  x.ivi.  9.  4  Num.  x.\iv.  19.  5  Ibid.  24. 

Vol.  II.—  44 


346  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

vii.  2,)  they  would  have  it  believed,  that  Paul  had  those  names  from  this  tar- 
gum  on  the  law  which  is  ascribed  to  Jonathan;  and  that  therefore  it  was  com- 
posed before  St.  Paul  wrote  that  Epistle  to  Timothy.  It  is  true,  the  names  Jan- 
nes  and  Jambres  are  twice  made  mention  of  in  this  targum  (Exodus  i.  15.  vii.  2;) 
but  it  doth  not  follow  that  St.  Paul  had  them  from  this  targum,  and  that  there- 
fore the  author  of  this  targum  was  ancienter  than  St.  Paul,  any  more  than  it 
doth  that  he  had  them  from  Phny  or  Numenius,  and  that  therefore  these  two 
heathen  philosophers  were,  contrary  to  all  the  faith  of  history,  ancienter  than 
this  apostle:  for  both  these  authors  make  mention  of  those  Egyptian  magicians 
in  the  time  of  Moses,  with  this  only  variation,  that,  instead  of  Jannes  and  Jam- 
bres, Pliny  writes  their  names  Jamnes  and  Jotapes.  The  true  answer  hereto  is, 
that,  as  the  sacred  penmen  of  the  New  Testament  make  mention  of  several 
things  which  they  had  only  from  the  current  tradition  of  the  times  in  which  they 
lived,  so  this  of  Jannes  and  Jambres  was  of  that  sort.  These  names,  either  by 
oral  tradition,  or  rather  by  some  written  records  of  history,  being  preserved 
among  the  Jews,  St.  Paul  from  thence  had  them,  and  so  had  this  targumist  after 
him.  And  an  account  of  these  persons  having  been  by  the  said  names  propa- 
gated by  the  Jews  to  the  heathens,  among  whom  they  were  dispersed,  it  came 
this  way  to  the  knowledge  of  Pliny  and  Numenius;  the  first  of  which  lived  in  the 
first  century  after  Christ,  and  the  other  in  the  beginning  of  the  third.  They  that 
would  know  what  were  the  traditions  of  the  Jews,  concerning  these  two  magi- 
cians, may  consult  Buxtorf  s  Rabbinical  Lexicon,  p.  915 — 947;  for  there  they 
will  find  a  full  account  of  all  that  is  said  of  them  in  the  talmud,  and  other  rab- 
binical writings;  which  being  long,  and  wholly  fabulous,  I  avoid  here  troubling 
the  reader  with  it. 

The  fourth  targum  is  on  the  law,  written  by  an  unknown  hand;  for  no  one 
pretends  to  tell  us  who  the  author  of  it  was,  or  when  it  was  composed.  It  is 
called  the  Jerusalem  targum;  and  seems  to  have  that  name  for  the  same  reason 
for  which  the  Jerusalem  talmud  is  so  called,  that  is,  because  it  is  written  in  the 
Jerusalem  dialect.  For  there  were  three  different  dialects  of  the  Chaldean  or 
Assyrian  language.''  The  first  was  that  which  was  spoken  at  Babylon,  the  me- 
tropolis of  the  Assyrian  empire:  an  example  of  this  in  its  greatest  purity  we  have 
in  Daniel  and  Ezra;  and  the  style  of  the  Babylonish  Gemara  may  be  reckoned 
its  highest  corruption.  The  second  dialect  of  this  language  was  the  Com- 
magenian,  or  Antiochian,  which  was  spoken  in  Commagene,  Antioch,  and  the 
rest  of  Syria;  and  in  this  dialect  were  written  the  versions  of  the  holy  scriptures 
and  the  liturgies  which  were  in  use  among  the  Syrian  and  Assyrian  Christians,^ 
and  are  still  used  by  them,  especially  by  the  Maronites,  a  people  inhabiting 
Mount  Libanus,  where  the  Syriac  still  lives  among  them  as  a  vulgar  language. 
The  third  dialect  was  the  Jerusalem  dialect,  that  which  was  spoken  by  the  Jews 
after  their  return  from  Babylon.  The  Babylonian  and  Jerusalem  dialects  were 
written  in  the  same  character;  but  the  Antiochian  in  a  different,  that  which  we 
call  the  Syriac.  And  for  the  sake  of  this  different  character  is  that  dialect 
reckoned  a  different  language,  which  we  call  the  Syriac;  whereas  in  truth  the 
Syriac  and  the  Chaldee  are  one  and  the  same  language  in  different  characters, 
and  differing  a  little  only  in  dialect.^  As  all  these  three  dialects  were  made  by 
so  many  several  degeneracies  from  the  old  Assyrian  language  which  was  an- 
ciently spoken  in  Ninevah  and  Babylon,  so  they  all  with  time  degenerated  from 
what  they  at  first  were.  The  purest  style  which  we  have  of  the  Jerusalem  dia- 
lect is  in  the  targums,  first  of  Onkelos  on  the  law,  and  next  of  Jonathan  on  the 
prophets;  for  in  them  the  Chaldee  is  without  any  mixture  of  words  from  any 
other  language,  saving  from  the  Hebrew  only.  This  mixture  of  Hebrew  words 
with  the  Chaldee  was  that  only  which  first  made  the  Jerusalem  dialect  to  differ 
from  the  Babylonian:  for  though  the  Jews,  on  their  return  from  Babylon,  brought 
back  with  them  the  Chaldee  language,  and  made  it  their  vulgar  tongue,  yet  the 

1  Videas  Waltoni  Prolcgoni.  Kl.  ad  Biblia  Polyglot,  et  Georgii  Aniyrae  Prslud.  Gram.  Syr 
'2  Videas  Pra;falioiicm  Ludovici  de  Dieu  ad  Gramniaticam  Linguarum  Orientalnini. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMfeNT.  347 

Hebrew  was  still  the  language  of  the  church,  and  the  language  of  all  those  that 
were  bred  up  in  learning  for  its  service;  and  therefore  many  of  its  words  crept 
into  the  Chaldee  which  was  vulgarly  spoken  by  them;  and  this  mixture  con- 
stituted the  Jerusalem  dialect  of  the  Chaldee  tongue;  and,  as  long  as  it  continued 
with  this  mixture  only,  it  was  the  Jerusalem  dialect  in  its  best  purity.  But,  in 
process  of  time,  the  mixture  of  the  Jews  with  other  nations,  especially  after  our  . 
Saviour's  time,  brought  in  the  mixture  of  many  exotic  words  from  the  Latin, 
Greek,  Arabian,  Persian,  and  other  languages,  and  thereby  so  far  corrupted  their 
former  speech,  that  it  made  it  almost  another  language.  And  a  view  of  this  cor- 
rupt state  of  it  we  have  in  the  Jerusalem  talmud,  the  Jerusalem  targum,  and  in 
all  the  other  targums,  excepting  those  of  Onkelos  on  the  law,  and  Jonathan  on 
the  prophets.  For  all  these  are  written  in  this  corrupt  style  of  the  Jerusalem 
dialect;  and  those  targums  are  much  more  so  than  the  Jerusalem  talmud,  which 
proves  them  all  (except  the  two  above  excepted)  to  have  been  written  after  that 
talmud.  This  Jerusalem  targum  is  not  a  continued  paraphrase,  as  all  the  rest 
are,  but  only  upon  some  parts  here  and  there,  as  the  author  thought  the  text 
most  wanted  an  explication;  for  sometimes  it  is  only  upon  one  verse,  and  at 
other  times  it  is  only  upon  a  piece  of  a  verse,  and  sometimes  upon  several  verses 
together,  and  sometimes  it  skips  over  whole  chapters.  In  many  places  it  writes 
word  for  word  from  the  targum  said  to  be  Jonathan's  on  the  law,  which  made 
Drusius  think  they  were  both  the  same.*  There  are  several  things  in  this  Jeru- 
salem targum  which  are  in  the  same  words  delivered  in  the  New  Testament  by 
Christ  and  his  apostles:  as,  for  example,  Luke  vi.  38,  Christ  saith,  "  With  the 
same  measure  that  ye  mete  withal,  it  shall  be  measured  to  you  again;"  the  same 
is  in  this  targum.  Gen.  xxxviii.  26.  In  th# Revelations,  xx.  6.  14,  there  is  men- 
tion of  the  "first  and  second  death;"  the  same  distinction  is  in  this  targum, 
Deut.  xxxiii.  6.  In  the  Revelations,  v.  10,  the  saints  are  said  to  be  "  made  unto 
our  God,  kings  and  priests;"  the  same  is  said  in  this  targum,  Exod.  xix.  6.  In 
the  gospel  of  St.  Matthew,  vi.  9,  our  Saviour  teacheth  us  to  say,  "  Our  Father 
which  art  in  heaven;"  the  same  expression  is  in  this  targum,  Deut.  xxii.  6. 
Hence  some  would  infer  the  antiquity  of  this  targum,  as  if  it  had  been  written 
before  our  Saviour's  time,  and  that  he  and  his  apostles  had  these  and  other  like 
expressions  from  it;  and  others  will  have  it,  that  the  author  of  this  targum  had 
them  from  the  New  Testament.  But  neither  of  these  seems  likely:  not  the  first, 
because  the  style  of  this  targum  being  more  impure  and  corrupt  than  that  of 
the  Jerusalem  talmud,  this  proves  it  to  have  been  composed  after  that  talmud, 
which  had  no  being  till  above  three  hundred  years  after  Christ;  and  not  the  se- 
cond, because  the  Jews  had  that  detestation  of  all  contained  in  the  New  Testa- 
ment, that  we  may  be  well  assured  they  would  borrow  nothing  from  thence. 
The  truth  of  the  matter  most  probably  is,  these  were  sayings  and  phraseologies 
which  had  obtained  among  the  Jews  in  our  Saviour's  time,  and  continued  among 
them  long  after;  and  hence  our  Saviour  and  his  apostles,  and  afterward  the  au- 
thor of  this  targum,  had  them,  as  from  the  same  fountain. 

The  fifth  targum,  which  is  that  of  the  Megilloth;  the  sixth,  which  is  the  se- 
cond targum  on  Esther;  and  the  seventh,  which  is  that  on  Job,  the  Psalms,  and 
the  Proverbs;  are  all  written  in  the  corruptest  Chaldee  of  the  Jerusalem  dia- 
lect. Of  the  two  former  no  author  is  named:  but  the  author  of  the  third,  they 
say,  was  Joseph  the  one-eyed;  but  who  this  Joseph  was,  or  when  he  lived,  is 
not  said;  and  some  of  them  tell  us  the  author  of  this  targum  is  as  much  un- 
known as  of  the  other  two.*  The  second  targum  on  Esther  is  twice  as  large  as 
the  first,  and  seems  to  have  been  written  the  last  of  all  those  targums,  by  reason 
of  the  barbarity  of  its  style.  That  on  the  Megilloth  (part  of  which  is  the  first 
targum  on  Esther)  makes  mention  of  the  Mishnah  and  the  talmud,^  with  the 
explication;  if  thereby  he  meant  the  Babylonish  talmud,  as  undoubtedly  it  is, 
this  targum  must  have  been  written  after  that  talmud,  that  is,  after  the  year  of 

I  A4  difficiKa  loca,  Numb.  c.  25.        2  R.  Azarias  in  MeorEnaim.    Elias  Levita,  aliique.        3  Cant.  L  3. 


348  CONNEXION  OF  THE  fflSTORY  OF 

Christ  500:  for  this  is  the  earliest  time  which  is  assigned  for  the  composure  o( 
the  Babylonish  talmud. 

The  eighth  and  last  of  these  targums,  in  the  order  I  have  above  mentioned 
them,  is  that  on  the  two  books  of  the  ChronicleSj  which  is  the  last  that  hath 
been  published;  for  it  was  not  known  of  till  the  year  1680,'  when  Beckius, 
from  an  old  manuscript,  first  published  at  Augsburg  in  Germany,  that  part  of  it 
which  is  on  the  first  book;  and  three  years  after  he  published  at  the  same  place 
the  other  part  also,  that  which  is  on  the  second  book.  Till  then  all  that  have 
written  of  the  Chaldee  paraphrases  have  given  us  to  understand,  as  if  there 
had  never  been  any  targum  at  all  written  upon  these  books.  But  only  Walton 
tells  us,^  he  had  heard,  that  there  was  in  the  public  library  in  Cambridge  a 
manuscript  targum  on  the  Chronicles,  but  had  no  notice  of  it  till  his  Polyglot 
was  finished;  and  therefore  never  examined  it.  I  find  there  is  in  that  library,^ 
among  Erpenius's  books  bought  by  the  duke  of  Buckingham^  and  given  to  that 
University,  a  manuscript  Hebrew  Bible  in  three  volumes,  which  hath  a  Chaldee 
targum  on  the  Chronicles,  as  far  as  the  sixth  verse  of  the  twenty-second  chap- 
ter of  the  first  book.  But  it  is  no  continued  targum,  for  it  contains  no  more  than 
some  short  glosses  added  here  and  there  in  the  margin.  This  manuscript  was 
written  in  the  year  of  Christ  1347,  as  appears  by  a  note  at  the  end  of  it;  but 
when,  or  by  whom,  the  marginal  Chaldee  gloss  therein  was  composed,  is 
not  said. 

That  the  targums  of  Onkelos  on  the  law,  and  Jonathan  on  the  prophets,  are 
as  ancient  as  our  Saviour's  time,  if  not  more  ancient,  is  the  general  opinion 
both  of  Jews  and  Christians.  The  Jewish  historians  positively  say  it:"  for  they 
tell  us  that  Jonathan  was  the  most  eftiinent  of  all  the  scholars  of  Hillel,*  who 
died  about  the  time  that  our  Saviour  was  born;  and  that  Onkelos  was  contem- 
porary with  Gamaliel  the  elder  (the  same  that  was  St.  Paul's  master,)  as  is 
above  mentioned.  For  although  the  Jewish  writers  are  very  wretched  histo- 
rians, and  often  give  us  gross  fables  instead  of  true  narratives,  yet  whenever 
they  do  so,  there  is  either  something  internal  in  the  matter  related,  or  else  ex- 
ternal to  it  from  other  evidences,  that  convict  them  of  falsity;  but  where  there 
is  nothing  of  this,  the  testimony  of  the  historian  is  to  stand  good  in  that  which 
he  relates  of  the  affairs  of  his  own  country  or  people.  And  therefore,  there 
being  nothing  concerning  these  two  targums  which  can  be  alleged  either  from 
Avhat  is  contained  in  them,  or  from  any  external  evidence  to  contradict  what 
the  Jewish  historians  tell  us  of  their  antiquity,  I  reckon  their  testimony  is  to 
stand  good  concerning  this  matter.  And  this  testimony  is  strongly  corroborated 
by  the  style  in  which  they  are  penned:  for  it  being  the  purest,  and  the  best  of 
all  that  is  written  in  the  Jerusalem  dialect,  and  without  the  mixture  of  those 
many  exotic  words,  which  the  Jews  of  Jerusalem  and  Judea  afterward  took 
into  it  from  the  Greek,  Latin,  and  other  languages,  this  proves  them  to  have 
been  written  before  those  Jews  had  that  common  converse  with  those  nations 
from  whom  these  words  were  borrowed,  and  especially  before  Jerusalem  and 
Judea  were  made  a  province  of  the  Roman  empire.  For  although  the  Jews  of 
the  dispersions  had  long  before  conversed  with  those  nations,  and  learned  their 
languages,  yet  this  did  not  affect  the  Jews  of  Jerusalem  and  Judea;  but  they 
still  retained  their  vulgar  tongue  in  the  same  dialect  in  which  it  had  been  form- 
ed after  their  return  from  Babylon,  till  Pompey  had  subjected  them  to  the  Ro- 
man yoke;  but  after  that,  Greeks,  Romans,  and  Italians,  and  other  subjects  of 
the  Roman  empire,  either  as  soldiers  or  civil  officers,  or  on  other  occasions, 
coming  into  that  country,  and  there  mixing  themselves  among  them,  from  that 
time  they  first  began  to  borrow  from  them  those  words  which  corrupted  their 
language.     And  therefore,  since  these  targums  of  Onkelos  and  Jonathan  are  the 

1  Leiisdeni  Philologiis  Mixtiis,  dissertatione  5.  s.  5.  2  Prolegom.  ad  Biblia  Polyglotta,  c.  12.  s.  15. 

3  Catalneus  Librorum  Manuscriptonim  AngliiB  et  HibernisE,  torn.  1.  part  3.  p.  174.  Numb.  2484. 

4  Zacutus,  Gedalias,  David  Ganz,  Abraham  Levita,  aliique. 

^5  It  is  generally  said  of  Hillel  by  the  Jewish  writers,  that  he  entered  on  hi8  presidentship  of  the  Great 
Sinhedrin  about  one  hundred  years  before  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  349 

clearest  of  this  corruption  of  all  that  we  have  in  the  Jerusalem  dialect,  this  may 
assuredly  convince  us,  that  they  were  written  before  this  corruption  had  ob- 
tained any  prevalency  among  that  people.  And  for  this  reason  I  reckon  them 
both  to  have  been  composed  before  our  Saviour's  time,  and  the  targum  of  On- 
kelos  to  be  the  most  ancient  of  the  two,  because  it  is  the  purer,  though  the 
other  comes  very  httle  behind  it  herein,  which  evidently  shows  it  to  have  been 
written  very  soon  after  it.  The  Jews  speak  very  magnificent  things  of  Jona- 
than, but  say  little  of  Onkelos;  though  they  manifestly  prefer  the  targum  of 
Onkelos  before  that  of  the  other,  as  indeed  it  deserves  they  should,  it  being  by 
much  the  more  exact  of  the  two;  the  reason  of  that  is,  they  all  hold  Jonathan 
to  have  been  a  natural  Jew;  but  the  general  vogue  among  them  being,  that 
Onkelos  was  a  proselyte,  and  sister's  son  to  Titus,  who  destroyed  Jerusalem; 
for  both  these  reasons,  though  both  are  gross  mistakes,  they  have  lesser  regard 
to  his  memory  than  to  that  of  the  other,  though  they  have  the  greater  for 
his  work. 

The  only  thing  that  can  be  alleged  against  the  antiquity  of  these  two  targums 
is,  that  neither  Origen,  nor  Epiphanius,  nor  Jerome,  nor  any  of  the  ancient  fa- 
thers of  the  Christian  church,  make  any  mention  of  them.  These  three  which  I 
have  named  were  well  skilled  in  the  Jewish  learning;  and  therefore  it  is  thought 
they  could  not  have  avoided  taking  some  notice  of  them,  had  they  been  extant 
in  their  time;  especially  not  Jerome,  who  lived  in  Judea  a  great  part  of  his  life, 
and  there  conversed  with  the  most  learned  rabbles  of  that  sect,  and  was  very  in- 
quisitive after  all  that  was  to  be  learned  from  them  for  his  better  understanding  of 
the  Hebrew  scriptures;  and  yet  in  all  his  writings  we  find  no  mention  of  any 
targum  or  Chaldee  paraphrase;  nor  doth  he  make  use  of  any  such  in  any  of  his 
commentaries,  in  which  they  would  have  been  very  useful  unto  him;  and  there- 
fore from  hence  they  conclude,  that  certainly  they  were  not  in  being  in  his 
time.  But  this  being  a  negative  argument,  it  proves  nothing:  for  there  might 
be  many  reasons  which  might  hinder  Jerome  from  knowing  any  thing  of  them, 
though  in  common  use  among  the  Jews  of  his  time.  For,  1st,  though  Jerome 
understood  Hebrew  well,  it  was  late  ere  he  studied  the  Chaldee,  and  therefore 
it  was  with  difficulty  that  he  attained  to  any  knowledge  in  it,'  of  which  he  him- 
self complains;  and  therefore  might  not  be  sufficiently  skilled  to  read  those  tar- 
gums, had  he  known  any  thing  of  them.  But,  2dly,  it  is  most  probable  that  he 
knew  nothing  of  them:  for  the  Jews  were  in  those  times  very  backward  in 
communicating  any  of  their  books  or  their  knowledge  to  the  Christians;  and 
therefore,  though  Jerome  got  some  of  their  rabbles  to  help  him  in  his  studies 
about  the  Hebrew  scriptures,^  yet  he  could  not  have  them  for  this  purpose,  Avith- 
out  bribing  them  to  it  with  great  sums.  And  what  assistance  they  gave  him 
herein,  was  contrary  to  the  established  rules  and  orders  then  made  and  received 
among  that  people;  and  therefore,  when  these  rabbies  came  to  Jerome  to  give 
him  that  assistance  in  his  Hebrew  studies  which  he  hired  them  for,  they  did  it 
by  stealth,'  coming  to  him  only  by  night,  as  Nicodemus  did  unto  Christ,  for  fear 
of  offending  the  rest  of  their  brethren.  And  this  being  at  that  time  the  humour 
of  those  people,  we  may  hence  conclude,  that  those  rabbies  served  Jerome  very 
poorly  in  the  matter  he  hired  them  for,  and  communicated  nothing  further  to 
him  than  they  saw  needs  they  must  to  earn  his  money.  And,  -Bdly,  as  to  the 
other  fathers,  none  of  them  understood  the  Chaldee  tongue;  and  besides,  there 
were  in  their  time  such  an  aversion  and  bitter  enmity  between  the  Christians 
and  the  Jews,  as  hindered  all  manner  of  converse  between  them,  so  that  neither 
would  willingly  communicate  any  thing  to  each  other;  and  no  wonder  then, 
that  in  those  days  these  targums  were  concealed  from  all  Christians,  as  being 
doubly  locked  up  from  them,  that  is,  not  only  by  the  language  in  which  they 
were  written,  but  also  by  the  malice  and  perverseness  of  the  Jews,  who  had  the 
keeping  of  them.     But,  4thly,  besides  their  maUce  and  perverseness,  they  had 

1  In  Pr!Efatione  ad  Danielem. 

2  HieronymuB  in  Epistola  ad  Pammachium  65.    In  Prafalione  in  Librum  Paralipomenon,  et  in  Prsefatione 
«d  Librum  Job. 


350  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

also  some  very  good  reasons  to  be  cautions  as  to  this  matter:  for  there  being 
many  prophecies  of  the  Old  Testament  concerning  the  Messiah  explained  in 
these  targums  in  the  same  manner  as  we  Christians  do,  it  behoved  those  of  that 
sect  not  to  communicate  them  to  any  Christians,  lest  thereby  they  should  give 
them  an  advantage  for  the  turning  of  their  own  artillery  against  them,  and  the 
cutting  of  the  very  throat  of  their  cause  with  their  own  weapons.  And  for  this 
reason  it  happened,  that  it  Avas  much  above  one  thousand  years  after  Christ  ere 
Christians  knew  any  thing  of  those  targums;  and  scarce  three  centuries  have 
passed  since  they  have  become  common  among  us;  and  therefore  it*is  not  to  he 
wondered  at,  that  the  most  ancient  fathers  of  the  Christian  Church  knew  no- 
thing of  them.  And  all  this  put  together,  I  think  may  be  sufficient  to  convince 
any  one,  that  these  targums  may  be  as  ancient  as  is  said,  though  neither  Jerome 
nor  any  of  the  ancient  fathers  of  the  Christian  church  say  any  thing  of  them, 
and  that  their  silence  herein  can  be  no  argument  to  the  contrary. 

As  to  all  the  other  targums,  beside  these  two  of  Onkelos  on  the  law,  and 
Jonathan  on  the  prophets,  they  are  all  most  certainly  of  a  much  later  date. 
This  is  above  shown  of  some  of  them  from  the  matters  therein  contained;  but 
the  style  in  which  they  are  written  proves  it  of  all  of  them:  for  it  being  in 
every  one  of  them  more  barbarous  and  impure,  and  much  more  corrupted  with 
exotic  words  and  grammatical  irregularities,  than  that  of  the  Jerusalem  talmud, 
this  shows  them  to  have  been  written  after  the  composure  of  that  talmud,  that 
is,  after  the  beginning  of  the  fourth  century  after  Christ.  It  is  also  to  be  ob- 
served of  these  later  targums,  that  they  abound  much  with  talmudic  fables;  if 
these  were  taken  out  of  the  Babylonish  talmud,  this  will  bring  down  their  date 
much  lower,  and  prove  them  to  have  been  written  after  that  talmud  also,  as  well 
as  after  the  other,  that  is,  after  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century  after  Christ. 
This  hath  been  already  proved  of  the  targum  of  the  Megilloth,  which  is  one  of 
them  that  I  now  treat  of  in  this  paragraph;  and  possibly  it  may  be  true  of  some  of 
the  rest  also.  By  reason  of  the  barbarity  of  the  style  in  which  these  later  targums 
are  written,  and  the  great  mixture  of  exotic  words  with  which  they  abound, 
they  are  badly  understood  among  the  Jews,  even  by  the  most  learned  of  their 
rabbles,  and  therefore  are  not  much  regarded  by  them.  But  of  late,  Cohende 
Lara,  a  Jew  of  Hamburg,  and  the  most  learned  of  that  sect  which  the  last  cen- 
tury hath  produced,  hath  published  a  lexicon  for  their  help,  in  which  he  ex- 
pounds all  the  Chaldee,  Syriac,  Arabic,  Persian,  Turkish,  Greek,  Latin,  Italian, 
Spanish,  Portuguese,  Gallic,  German,  Saxon,  Dutch,  and  English  words,  which 
any  where  occur  in  their  talmudic  and  rabbinical  writings.  This  work  was  a 
book  of  forty  years'  labour  and  study,  and  first  published  at  Hamburg,  A.  D. 
1668,  where  the  author,  some  years  after,  died. 

The  Targums  of  Onkelos  and  Jonathan  are  in  so  great  esteem  among  the 
Jews,  that  they  hold  them  to  be  of  the  same  authority  with  the  original  sacred 
text;  and  for  the  support  of  this  opinion,  they  feign  them  to  be  derived  from  the 
same  fountain.  For  they  say,'  that  when  God  delivered  the  written  law  unto 
Moses  from  Mount  Sinai,  he  delivered  with  it  at  the  same  time  the  Chaldee 
paraphrase  of  Onkelos,  in  the  same  manner,  as  they  say,  he  then  did  the  oral 
law;  and  so  that  when  by  his  Holy  Spirit  he  dictated  unto  the  prophets  the 
scriptures  of  the  prophetical  books,  he  delivered  them  severally  to  them,  upon 
each  book,  the  targum  of  Jonathan  at  the  same  time.  And  that  both  these 
targums  were  delivered  down  by  tradition  through  such  faithful  hands  as  God 
by  his  providence  had  appointed,  the  first  from  Moses,  and  the  other  from 
the  prophets  themselves,  who  were  the  writers  of  these  prophetical  books,  till 
at  length  through  this  cham  of  traditional  descent  they  came  down  to  the 
hands  of  Onkelos  and  Jonathan,  and  that  all  they  did  was  only  to  put  them 
into  writing.  This  shows  the  high  opinion  and  esteem  which  they  have  of 
them;  but  the  true  reason  of  it,  and  of  their  equalling  them  with  the  text, 
was,  that  they  were  every  sabbath  day  read  in  their  synagogues  in  the  same 

I  Talmud  in  Tractatu  Megilla,  c.  1.    Zacutus  in  Juchasin. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  351 

manner  as  the  original  sacred  word  itself,  of  which  they  were  versions.  It  hath 
been  above  already  shown,  that  after  the  Chaldee  became  the  vulgar  tongue  of 
the  Jews,  the  weekly  lessons  out  of  the  law,  and  the  prophets  in  their  syna- 
gogues having  j)een  first  read  in  Hebrew,  were  by  an}^  interpreter  standing  by 
the  reader  rendered  into  Chaldee.  This  continued  for  some  time,  but  afterward, 
when  targums  were  made,  the  interpretations  were  read  out  of  them,  without 
any  more  employing  interpreters  for  this  purpose;  that  is,  the  readers  did  first 
read  a  verse  out  of  the  sacred  Hebrew  text,  and  then  the  same  again  out  of  the 
Chaldee  targum;  and  so  went  on  from  verse  to  verse,  till  they  had  read  out  the 
whole  lesson:  and  the  targums  of  Onkelos  on  the  law,  and  Jonathan  on  the 
prophets,  having  obtained  an  approbation  beyond  all  the  other  targums  on  the 
scriptures,  they  at  length  were  alone  used  in  this  service.  And  this  use  of  them 
was  retained  in  their  synagogues  even  down  to  late  times,  and  in  places  where 
the  Chaldee  was  among  the  people  as  much  an  unknown  language  as  the  He- 
brew. For  Elias  Levita,  who  lived  about  two  hundred  years  since,'  tells  us, 
that  they  were  thus  used  in  his  time  in  Germany  and  elsewhere;  that  is,  that 
they  were  read  in  their  synagogues  after  the  Hebrew  text,  in  the  same  manner 
as  I  have  described:  and  agreeable  to  this  purpose,  though  only  for  private  use, 
they  had  some  of  their  Bibles  written  out  in  Hebrew  and  Chaldee  together, 
that  is,  each  verse  first  in  Hebrew,  and  then  the  same  verse  next  in  Chaldee; 
and  thus  from  verse  to  verse  in  the  same  manner  through  the  whole  volume.  In 
these  Bibles  the  targum  of  Onkelos  was  the  Chaldee  version  for  the  law,  and 
that  of  Jonathan  for  the  prophets,  and  for  the  hagiographa  the  other  targums 
that  were  written  on  them.  One  of  these  Bibles  thus  written,"  Buxtorf  tells  us, 
he  had  seen  at  Strasburg,  and  Walton  acquaints  us,^  that  he  had  the  perusal  of 
two  others  of  the  same  sort,  one  in  the  public  library  of  the  church  of  West- 
minister, and  the  other  in  the  private  study  of  Mr.  Thomas  Gataker. 

Whether  the  targums  of  Onkelos  and  Jonathan  were  received  for  this  use  so 
early  as  our  Saviour's  time,  I  cannot  say;  but  "this  seems  certain,  if  not  these 
particular  targums,  yet  some  others  were  then  in  hand  for  the  instruction  of  the 
people,  and  were  read  among  them  in  private  as  well  as  in  public  for  this  pur- 
pose;" and  that  they  had  such  not  only  on  the  law  and  the  prophets,  but  also  on 
all  the  other  Hebrew  scriptures.  For,  as  I  have  said  before,  it  was  never  a 
usage  among  the  Jews  to  lock  up  the  holy  scriptures,  or  any  part  of  them,  from 
the  people  in  a  language  unknown  to  them;  for  when  dispersed  among  the 
Greeks,  they  had  them  in  Greek,  and  where  the  Chaldee  was  the  vulgar  lan- 
guage, they  had  them  in  Chaldee.  And  when  Christ  was  called  out  to  read 
the  second  lesson  in  the  synagogue  of  Nazareth,*  of  which  he  was  a  member, 
he  seems  to  have  read  it  out  of  a  targum;  for  the  words  then  read  by  him  out 
of  Isaiah  Ixi.  1,  as  recited  by  St.  Luke,  iv.  18,  do  not  exactly  agree  either  with 
the  Hebrew  original,  or  with  the  Septuagint  version  in  that  place;  and  there- 
fore, it  seems  most  likely  that  they  were  read  out  of  some  Chaldee  targum, 
which  was  made  use  of  in  that  synagogue:  and  when  he  cried  out  upon  the 
cross,  in  the  words  of  the  Psalmist  (Psalm  xxii.  1,)  "  Eli,  EH,  lama  sabach- 
thani,"  i.  e.  My  God,  my  God,  why  hast  thou  forsaken  me!  (Matt,  xxvii.  46,) 
he  quoted  them  not  out  of  the  Hebrew  text,  but  out  of  the  Chaldee  paraphrase; 
for,  in  the  Hebrew  text  it  is,  "  Eh,  EH,  lamah  azabtani;"  and  the  word  sabach- 
thaiii  is  no  where  to  be  found  but  in  the  Chaldee  tongue. 

Those  targums  are  the  most  ancient  books  the  Jews  have  next  the  Hebrew 
scriptures.  This  is  certain  of  the  targums  of  Onkelos  on  the  law,  and  of  Jona- 
than on  the  prophets:  and  although  the  others  are  of  a  later  date,  yet  they  were 
for  the  most  part  transcribed  and  composed  out  of  other  ancient  glosses  and  tar- 
gums, which  were  in  use  long  before.  Such  have  I  shown  they  had  soon  after 
the  time  of  Ezra;  but  these  being  written  in  the  pure  Jerusalem  dialect  of  the 

1  In  Praefatione  ad  Methurgeman.     -  2  In  Epislola  ad  Hottengeruni. 

3  In  Prolegom.  ad  Biblia  Polyglotta,  c.  12.  s.  6.  4  Videas  Misnam  in  Tractatu  Megilla,  cap.  4.  v.  10. 

5  Luke  iv.  16,  17. 


352  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

Chaldee  language,  must,  in  those  times,  in  which  the  language  of  the  Jerusalem 
talmud  and  of  the  latter  targums  was  spoken,  be  as  much  an  unknown  language 
to  the  people,  as  formerly  the  Hebrew  was  to  them  on  their  return  from  the 
Babylonish  captivity.  And  therefore,  they  seem  to  have  been  composed  in  this 
corrupted  style  of  that  dialect  on  purpose  for  their  help;  and  from  hence  it  is^ 
that  I  take  them  to  be  no  other  than  as  targums  of  the  old  targums,  that  is,  the 
old  targums  which  were  in  use  before  the  time  of  Onkelos  and  Jonathan,  trans- 
lated and  written  over  again  from  the  purer  Jerusalem  dialect  (which  was  in 
the  time  of  the  composure  of  those  later  targums  no  longer  understood  by  the 
people,)  into  that  which  they  then  did  understand,  that  is,  the  corrupt  language 
of  the  Jerusalem  Chaldee  dialect  in  which  they  were  composed.  And  that 
therefore  these  old  targums,  with  the  addition  of  some  rabbinical  fables  and  rab- 
binical fooleries  which  are  interspersed  in  them,  are  the  whole  of  their  contex- 
ture; and  that  all  of  them,  that  is,  all  the  later  targums  (I  mean  all  excepting  On- 
kelos on  the  law,  and  Jonathan  on  the  prophets,)  were  composed  within  the 
compass  of  one  and  the  same  age.  The  uniformity  of  their  style  plainly  proves, 
this;  and  the  corruptness  of  it  proves  that  it  was  after  the  composure  of  the  Je- 
rusalem talmud,  as  hath  been  already  shown;  but  in  what  age  it  was  after  that 
composure  is  uncertain.  It  seems  most  probable  to  me,  that  it  was  in  that  in 
which  the  Babylonish  talmud  was  compiled,'  and  that  some  of  them  were  writ- 
ten a  little  before,  and  some  of  them  a  little  after  the  publication  of  it;  for  that 
talmud  making  mention  of  some  of  them,  proves  these  to  have  been  written  be- 
fore it:  and  some  of  them  making  mention  of  that  talmud,  proves  these  to  have 
been  wrilten  after  it. 

They  are  all  of  them  of  great  use  for  the  better  understanding,  not  only  of  the 
Old  Testament  on  which  they  are  written,  but  also  of  the  New.  As  to  the  Old 
Testament,  they  vindicate  the  genuineness  of  the  present  Hebrew  text,  by 
proving  it  the  same  that  was  in  use  when  these  targums  Avere  made,  contrary  to 
the  opinion  of  those  who  think  the  Jews  corrupted  it  after  our  Saviour's  time.. 
They  help  to  explain  many  words  and  phrases  in  the  Hebrew  original,  for  the 
meaning  whereof  we  should  otherwise  have  been  at  a  loss;  and  they  hand  down 
to  us  many  of  the  ancient  customs  and  usages  of  the  Jews,  which  much  help 
to  the  illustrating  of  those  scriptures  on  which  they  are  written.  And  some  of 
these,  with  the  phraseologies,  idioms,  and  peculiar  forms  of  speech,  which  we 
find  in  them,  do  in  many  instances  help  as  much  for  the  illustrating  an-d  better 
understanding  of  the  New  Testament  as  of  the  Old.  For  the  Jerusalem  Chal- 
dee dialect,  in  which  they  are  written,  being  the  same  which  was  the  vulgar 
language  of  the  Jews  in  our  Saviour's  time,  many  of  its  idioms,  phraseologies, 
and  forms  of  speech,  which  from  hence  came  into  the  writings  of  the  New  Tes- 
tament, are  found  in  these  targums,  and  from  thence  are  best  to  be  illustrated 
and  explained.  The  targums  of  Onkelos  and  Jonathan  must  certainly  be  al- 
lowed to  be  useful  for  this  purpose,  as  being  written  just  before  the  time  of  our 
Saviour;  and  although  the  others  were  much  later,  and  written  in  a  corrupted  style, 
much  differing  from  that  of  the  other,  yet  the  same  idioms,  phrases,  and  forms  of 
speech,  stiU  remaining,  they  serve  for  this  use,  as  well  as  the  other,  especially 
where  transcribed  from  other  ancienter  targums,  as  I  suppose  they  mostly  were. 

They  also  very  much  serve  the  Christian  cause  against  the  Jews,  by  inter- 
preting many  of  the  prophecies  of  the  Messiah  in  the  Old  Testament  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  Christians  do.     I  shall  here  instance  in  some  of  them. 

Gen.  iii.  15.  God  saith  unto  the  serpent,  "  It  (that  is,  the  seed  of  the  woman) 
shall  bruise  thy  head,  and  thou  shalt  bruise  his  heel."  Christians  interpret  this 
of  the  Messiah  and  his  kingdom:  and  the  Jerusalem  targum,  and  that  called 
Jonathan's  on  the  law,  do  the  same. 

Gen.  xlix.  10.  Jacob  prophesieth,  that  "The  sceptre  shall  not  depart  from 
Judah,  nor  a  lawgiver  from  between  his  feet,  until  Shiloh  should  come."  Chris- 
tians understand  this  of  the  Messiah,  and  from  thence  prove  against  the  JewSj^ 

1  The  Babylonish  talmud  was  composed  about  the  beginning  of  the  sixth  century  after  Christ. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  353 

that  the  Messiah  must,  according  to  this  prophecy  of  him,  have  been  long  since 
come;  because  long  since,  that  is,  for  many  ages  past,  there  hath  been  no  legal 
power  in  Judah,  no  prince  of  that  nation  ruling  with  the  sceptre  over  them;  nor 
any  from  between  their  feet,  that  is,  any  born  of  that  people,  to  make  laws  or 
administer  justice  among  them;  because,  for  many  ages  past,  the  whole  Jewish 
polity  hath  utterly  ceased  from  among  them,  and  they  have  no  where,  since 
the  time  of  Jesus  Christ,  the  true  Messiah,  been  governed  by  their  own  princes, 
or  their  own  laws;  but  every  where  by  strangers  and  the  laws  of  strangers, 
among  whom  they  have  lived.  The  Jews,  to  evade  the  force  of  this  manifest 
argument  against  them,  object,  first,  that  the  word  s/iebef,  in  the  Hebrew  text, 
which  we  interpret  a  sceptre,  the  instrument  of  rule,  signifieth  also  a  rod,  which 
is  the  instrument  of  chastisement;  and  therefore  say,  that  though  this  should  be 
understood  of  the  Messiah,  the  meaning  would  be  no  more  than  that  their  chas- 
tisement, that  is  the  banishment  which  they  now  suffer  in  their  dispersions 
among  strange  nations,  should  not  cease  (as  they  reckon  it  will  not^  till  their 
Messiah  shall  come  to  deliver  them  from  it.  But,  in  the  second  place  they  ob- 
ject, that  they  do  not  allow  that  the  Messiah  is  meant  by  the  word  Shiloh  in 
this  prophecy.  But,  in  both  these  particulars,  the  Chaldee  paraphrases  are 
against  them:  for  the  words  of  Onkelos  in  this  text  are,  "  There  shall  not  be 
taken  away  from  Judah  one  having  the  principality,  nor  the  scribes  from  the 
sons  of  his  children,  till  the  Messiah  shall  come."  And  the  Jerusalem  targum 
or  paraphrase,  and  that  called  Jonathan's,  agree  with  him  in  both  these  particu- 
lars: for  they  both  interpret  skebet  of  the  principality,  and  Shiloh  of  the  Messiah; 
and  therefore  all  three  of  them  help  the  Christian  cause  in  this  matter. 

Numb.  xxiv.  17.  Part  of  the  prophecy  of  Balaam  there  recited  is,  "  There 
shall  come  a  star  out  of  Jacob,  and  a  sceptre  shall  rise  out  of  Israel,  and  shall 
bear  rule  over  all  the  children  of  Seth."^  We  Christians  interpret  this  of 
the  Messiah:  and  so  doth  Onkelos  in  his  targum  on  that  place;  for  his  words 
are,  "  A  king  shall  rise  out  of  the  house  of  Jacob,  and  the  Messiah  shall 
be  anointed  out  of  the  house  of  Israel,  who  shall  rule  over  all  the  sons  of 
men."  And  the  targum  called  Jonathan's  interprets  this  of  the  Messiah  in  the 
same  manner  also  as  that  of  Onkelos  doth:  and  it  is  here  to  be  observed,  that 
the  targumists  rightly  render  this  phrase,  "  all  the  children  of  Seth,"  by  the 
phrase,  "  all  the  sons  of  men;"  for  all  the  children  of  Seth,  since  the  flood,  are 
the  same  with  all  the  children  of  Adam,  and  these  are  all  men.  And  this  shows 
that,  according  to  this  prophecy,  the  kingdom  of  the  Messiah  was  not  to  be  a 
peculiar  kingdom  for  the  Jews,  but  universal  for  all  mankind.  And,  agreeable 
hereto,  Maimonides  interprets  this  whole  text.  His  words  are  as  follow,  "  A 
sceptre  shall  rise  out  of  Israel;  this  is  the  king  Messiah:  and  shall  smite  the  cor- 
ners of  Moab;  this  is  David,  as  it  is  written  (2  Sam.  viii.  2,)  and  he  smote  Moab, 
&c.  And  he  shall  bear  rule  over  the  children  of  Seth;  this  is  the  king  Messiah, 
of  whom  it  is  written  (Ps.  Ixxii.  8.)  He  shall  have  dominion  from  sea  to  sea, 
and  from  the  river  to  the  ends  of  the  earth."  In  tract.  Melakin,  chap.  11.  sect.  1. 

Isaiah  ix.  6,  7.  The  words  of  the  prophet  are,  "  Unto  us  a  child  is  born,  unto 
us  a  son  is  given,  and  the  government  shall  be  upon  his  shoulder;  and  his  name 
shall  be  called  Wonderful,  Counsellor,  the  Mighty  God,  the  everlasting  Father, 
the  Prince  of  Peace;  of  the  increase  of  his  government  there  shall  be  no  end, 
upon  the  throne  of  David,  and  upon  his  kingdom,  to  order  it  and  to  establish  it 
with  judgment  and  Avith  justice  from  henceforth  even  for  ever."  Christians  all 
hold  that  this  is  spoken  of  the  Messiah;  and  Jonathan,  in  the  targum  which  is 
truly  his,  doth  on  that  place  say  the  same. 

Isaiah  xi.  This  whole  chapter  we  Christians  understand  to  be  of  the  Mes- 
siah, and  the  peaceableness  and  happiness  of  his  kingdom.  Jonathan  doth  the 
same  in  his  targum  thereon;  and  in  it  doth  twice  make  expression  hereof,  that 
is,  on  the  first  verse,  and  on  the  sixth. 

1  So  it  oiislit  tn  be  translated  in  our  English  Bible,  and  not  aiid  destroy,  as  that  hath  it.  For,  if  the  Mes 
siah  were  to  destroy  all  the  sons  of  men,  where  would  then  liis  sceptre  be? 

Vol.  II.— 45 


351  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

Isaiah  lii.  and  liii.  What  is  contained  in  these  two  chapters,  from  the  se- 
venth verse  of  the  first  of  them  to  the  end  of  the  other,  is  all  a  continued  pro- 
phecy of  the  Messiah.  So  St.  John  in  his  Gospel,  xii.  38,  and  St.  Paul  to  the 
Romans,  x.  16,  do  teach  us;  and  so  all  Christians  hold,  having  so  great  authority 
for  it.  But  the  description  there  given  of  a  suffering  Messiah  not  agreeing  with 
the  notion  which  the  Jews  have  of  him,  who  expect  a  Messiah  reigning  and 
triumphing  in  temporal  pomp  and  power,  several  of  them  reject  this  interpreta- 
tion, and  wrest  the  whole  prophecy  to  other  meanings;  some  of  them  under- 
standing it  of  Josiah,  some  of  Jeremiah,  and  others  of  the  whole  people  of  Israel. 
But  the  targum  of  Jonathan  interprets  it  of  the  Messiah,  as  the  Christians  do, 
and  twice  within  the  compass  of  the  prophecy  (i  e.  chap.  lii.  13,  and  chap.  liii. 
10,)  applies  it  to  him.  And  Jonathan  having  composed  this  targum  before 
Christ's  time,  the  serving  of  neither  party  can  be  supposed  then  to  have  influ- 
enced him  to  have  written  otherwise  than  appeared  to  him  to  be  the  plain  truth 
of  the  matter;  and  that  this  prophecy  can  be  understood  of  none  other  than  the 
Messiah,  is  manifest  from  the  whole  tenor  of  it;  and  it  is  as  manifest  that  it 
was  all  completed  in  Christ  our  Lord.  And  therefore  others  among  the  Jews 
having  rightly  judged  that  the  wrestings  above  mentioned  are  not  sufficient  to 
baffle  the  true  meaning  of  this  prophecy,  have,  for  the  evading  hereof,  invented 
another  device;  that  is,  that  there  are  to  be  two  Messiahs,  and  both  yet  to  comt', 
one  of  which  they  say  is  to  be  of  the  tribe  of  Ephraim^  (and  they  therefore  call 
him  Messiah  the  son  of  Ephraim,^  and  sometimes  Messiah  the  son  of  Joseph,) 
and  the  other  of  the  tribe  of  Judah,  and  the  lineage  of  David;  and  they  there- 
fore call  him  Messiah'  the  son  of  David.  The  first  of  these  (who,  they  say,* 
will  be  the  forerunner  of  the  other)  they  make  to  be  a  suffering  Messiah:  and 
tell  us  of  him,  that  he  is  to  fight  against  God,  and,  having  overcome  him,  shall 
afterv/ard  be  slain  by  Armillus,  whom  they  hold  to  be  the  greatest  enemy  that 
shall  ever  appear  against  the  church  of  God  in  this  world.  And  of  this  Messiah 
the  son  of  Ephraim,  they  interpret  all  that  is  foretold  in  the  Old  Testament  of 
the  sufferings  of  Christ  our  Lord,  especially  what  is  foretold  of  him  in  this  pro- 
phecy of  Isaiah,  and  in  that  of  Zechariah  xii.  10;  in  which  last,  they  interpret 
the  words,  "  whom  they  have  pierced,"  of  his  being  to  be  pierced  and  run 
through  by  the  sword  of  Armillus,  when  he  shall  be  slain  by  him.  The  other 
Messiah,  that  is,  Messiah  the  son  of  David,  they  make  to  be  a  conquering  and 
reigning  Messiah,  that  shall  conquer  and  kiU  Armillus,  and  restore  the  king^ 
dom  of  Israel,  and  there  reign  in  the  highest  glory  and  felicity;  and  of  him  they 
interpret  all  that  is  said  in  the  scriptures  of  the  Old  Testament,  of  the  glory, 
power,  and  righteousness  of  Christ's  kingdom.  But  all  that  they  thus  tell  us  of 
their  twofold  Messiah  is  a  mere  fiction,  framed  without  as  much  as  a  pretence 
to  any  foundation  in  scripture  for  it;  a  vile  and  most  pitiful  fetch,  invented  only 
to  evade  what  they  cannot  answer;  and  their  being  forced  to  have  recourse  to 
such  a  wretched  shift,  is  a  plain  giving  up  of  the  cause  they  make  use  of  it  for. 

Micah.  V.  2.  The  words  of  the  prophet  are,  "And  thou,  Bethlehem  Ephra- 
tah,  shall  be  chief  among  the  thousands  of  Judah;  out  of  thee  shall  come  forth 
unto  me  he  that  is  to  be  ruler  in  Israel."  This  is  the  true  translation  of  the 
Hebrew  text,'  and  this  all  Christians  understand  of  the  Messiah;  and  so  anciently 
did  the  chief  priests  and  scribes  of  the  people  of  the  Jews,''  when  consulted  by 
Herod.  But,  since  that  time,  in  opposition  to  the  gospel,  Jewish  writers  have 
endeavoured  to  give  this  text  another  meaning;  some  interpreting  it  of  Heze- 
kiah,  some  of  Zerubbabel,  and  some  otherwise.  But  Jonathan,  who  perchance 
was  one  among  those  scribes  whom  Herod  consulted,  gives  the  true  meaning  of 
it  by  interpreting  it  of  the  Messiah,  in  the  same  manner  as  we  Christians  do: 

1  Ben,  in  Hebrew,  signifying  the  same  as  son  in  English,  in  Hebrew  they  are  called  Messiah  Ben  Ephraim, 
and  Messiah  Ben  David;  and,  because  Ephraim  was  the  son  of  Joseph,  therefore  thev  call  this  their  Messiah 
Ben  Ephraim,  sometimes  Messiah  lien  Joseph.  The  fullest  account  of  what  the  Jews  say  of  these  two  Mes- 
siahs is  given  by  Pr.  Pocock  at  the  end  of  his  Commentary  on  Malachi. 

2  They  interpret  of  him  all  that  is  prophecied  of  John  the  Baptist,  Mai.  iii.  1. 

3  See  Dr.  Pocock  on  this  text  in  his  Commentary 'on  Micah;  and  his  Miscellaneous  Notes  published  at  the 
end  of  his  Porta  Mosjs,  c.  2,  'J  Matt.  ii. 


T'HE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  355 

for  his  version  of  this  text  is,  "  Out  of  thee  shall  come  forth  before  me  the  Mes- 
siah, who  shall  exercise  sovereign  rule  over  Israel." 

Psalm  ii.  This  psalm  we  Christians  interpret  to  be  a  prophecy  of  the  Messiah, 
and  hold  it  to  be  all  fulfilled  in  our  Saviour,  and  the  erection  of  his  kingdom, 
against  all  opposition  which  it  met  with  from  Jews,  heathens,  and  the  princes 
and  rulers  of  the  earth.  And  so  the  holy  apostles  understood  it  of  old  (Acts  iv. 
25 — 27,  and  chap.  xiii.  33.  Hebrews  i.  5.)  In  opposition  hereto,  the  Jews  ap- 
ply it  wholly  and  solely  to  David  himself,  and  will  allow  it  to  no  other  meaning, 
either  literal  or  typical,  but  what  is  terminated  in  his  person.  But  the  targum 
is  on  our  side,  for  it  interprets  this  psalm'  to  be  a  prophecy  of  the  Messiah,  as 
•all  Christians  do. 

Psalm  xlv.  This  psalm  also  Christians  interpret  to  be  of  the  Messiah,  and 
they  have  for  it  the  authority  of  the  holy  penman  of  the  epistle  to  the  Hebrews, 
chap.  i.  8.  In  opposition  hereto,  the  Jews  apply  it  wholly  and  solely  to  Solo- 
mon, and  will  allow  it  no  other  m.eaning,  either  literal  or  typical,  but  what  is 
terminated  in  his  person,  and  the  marriage  which  he  made  with  the  daughter 
of  Pharoah:  but  the  targum  is  on  our  side  in  this  matter  also,  and  interprets  it 
to  be  a  prophecy  of  the  Messiah,^  as  all  Christians  do. 

Psalm  Ixxii.  This  psalm  also  the  Jews  interpret  of  Solomon;  but  Christians 
understand  it  as  a  prophecy  of  the  Messiah;  and  the  targum  is  on  our  side  here- 
in; for  it  applies  it  to  the  Messiah  in  the  same  manner  as  we  do.^  Many  other 
instances  might  be  produced  out  of  these  targums,  wherein  the  prophecies  of 
the  Old  Testament  are  illustrated  and  explained  for  the  advantage  of  the  Chris- 
tian cause  against  all  opposers.  But  these  are  sufficient  to  give  the  reader  a 
taste  of  all  the  rest,  and  also  to  show  how  useful  these  targums  may  be  to  a 
Christian  divine  in  all  controversies  about  the  Messiah,  especially  against  the 
Jews.  For  these  targums  being  their  own  books,  all  arguments  taken  out  of 
them  if  any  thing  can  convince  that  obstinate  people,  must  be  of  a  very  con- 
vincing force  against  them,  especially  when  they  are  out  of  the  Targums  of  On- 
kelos  on  the  law,  and  Jonathan  on  the  prophets:  for  these  they  hold  to  be  of  the 
same  authority  with  the  sacred  word  itself.  Richard  Simon,  the  Frenchman,  is 
against  Christians'*  making  any  use  at  all  of  these  targums  in  their  controversies 
with  the  Jews:  for  he  thinks  that  our  urging  of  any  arguments  against  them  out 
of  those  books,  may  seem  to  authorize  them;  which  will,  saith  he,  be  much  to 
the  disadvantage  of  Christianity,  because  those  books  being  written  with  the 
sole  view  of  establishing  the  Jewish  ceremonies  and  religion,  they  will  operate 
much  stronger  to  the  support  of  the  Jewish  cause  than  the  Christian.  But  I  can 
see  no  reason  in  all  this:  for  certainly  Ave  may  make  use  of  the  targums  of  On- 
kelos  and  Jonathan,  for  the  proving  of  the  ancient  and  true  interpretation  of  the 
prophecies  of  the  Messiah  explained  in  them,  and  of  the  other  targums  also  for 
the  same  purpose,  without  our  incurring  thereby  that  ill  consequence  which  that 
Frenchman  would  guard  against;  our  using  them  for  this  purpose  no  more  au- 
thorizing all  else  contained  in  them,  than  our  using  the  prophecies  of  the  Pen- 
tateuch against  the  same  Jews,  can  be  said  to  authorize  their  present  rites  and 
ceremonies  contained  in  that  book,  now  they  are  wholly  abolished  by  the  gos- 
pel. Besides,  when  we  make  use  of  any  quotations  out  of  those  targums  in  our 
controversies  with  the  Jews,  they  are  chiefly  used  as  argvmenia  ad  homines. 
And  thus  we  may  use  arguments  out  of  the  Alcoran  against  the  Mahometans, 
and  out  of  the  Talmud  against  the  Jews,  without  giving  in  the  least  any  autho- 
rity or  approbation  thereby  to  either  of  them. 

With  much  better  reason  the  same  Frenchman^  disapproves  of  the  use  of  the 
targums  for  the  proof  of  the  a-.>.=;,  or  Word,  in  that  sense  in  which  we  find  it 
expressed  in  the  first  chapter  of  the  Gospel  of  St.  John.  For  through  all  those 
targums,  in  a  great  number  of  places  where  mention  is  made  of  God  in  the  ori- 
■ginal  Hebrew',  it  being  rendered  "  the  Word  of  God"  in  the  Chaldee  interpre- 

1  Matt.  ii.  2.  2  Matt.  ii.  3.  3  Ibid.  1.  4  Critical  History  of  the  Old  Testament,  b.  2.  c.  1& 

.5  Critical  History  of  the  Old  Testament,  book  iii.  c.  24. 


356  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

tation,  hence  the  Chaldee  Memra,  which  in  that  phrase  signifieth  "the  Word," 
hath  been  thought  to  correspond  with  the  Greek  ao^o.-  in  that  gospel,  and  both 
exactly  to  denote  the  same  thing.  And  therefore,  several  learned  men  have 
endeavoured  to  explain  the  one  by  the  other,  and  from  hence  to  prove  the  divi- 
nity of  our  Saviour.  But  others,  as  well  as  Monsieur  Simon,"  being  sensible 
that  this  phrase  in  the  Chaldee  being  an  idiom  in  that  language,  which  may  be 
otherwise  explained,  they  are  against  pressing  any  argument  from  it  for  this 
point,  because  it  is  capable  of  an  answer  to  which  we  cannot  well  reply. 

These  targums  are  published  to  the  best  advantage  in  the  second  edition  of 
the  great  Hebrew  Bible  set  forth  at  Basil  by  Buxtorf  the  father,  anno  1620:  for 
that  learned  man  hath  therein  taken  great  pains,  not  only  to  rectify  the  Chaldee 
text,  but  also  to  reform  the  vowel  pointings  in  it.  At  first  these  targums  were 
written,  as  all  other  oriental  books,  without  vowel  points;  but  at  length  some 
Jews  attempted  to  add  points  to  them:  but  this  being  done  very  erroneously, 
Buxtorf  undertook  to  mend  it  according  to  such  rules  as  he  had  formed  from 
the  punctuation,  which  he  found  in  those  parts  of  the  books  of  Daniel  and  Ezra 
which  are  written  in  the  Chaldee  language.  But  some  think  that  the  Chaldee, 
which  is  contained  in  those  two  books, ^  is  too  little  from  thence  to  frame  rules 
in  this  matter  for  the  whole  language:  and  that  therefore  it  had  been  bette^•  if 
Buxtorf  had  left  this  matter  alone, ^  and  printed  those  books  without  any  points 
at  all,  but  left  us  wholly  to  be  directed  by  the  four  letters,  Aleph,  He,  Vau,  Yod 
(which  they  call  Matres  Lectionis,)  for  the  reading  of  those  books.  But  that 
great  and  learned  man  knew  better  what  was  fit  to  be  done  than  any  that  shall 
take  upon  them  to  censure  his  performances.  The  world  is  more  beholden  to 
him  for  his  learned  and  judicious  labours  than  to  any  other  that  lived  in  his 
time,  and  his  name  ought  ever  to  be  preserved  with  honour  in  acknowledgment 
of  it.     But  to  return  again  to  our  history. 

Jin.  37.  Herod  1.] — Sosius,  whom  Antony  had  left  governor  of  Syria,  on  his 
going  to  Italy,  finding  that  Ventidius  had  lost  his  favour  by  meriting  too  much 
from  him  in  the  Parthian  war,*  for  the  avoiding  of  the  like  envy,  as  soon  as  the 
war  with  the  Jews  was  over,  industriously  avoided  doing  any  thing  more,  and 
lay  by  in  quiet  all  the  rest  of  the  year.  But  he  having  done  too  much  already 
by  taking  Jerusalem,  reducing  Judea,  and  placing  Herod  in  full  possession  of 
that  country,  and  being  otherwise  a  man  of  merit,  Antony  could  no  more  bear 
him,  than  he  had  Ventidius:  and  therefore,  as  soon  as  he  returned  into  Syria,* 
he  removed  him  from  that  government,  and  put  Plancus,  governor  of  Asia,  into 
his  place,  and  sent  C.  Fumius  to  govern  Asia  in  his  stead.  And  thus  it  fre- 
quently happens  to  other  under-governors  and  ministers,  either  of  state  or  war, 
they  being  as  often  undone  by  meriting  too  much  from  the  princes  they  serve, 
as  by  dementing  from  them. 

Orodes,  king  of  Parthia,  being  in  some  measure  recovered  from  that  disturb- 
ance of  mind  which  his  great  grief  for  the  death  of  Pacorus  his  beloved  son  had 
cast  him  into,"  fell  into  as  great  perplexity,  whom  of  his  other  sons  he  should 
name  his  successor,  instead  of  him  whom  he  had  lost.  He  had  thirty  of  them  born 
to  him  of  the  several  wives  he  had  married.  All  these  women  pressed  hard  upon 
the  old  king,  each  soliciting  for  a  son  of  their  own.  At  length,  to  put  an  end  to 
this  matter,  he  determined  it  by  the  seniority,  and  appointed  Phrahates  the  eld- 
est of  them,  who  was  also  the  wickedest  and  worst  of  the  whole  number,  to  be 
king  in  his  stead;''  who,  as  soon  as  he  was  possessed  of  the  regal  power,  made 
the  wickedness  of  his  disposition  fully  appear  in  it.  The  first  thing  which  he 
did  was  to  put  to  death  those  of  his  brothers  which  were  born  to  his  father  of  a 
daughter  of  Antiochus  Eusebes,  king  of  Syria;  for  which  he  had  no  other  rea- 

1  LiRlitfool's  Hnbrevv  Exercitations  on  St.  John's  Gospel,  c.  1.  ver.  1. 

2  All  that  is  written  in  Chnldoe  in  both  these  two  books  makes  no  more  than  two  hundred  and  sixty-seveo 
Terses.  of  which  two  humireil  are  in  Daniel,  and  sixty-seven  in  Ezra;  and  these,  with  one  verse  in  Jeremiah, 
lis  all  that  of  the  Chaldee  langnafre  is  to  be  found  in  the  original  text  of  the  holy  scriptures. 

3  Richard  Simon  in  his  Critical  History,  book  iJ.  c.  18.  1  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  49.  p.  406. 
5  Appian.  de  Bellis  Civilibiis,  lib.  .T.     '                                          6  Justin,  lib.  42.  c.  4. 

7  Justin,  lib.  42.  c.  4.  Dion.  Cass.  Jib.  49.  p.  406. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  357 

son  but  that  they  were  by  their  mother  of  a  more  noble  descent,  and  otherwise 
of  greater  merit  than  himself.  And  finding  that  his  father  was  much  offended 
at  it,  he  put  him  to  death  also.  At  first  he  attempted  it  only  by  giving  him  hem- 
lock.' But  that,  instead  of  killing  him,  became  a  medicine  to  cure  him  of  the 
dropsy,  which  he  then  laboured  with;  for  it  working  off  in  a  violent  purgation,  it 
carried  off  the  disease  with  it.  And  therefore,  to  make  sure  work  of  it,  the  par- 
ricide caused  him  to  be  stifled  to  death  in  his  bed;  and  after  that  he  put  to  death 
all  his  other  brothers,"  and  raged  with  that  cruelty  toward  the  nobility,  as  well  as 
all  others,  that  he  made  himself  the  odium  of  all  his  people;  whereon  fearing  lest 
they  should  depose  him,^  and  place  a  son  of  his,  then  grown  up  to  man's  state, 
upon  the  throne  instead  of  him,  he  put  him  to  death  to  prevent  it.  Hereon 
great  numbers  of  the  nobility  of  Parthia,'*  dreading  his  cruelty,  fled  the  country 
to  avoid  it;  several  of  which  took  refuge  in  Syria,  under  the  protection  of  An- 
tony; among  whom  Monseses  was  the  most  eminent,  who  growing  much  into 
the  confidence  of  Antony,  thereby  became  the  chief  promoter  of  that  war  with 
Parthia,  which  Antony  the  next  year  engaged  in. 

An.  36.  Herod  2.] — Herod,  on  the  death  of  Antigonus,^  made  Ananelus  high- 
priest  in  his  stead.  He  was  an  obscure  priest,  residing  among  the  Jews  of 
Babylonia,  and  a  descendant  of  those  who  had  settled  in  that  country  after  the 
Babylonish  captivity;  but  being  of  the  pontifical  family,*'  and  formerly  well 
known  to  Herod,  he  sent  for  him  from  Babylonia,  and  put  him  into  this  office; 
<ind  that  which  chiefly  recommended  him  to  this  choice,  was  the  obscurity  and 
meanness  of  the  man,  that,  being  a  person  without  credit  or  interest  at  Jerusa- 
lem, he  might  not  there,  by  virtue  of  his  high  station  and  dignity,  be  in  a  ca- 
pacity of  interfering  with  the  regal  authority. 

In  the  interim,  Hyrcanus  continued  a  prisoner  at  Seleucia,  in  Babylonia,  till 
Phrahates  came  to  the  crown.  Amidst  the  cruelties  which  he  exercised  among 
his  own  people,  he  showed  kindness  and  generosity  toward  this  captive  prince: 
for  as  soon  as  he  was  informed''  of  his  quality,  he  ordered  him  to  be  released 
from  his  chains,  and  allowed  him  to  live  at  full  liberty  among  the  Jews  of  that 
country;  who  respecting  him  as  their  king  and  their  high-priest,  he  seemed  to 
have  been  as  much  a  king  among  them,  and  to  have  as  ample  a  kingdom, -as 
when  he  reigned  at  Jerusalem.  For  the  Jews  who  were  then  settled  in  Baby- 
lonia, Assyria,  and  other  countries  beyond  the  Euphrates,  which  were  then 
parts  of  the  Parthian  empire,  were  as  numerous  as  those  in  Judea.  And  all 
these  honoured  him  as  their  king,  and  supplied  him  with  a  maintenance  suita- 
ble thereto;  so  that  he  lived  there  in  full  honour,  ease,  and  plenty.  But  on 
hearing  of  Herod's  being  advanced  to  be  king  of  Judea,  the  love  which  he  had 
for  his  country  so  prevailed  with  him,  that  nothing  could  content  him  but  to  re- 
turn again  thither.  Having  been  the  preserver  of  Herod's  life,  when  he  was 
arraigned  before  the  Sanhedrin  for  the  death  of  Hezekias,  and  the  founder  of 
all  his  fortunes,  he  expected  this  man  would  have  treated  him  as  gratitude 
obliged,  and  returned  him  all  the  kindnesses  he  had  received;  and  therefore 
was  desirous  of  putting  himself  under  his  protection  in  Jerusalem;  and  Herod 
was  as  earnest  to  have  him  there,  as  the  other  to  desire  it;  but  with  quite  ano- 
ther view.  He  feared  some  turn  might  happen  to  bring  Hyrcanus  again  upon 
the  throne,  and  therefore  desired  to  have  him  in  his  power,  that  he  might  cut 
him  off  to  prevent  it,  when  he  should  see  an  occasion  for  it;  and  for  this  end, 
not  only  invited  Hyrcanus  to  him  with  great  earnestness  and  greater  promises, 
but  sent  an  embassy  to  Phrahates  on  purpose  to  solicit  his  permission  for  him  to 
come;  and  he  having  succeeded  in  both  these  particulars,  that  is,  with  Phrahates 
to  grant  him  his  dismission,  and  with  Hyrcanus  to  accept  of  it,  the  unfortunate 
old  prince,  contrary  to  the  advice  of  all  his  friends,  left  Babylonia,  and  returned 
to  Jerusalem;  where  Herod  for  some  time  treated  him  with  all  seeming  respect, 

1  Plutarch,  in  Crasso,  circa  firipni.  2  Justin,  lib.  42.  c.  4.  3  Ibid.  c.  5. 

4  Plutarch,  in  Antnnio.     Dion  Cassius,  lib.  49.  p.  406.  5  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  c.  2,  3. 

6  Every  one  of  the  descuiidanta  of  Aaron  was  capable  of  the  high-priesthood,  if  otherwise  qualified. 

7  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  c.  2. 


358  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OP 

till  at  length  he  found  a  pretence  to  put  him  to  death,  in  the  manner  as  will  be 
hereafter  related. 

Publius  Canidius,  one  of  Antony's  lieutenants,  having  vanquished  the  Arme- 
nians, the  Iberians,  and  the  Albanians,'  and  carried  his  victorious  arms  as  far  as 
Mount  Caucasus,  the  name  of  Antony  hereon  became  very  famous  and  terrible 
among  all  the  nations  of  those  parts:  with  which  he  being  much  elated,  was 
blown  up  thereby  into  a  confidence  of  having  the  same  success  against  the  Par- 
thians;  and  therefore  resolved  forthwith  to  prosecute  that  war  against  them,'' 
which  he  had  long  designed,  and  which  was  at  Rome  earnestly  expected  from 
him,  for  the  revenging  of  the  cause  of  Crassus,  and  those  Romans  that  per- 
ished with  him  at  Carrhae;  and  he  accordingly  set  himself  on  the  making  of  all 
manner  of  preparations  for  it,^  in  which  he  made  great  use  of  Monaeses,  forming 
all  his  schemes  for  the  carrying  of  it  on  by  his  advice;  and,  to  engage  him  to 
be  the  more  serviceable  to  him  herein,  he  allowed  him  the  revenues  of  three 
cities  for  his  maintenance,  as  Xerxes  had  Themistocles,  and  promised  him  also, 
on  his  conquering  the  country,  to  make  him  king  of  it.  But  while  these  pro- 
jects were  framing,  came  ambassadors  from  Phrahates  to  invite  Moneeses  home. 
For  the  Parthians  very  ill  resenting  the  banishment  of  this  great  man,  and  Phra- 
hates himself  dreading  the  advantage  which  the  enemy  might  have  against  him 
from  the  advice  of  so  wise  and  able  a  counsellor,  and  one  so  well  acquainted 
with  the  country  to  direct  an  invasion  into  it,  this  produced  a  resolution  of  re- 
calling him;  and  such  terms  being  offered  him  as  he  thought  fit  to  accept,  he 
prepared  for  his  return.  Antony  had  great  indignation  hereat;  and  though  he 
had  him  still  in  his  ])ower,  yet  thought  it  not  for  his  interest  to  put  him  to  death, 
because  this  would  discourage  all  others  from  revolting  to  him;  but,  to  make  the 
best  advantage  of  this  incident  for  his  own  interest,  he,  on  his  dismissing  of 
Monaeses,  sent  ambassadors  with  him  to  Phrahates  to  treat  of  peace,  hoping  that, 
by  amusing  him  herewith,  he  might  divert  him  from  making  preparations  for 
the  war,  and  so  find  him  unprovided  to  make  any  resistance  on  his  invasion 
upon  him.  But  he  wholly  failed  of  his  aim  in  this  matter;  for,  intending  to 
have  invaded  the  Parthians  by  the  nearest  cut  over  the  Euphrates,  on  his  com- 
ing* to  that  ri^^er,  he  found  all  the  passes  so  strongly  guarded  on  the  other  side,* 
that  he  durst  no  where  attempt  the  leading  of  his  army  that  way;  whereon  he 
marched  off  to  the  left,  and  passed  Mount  Taurus  into  Armenia,  purposing  from 
thence  to  invade  first  the  Medians,  and  after  that  the  Parthians.  And  this  he 
was  induced  to  by  the  solicitations  of  Artabazes,  king  of  Armenia:  for  that 
prince,  having  made  a  breach  with  Artavasdes,  king  of  Media,  for  the  reveng- 
ing of  his  cause  upon  him,  pressed  Antony  to  come  this  way,  and,  on  his  fail- 
ing of  the  other  over  the  Euphrates,  he  accepted  of  the  invitation.  And  had 
Artabazes  acted  faithfully  with  him,  the  expedition  in  all  likelihood  would  have 
had  all  the  success  which  was  proposed.  But,  instead  of  conducting  him  the 
direct  way,^  which,  from  Zeugma  on  the  Euphrates  (the  place  from  whence  he 
did  first  set  out  on  the  northern  march)  to  the  river  Araxis,  that  parted  Media 
from  Armenia,  was  about  five  hundred  miles,  he  led  him  over  mountains  and 
difficult  passes,  and  by  ways  so  far  about,  that  he  made  his  march  to  be  of  dou- 
ble the  length,  before  he  arrived  on  the  borders  of  Media,  at  the  place  intended 
for  the  beginning  of  the  war;  whereby  not  only  the  army  was  fatigued,  but  so 
much  of  the  year  spent,  that  it  left  him  not  time  sufficient  for  the  executing  of 
what  was  designed.  However,  to  make  all  the  expedition  possible,®  that  so  he 
might  be  back  again  soon  enough  to  spend  the  winter  with  Cleopatra,  he  over- 
marched  all  his  heavy  carriage  (among  which  v/ere  three  hundred  wagons  loaded 
with  battering  rams,  and  other  military  engines  for  sieges,)  leaving  Statianus, 
one  of  his  lieutenants,  with  a  guard  of  ten  thousand  men,  to  bring  them  after 
him.     With  the  rest  of  his  army  he  hastened  forward,  by  long  marches,  till  he 

1  Dion  Cassiiis,  lih.  40.  p.  400.     PUitarchus  in  Antonio.     Strabo,  lib.  11.  p.  501. 

2  Ibid,  el  Plutarch,  ibid.    Justin,  lib.  42.  c.  5.  3  Ibid,  et  Pliitarchui?,  ibid. 

4  Dion  Ciis^'ius,  lib.  4U.  p.  407.  5  Strabo,  lib.  11.  p.  524.  6  Plutarch,  in  Antonio. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  359 

arrived  at  Praaspa  (otherwise  called  Phrahata,)  the  capital  of  Media,  which  was 
within  the  country/  at  the  distance  of  three  hundred  miles  from  the  river  Araxis, 
where  the  first  borders  of  it  began.  This  city  he  immediately  besieged;*  but  it 
being  a  very  strong  place,  and  well  fortified,  he  soon  found  the  error  he  had 
committed  in  leaving  his  battering  rams,  and  his  other  military  engines  behind 
him;  for  he  could  do  nothing  without  them;  and  therefore,  when  the  Median 
and  Parthian  army  came  up  to  him,  finding  him  thus  in  vain  spending  himself 
in  this  siege,  they  stayed  not  to  give  him  any  disturbance  for  the  raising  of  it, 
but,  passing  hizn  by,  marched  forward  to  fall  on  Statianus,  who  was  coming  up 
with  the  heavy  carriages;  and,  having  surprised  him  in  the  way,  cut  him  off, 
and  all  his  ten  thousand  men  with  him  (excepting  only  some  few  who  had 
quarter  given  them  in  the  end  of  the  carnage,)  and  took  all  the  engines  of  war, 
and  all  the  rest  of  the  baggage  that  was  with  them;  which  was  a  loss  and  dis- 
appointment, that  mostly  contributed  to  the  making  the  whole  expedition  mis- 
carry, next  the  ill  measures  by  which  it  was  conducted. 

As  soon  as  Antony  heard  of  the  danger  Statianus  was  in,  he  made  all  the 
haste  he  could  to  his  assistance,^  but  came  too  late  to  give  him  any;  for  on  his 
arrival,  he  found  him  and  all  his  men  dead  on  the  field  of  battle;  but  no  enemy 
appearing  to  oppose  him,  he  supposed  them  fled  for  fear  of  him;  and  this  making 
him  resume  his  courage,  he  returned  again  to  the  siege;  but  was  there  attended 
with  the  same  ill  success  as  in  all  things  else  during  this  expedition;  for  the 
enemy  lying  near  at  hand,  continually  harrassed  him  with  fresh  assaults,  taking 
all  advantages  for  it,  especially  in  his  foragings.  If  he  sent  out  few  for  this  pur- 
pose, they  were  usually  cut  off  in  their  return;  and  if  he  sent  many,  the  re- 
mainder were  galled  by  the  sallies  of  the  besiegers.  He  thought  to  have  re- 
medied all  this  by  drawing  the  Parthian  army  to  a  general  battle;  and  twice  he 
attained  his  aim  herein,  but  with  little  advantage  to  him:  for  although  in  both 
conflicts  he  put  the  enemy  to  a  thorough  rout,  yet  the  Parthians  being  all  horse- 
men, they  made  their  retreat  with  that  swiftness,  and  thereby  so  well  escaped 
the  damages  usually  suffered  in  such  defeats,  that,  in  the  last  of  them,  when 
Antony  thought  his  victory  absolute,  and  pursued  it  to  the  utmost,  he  found 
that  there  were  only  eighty  of  the  enemy  slain,  and  thirty  taken  prisoners  in 
the  whole  action.  However,  he  continued  the  siege,  till,  having  eaten  up  all 
the  country  round,  he  was  forced  to  depart  for  want  of  provisions;  but  his  re- 
treat being  to  be  made  through  the  enemy's  country  for  three  hundred  miles,* 
(for  at  that  distance  Phrahata  lay  from  the  borders  of  Armenia,)^  it  was  attended 
with  great  difficulties,  and  continual  dangers.  He  was  much  beholden  to  a 
guide  which  he  had  of  the  Mardians"  (a  people  living  near  the  confines  of  Me- 
dia and  Armenia,)  who  being  well  acquainted  with  the  country,  faithfully  con- 
ducted him  through  it.  The  Parthian  army  followed  him  as  far  as  the  river 
Araxis,''  where  the  territories  of  the  Medians  ended,  and  harrassed  him  all  the 
way  with  assaults,  as  often  as  they  had  an  advantage  for  them.  Eighteen  times 
they  fell  on  him  with  all  their  forces,"  and  although  he  as  often  repulsed  them, 
yet  it  was  every  time  with  greater  loss  to  himself  than  to  the  enemy;  for  as  soon 
as  they  perceived  themselves  worsted,  they  made  quick  retreats,  as  being  all 
horsemen,  so  as  to  sustain  no  loss  in  the  pursuit.  Three  times  he  was  in  dan- 
ger of  being  absolutely  undone  by  ambushes  laid  in  the  way  for  him,'  which 
he  could  not  have  escaped,  but  that  he  had  notice  given  him  of  them  from  the 
enemy's  quarters.  Twice  Monseses  served  him  this  way  by  a  special  messen- 
ger sent  to  him  for  this  purpose,  in  return  to  the  kindness  he  had  received  from 
him  in  his  banishment:  and  the  other  time  he  had  his  intelligence  from  an  old 
Roman  soldier,  who,  having  been  a  captive  among  the  Parthians  ever  since  the 
defeat  of  Crassus,  came  to  the  Roman  army  to  acquaint  him  of  the  danger.  Al- 

1  Strabo,  lib.  11.  p.  523.     He  there  calls  this  city  Vera,  and  says  it  was  distant  from  the  river  Araxis  two 
thousand  four  hundred  furlongs,  i.  e.  three  hundred  miles. 

2  Plutarch  in  Antonio.    Strabo,  ibid.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  49.  p.  407.  3  Plutarch,  et  Dion  Cassius,  ibid. 
4  Livii  Epitome,  lib.  130.                      5  Strabo,  lib.  11.  p.  523.  6  Plutarch,  in  Antonio. 

7  Plutarch,  ibid.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  49.  8  Plutarch,  ibid.  9  Plutarch,  et  Dion  Cassius,  ibid. 


360  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

though  he  made  many  errors  in  his  conduct  of  the  other  parts  of  this  war,  there 
were  none  of  them  in  this  retreat:  for  he  managed  it  with  all  the  art  and  suc- 
cess that  it  was  capable  of;  and  after  a  march  of  twenty-seven  days  from  the 
walls  of  Phrahata,  he  brought  his  army  back  again  into  Armenia,  though  not 
without  great  loss.  For  on  his  taking  a  review  of  his  army,  after  his  repassing 
the  Araxis,  he  found  he  brought  back  of  his  foot  twenty  thousand,  and  of  his 
horse  four  thousand,  fewer  than  he  first  carried  over  that  river  for  this  war, 
more  of  which  perished  by  the  hardships  of  the  campaign  than  by  the  sword  of 
the  enemy.  And  although,  on  his  entering  Armenia,  he  was.  there  out  of  the 
enemy's  country,  and  had  free  passage  for  his  army  without  molestation,  yet 
winter  being  now  advanced,  and  Armenia  all  covered  with  snow,  by  continuing 
his  march  through  it  during  this  hard  season,  he  lost  several  thousands  more  of 
his  men;  so  that,  on  his  return  to  Antioch,  Florus  tells  us,'  he  scarce  brought 
back  a  third  part  of  the  number  he  carried  out.  And  yet  he  had  the  vanity  on 
his  return  to  boast,  as  if  he  had  come  back  with  victory,  and  assumed  the  ho- 
nours due  thereon.  He  was  not  at  any  time,  indeed,  during  this  expedition 
vanquished  in  battle,  as  Crassus  had  been,  but  came  back  alive  at  the  head  of 
his  army,  and  without  that  disgrace  to  the  Roman  arms  which  attended  the  ab- 
solute defeat  of  that  other  general.  But  if  their  losses  be  compared  together,  this 
of  Antony's  will  appear  the  more  unfortunate  expedition  of  the  two.  When 
Crassus  Avas  vanquished  by  the  Parthians  at  Carrhae,  there  were  slain  with  him 
twenty  thousand,''  and  ten  thousand  taken  prisoners;  but  in  this  campaign  of 
Antony's  against  the  same  people,  the  number  of  those  that  were  lost  in  it  was 
much  greater:  according  to  Florus's  account,  it  was  about  twice  as  much;  for 
he  went  out  with  a  hundred  thousand  men,^  and  if  he  brought  back  only  a  third 
part,  then  above  sixty  thousand  must  have  perished  of  them  in  this  destructive 
undertaking. 

Had  Artabazes,^  who  marched  with  Antony  into  Media  with  sixteen  thou- 
sand horse,  continued  them  in  his  service,  that  reinforcement  would  have  en- 
abled him  to  have  pursued  the  Parthian  horse  as  often  as  they  were  repulsed, 
and  to  have  taken  thereby  all  the  advantages  of  these  defeats  for  the  making  of 
that  campaign  fully  fortunate.  But  that  faithless  man,  who  had  drawn  Antony 
into  this  war,  was  the  first  that  deserted  him  in  it;  for,  hearing  of  the  ill  fate  of 
Statianus,"*  and  those  that  were  cut  off  with  him,  he  immediately  withdrew  into 
his  own  country,  giving  all  for  lost  on  the  Roman's  side,  and  thereby  did  all 
that  in  him  lay  to  make  it  so;  for  which  Antony  at  last  revenged  himself  upon 
him  in  his  utter  ruin. 

But  the  main  cause  of  all  the  misfortunes  of  this  war,  as  well  as  of  all  others, 
that  befel  this  noble  Roman,  after  his  obtaining  the  chief  command  of  the 
east,  was  that  wicked  and  lascivious  woman  Cleopatra,  queen  of  Egypt.  On  his 
last  return  out  of  Italy  into  Syria,  he  forthwith  sent  for  her  thither,"  against  the 
advice  of  all  his  friends.  On  her  arrival,*  she  influenced  him  to  many  unjust  and 
wicked  things  for  the  gratifying  of  her  avarice;  and  many  of  the  nobility  of  Syria 
were  on  false  pretences  put  to  death  through  her  means,  for  no  other  reason  but 
that  she  might  have  their  forfeited  estates;  among  whom,  one  was  Lysanias,  the 
son  of  Ptolemy  Mennceus,  prince  of  Chalcis  and  Iturse,'  whom  she  having  caused 
to  be  put  to  death,  on  a  false  accusation  of  confederating  with  the  Parthians,  had 
thereon  his  dominions  granted  to  her.  The  stay  which  she  then  made  with  him 
much  retarded  this  Parthian  expedition:  for,  that  he  might  the  longer  enjoy  her 
conversation,'*  he  so  long  delayed  his  first  setting  out  on  it,  and  by  reason  hereof 
came  into  Armenia  so  late  in  the  year,  that  he  could  not  have  time  enough  to 
do  any  great  feats  in  this  campaign,  had  he  been  fully  fortunate  in  it:  and,  al- 
though he  sent  her  away  again  into  Egypt,  before  he  marched  forth  with  his 

1  Ploriis,  lib.  4.  c.  10.  Velleius  PaterciiUis  saith  he  lost  a  fourth  part  of  his  soldiers,  and  of  the  servants 
sutlers,  and  others,  that  attended  the  army,  a  third  part,  lib.  2.  c.  82. 

2  Plutarch,  in  Crasso.  3  Ibid,  in  Antonio.  4  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  49.  p.  407.    Plutarch,  in  Antonio* 
5  Plutarch,  in  Antonio.           6  .Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  c.  4.  etde  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  13. 

7  Joseph,  ibid.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  49.  p.  411.  8  Plutarch,  in  Antonio. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  361 

army,  yet  he  went  to  this  war  with  his  heart  so  bewitched  to  her,  that  he  pre- 
cipitated every  thing  to  make  the  more  haste  to  return  to  her  again.  And  this 
precipitation  was  the  cause  that  made  the  undertaking  so  miserably  miscarry, 
as  hath  been  above  related.  A  great  part  of  the  summer  having  been  spent  ere 
he  came  to  the  river  Araxis,  instead  of  passing  it  so  late  in  the  year,  he  should 
have  put  his  army  there  into  quarters  among  the  Armenians.  After  so  long 
and  fatiguing  a  march  as  they  made  of  it  from  Syria  thither,  they  needed  such 
a  refreshment,  and  winter  being  so  near,  had  he  continued  them  still  there  in 
the  same  quarters  till  the  rigour  of  it  had  been  over,  and  began  the  war  early 
in  the  spring  following,  in  all  likelihood  he  would  have  had  better  success  in  it, 
and  would  then  have  had  time  enough  before  him  for  the  making  of  the  best 
advantage  of  it.  This  was  the  best  course  he  could  then  have  taken,  and  he 
was  accordingly  advised  to  it;  but  the  eager  desire  which  he  then  had  of  being 
speedily  back  again  with  that  wicked  woman,  would  not  permit  him  to  hearken 
thereto,  but  hurried  him  on  to  enter  into  a  war  in  a  cold  country,  when  the 
cold  season  was  there  beginning.  And,  when  the  heavy  carriages  hindered  him 
in  his  march  from  making  that  speed  with  which  he  desired,  for  the  same  rea- 
son, to  despatch  every  thing,  he  left  them  behind  to  be  brought  after  him; 
which  not  only  made  the  siege  of  Phrahata  miscarry,  for  want  of  the  engines  of 
battery  which  were  with  those  carriages,  but  also  was  the  cause  of  the  loss  of  all 
those  carriages,  and  of  Statianus,  and  his  convoy,  who  were  appointed  to  bring 
them  to  him,  they  being  all  through 'this  ill  conduct  cut  off  and  destroyed  in 
the  manner  as  above  related.  And  when  the  unlucky  beginning  of  the  war 
with  so  great  a  loss  had  made  every  thing  else  miscarry  in  it,  and  Antony  was 
with  great  dilhculty  got  back  again  into  Armenia,  and  ought  at  least  then  to 
have  put  the  remainder  of  his  army  into  winter-quarters,  it  being  the  middle  of 
winter,'  for  the  sake  of  getting  speedily  back  again  into  Syria,  for  the  gratifying 
of  his  lust  with  that  woman,  he  obstinately  continued  his  march  over  that  moun- 
tainous country,  then  covered  all  over  with  snow;  which  cost  him  eight  thou- 
sand of  his  men  more,^  who  perished  in  that  march  by  reason  of  the  hardship 
of  the  season;  which  completed  the  ruin  of  his  army,  and  reduced  them  to  that 
small  number  I  have  mentioned. 

While  these  things  were  doing  in  the  east,  a  great  change  happened  in  the 
west;  Sextus  Pompeius  being  driven  out  of  Sicily,  and  Lepidus  deposed  from 
the  triumvirate.  Octavianus  and  Lepidus^  had  jointly  carried  on  the  war  against 
Sextus  Pompeius;  and  they  having  had  that  success  in  it,  as  utterly  to  subdue 
him  both  ly  sea  and  land,  and  deprive  him  of  all  he  had,  excepting  only  seven 
ships,  with  which  he  fled  into  Asia,  Lepidus  vainly  arrogated  the  whole  honour 
of  the  victory  to  himself,  and  would  have  seized  all  Sicily,  as  what  he  thought 
was  due  solely  unto  him,  as  the  just  reward  of  it.  But  Octavianus,  having  here- 
on drawn  over  all  his  army  to  desert  to  him,  reduced  him  to  a  necessity  to  beg 
his  life,  and  be  content  to  lead  the  remainder  of  it  in  a  private  and  mean  con- 
dition at  Circeii,  a  small  maritime  town  among  the  Latins,  where  he  was  sent 
into  banishment.  That  he  attained  to  be  one  of  the  three  supreme  governors 
of  the  Roman  empire,  was  wholly  owing  to  fortune,  he  being  without  any  merit 
in  himself  of  either  wisdom,  valour,  or  activity,  to  entitle  him  thereto;  and 
therefore,  after  he  had  thus  fallen  from  what  fortune  had  thus  raised  him  unto, 
he  had  nothing  more  left  to  recommend  him  to  any  further  regard,  but  ended 
his  life  in  the  place  of  his  confinement,  in  obscurity  and  contempt.  After  this, 
Antony  and  Octavianus  held  the  whole  Roman  empire  divided  between  them; 
the  former  had  all  the  east,  from  the  borders  of  Illyrium  and  the  Adriatic  Gulf, 
and  the  latter  all  the  rest.  And  it  is  remarked,  that  Octavianus  was  no  more 
than  twenty -eight  years  old  when  he  attained  to  all  this,  and  owed  it  all  wholly 
to  the  wisdom  of  his  own  conduct;  and  with  the  same  wisdom  whereby  he  ob- 

1  Plutarcli.  in  AiUonio.  2  Epitnme  Livii,  lib.  130.    Plut.  in  Antonio. 

3  Dion  Cassiiis,  lib.  49.     Appian.  de  Bellis  Civilibiis,  lib.  5.    Epitome  Livii,  lib.  ]29.    Suetonius  in  Octa- 
vio,  c.  16.  54.     Orosius,  lib.  t).  c.  18.     Plorus,  lib.  4.  c.  8. 

Vol.  IL— 46 


362  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

tained  this  empire,  lie  governed  it  ever  after  to  the  end  of  his  life,  through  a 
long  and  prosperous  reign. 

An.  35.  Herod  3.] — As  soon  as  Antony  had  gotten  back  again  into  Syria  from 
his  late  expedition,'  he  retired  to  Lucecome,  a  castle  in  Phoenicia,  lying  between 
Sidon  and  Berytus,  and  there  sent  for  Cleopatra  to  him,  waiting  for  her  coming 
with  great  impatience;  and  for  the  relief  of  it,  wearing  away  the  time  in  the 
interim  with  feasting,  revelling,  and  drunkenness,  till  her  arrival,  without  being 
touched  with  any  concern  for  the  losses  of  his  late  unfortunate  expedition,  or 
with  any  other  passion  but  that  of  his  inordinate  love  for  this  lascivious  woman. 
On  her  coming  to  him,  she  brought  with  her  great  quantities  of  garments  for 
the  new  clothing  of  his  shattered  army.  These,  with  a  large  donative  in  mo- 
ney, were  distributed  among  the  soldiers  in  Cleopatra's  name.  The  clothes 
only,  it  is  said,  were  from  Cleopatra,  but  the  money  all  from  Antony;  but  both 
were  distributed  in  her  name  out  of  complaisance  to  her.  As  soon  as  this  was 
done,  Antony  returned  into  Egypt  with  her;  and  there  they  spent  the  remain- 
der of  the  winter  in  all  manner  of  luxury  and  voluptuousness  together. 

The  making  of  Ananelus  high-priest,^  and  the  putting  by  from  that  office 
Aristobulus,  the  son  of  Alexander,  to  whom  it  belonged  in  right  of  succession, 
caused  great  disturbances  in  Herod's  family:  for  Alexandra,  Aristobulus's  mother, 
could  not  bear  the  disappointment,  and  Mariamne,  his  sister,  Herod's  best  be- 
loved wife,  was  continually  teazing  and  soliciting  him  about  it.  But  he  was 
most  embarrassed  by  the  dangers  and  troubles  which  Alexandra  created  him; 
for  she  wrote  to  Cleopatra  about  this  matter,  and  began  also,  by  the  means  of 
one  Dellius,  a  favourite  of  Antony's,  to  engage  him  in  it;  so  that  Herod  found 
it  necessary,  for  the  securing  of  his  safety  and  quiet,  to  gratify  the  two  ladies 
in  what  he  found  them  so  earnest  for;  and  therefore,  having  deposed  Ananelus, 
he  made  Aristobulus,  then  a  lad  of  seventeen  years  old,  high-priest  in  his  stead. 
This  satisfying  the  two  ladies,  and  also  pleasing  the  generality  of  tlie  people,  it 
restored  peace  again  to  Herod's  family,  and  prevented  for  the  present  all  those 
dangers  and  difficulties  from  Antony,  which  he  was  then  threatened  with  about 
this  matter. 

But  the  active  genius  of  Alexandra  would  not  permit  this  calm  long  to  con- 
tinue; for  she  was  a  woman  of  a  great  spirit,  as  well  as  of  a  great  understand- 
ing; and  knowing  that  her  son  had  as  good  a  claim  to  the  kingdom  as  he  had 
to  the  high-priesthood,  could  not  bear  his  being  deprived  of  either;  for  by 
her  he  was  grandson  to  Hyrcanus,-*  and  by  Alexander,  his  father,  he  was  grand- 
son to  Aristobulus,  and  therefore  had  the  interest  and  right  of  both  those  brothers 
centring  in  him;  by  his  descent  from  the  latter,  he  had  the  high-priesthood  (that 
going  in  the  male  line,)  but,  by  his  descent  from  both,  he  claimed  the  crown; 
and  Alexandra  having  succeeded  in  her  gaining  of  the  one,*  pursued  the  same 
means  for  the  obtaining  of  the  other  also;  that  is,  by  intriguing  with  Cleopatra, 
that  so  by  her  interposition  she  might  gain  over  Antony  to  her.  But  Herod 
smelling  out  this  correspondence,  and  guessing  at  the  purport  of  it,  confined 
her  to  the  palace,  and  set  spies  upon  her,  who  so  narrowly  watched  all  her  steps, 
that  none  of  them  escaped  their  observation;  whereon  looking  on  herself  as  a 
prisoner,  she  resented  it  with  great  indignation,  and  for  the  remedying  of  it, 
formed  a  plot  for  her  and  her  son's  escape  into  Egypt  to  Cleopatra,  who,  on 
this  occasion,  had  invited  them  thither:  in  order  hereto,  a  ship  was  provided  at 
the  next  sea-port  town,  and  they  were  to  be  carried  out  in  two  coffins  for  their 
escaping  thither.  Herod  had  an  account  of  all  this  design,  and  permitted  it  to 
go  on  till  it  was  actually  put  in  execution;  but  then  seizing  them  on  the  road, 
brought  them  botli  back  again.  He  durst  not  openly  resent  what  was  done,  for 
fear  of  Cleopatra;  and  therefore,  making  a  virtue  of  necessity,  he  pretended, 

1  Plutarch,  in  Antonio.  2  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  c.  2,  X 

:?  Hyrcaniis  and  Aristobuhis  were  the  two  sons  of  Alexander  Janneus.     Alexandra  was  the  danphter  and 
only  child  of  Hyrcanua,  and  Alexander  her  husband  was  the  son  of  .Aristobulus;  these  two  being  married  to- 
gether, were  the  iwrents  of  Mariamne,  Herod's  wife,  and  of  Arietobulus,  the  high-priest. 
'I  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  c.  2,  3. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  363 

out  of  clemency  to  pardon  that  in  both  which  he  could  not  punish  in  either, 
hnt  from  that  time  resolved  to  rid  himself  of  the  young  man,  as  soon  as  he 
should  have  a  convenient  opportunity  for  it.  He  was  right  heir  to  the  crown 
which  Herod,  by  the  favour  of  the  Romans,  had  usurped  from  him;  and  being 
also  a  remarkably  beautiful  young  man,  the  usurper  had  reason  to  fear,  should 
he  come  into  the  presence  of  Antony  and  Cleopatra,  how  far  he  might  gain, 
on  persons  so  laciviously  affected,  for  the  carrying  of  the  point  which  Alexan- 
dra proposed.  And  further  he  observed,  that  the  young  man  grew  much  into 
the  favour  of  the  people;  and  the  gracefulness  of  his  person,  as  well  as  their 
affection  for  the  Asmonaean  family,  of  which  he  was  the  sole  male  remainder, 
much  recommended  him  hereto.  Of  which  an  instance  was  soon  given  on  a 
very  public  occasion:  for  the  feast  of  tabernacles  approaching,'  and  Aristobulus 
then  officiating  in  the  office  of  high-priest,  he  discharged  himself  with  so  good 
a  grace,  and  the  splendour  of  the  pontifical  robes  did  so  much  set  forth  the 
beauty  of  his  person,  that  by  both  these  he  captivated  the  affection  of  the  whole 
assembly,  and  every  man's  mouth  was  full  of  his  praises.  This  raised  the  jea- 
lousy of  the  tyrant  to  so  high  a  degree,  that  he  had  not  patience  any  longer  to 
bear  him;  but,  immediately  after  the  festival  was  over,  took  care  to  have  him 
drowned  at  Jericho.  He  went  thither  with  Herod  to  take  part  of  an  entertain- 
ment there  provided  for  them.  After  dinner  was  over,  several  of  Herod's  at- 
tendants bathing  themselves  in  a  fishpond,  Aristobulus  was  persuaded  to  bathe 
with  them;  but  he  was  no  sooner  plunged  into  the  water,  but  those  that  were 
there  before  him,  according  as  directed  by  Herod,  ducked  and  dipped  him  so 
long  under  water,  till  he  was  then  drowned  to  death.  This  was  pretended  to 
be  done  only  by  way  of  sport  and  play,  without  any  intending  of  that  which 
followed;  and  therefore  endeavours  were  made  to  have  his  death  to  pass  for  an 
unfortunate  accident,  which  happened  by  chance,  without  any  design;  and  none 
laboured  more  to  have  this  believed  than  Herod  himself;  for  he  acted  the  part 
of  a  great  mourner  for  the  deceased,  shedding  abundance  of  tears,  and  other- 
wise expressing  great  grief  for  his  death,  and  expending  great  sums  in  a  splen- 
did funeral  for  him.  But  every  body  saw  through  this  hypocrisy,  and  abhorred 
him  for  it;  and  none  more  than  Alexandra,  who  was  inconsolable  for  this  loss, 
and  could  not  have  survived  it,  but  for  the  hopes  of  having  an  opportunity  of 
being  revenged  on  the  tyrant  for  it.  In  order  hereto,  she  put  all  her  wits  to 
w^ork,  and,  being  well  stored  with  such  as  were  proper  for  the  effecting  of  such 
a  design,  she  had  near  brought  it  to  pass  for  the  utter  ruin  of  the  murderer  and 
all  his  fortunes,  as  will  be  by  and  by  related. 

But  all  this  while  Antony  lay  idle  at  Alexandria,  spending  the  whole  year 
in  dalliances  with  Cleopatra;  and,  although  fair  opportunities  were  offered  him 
for  the  revenging  of  the  Roman  cause  upon  the  Parthians,  and  utterly  subduing 
that  nation,  yet  he  neglected  them  all  for  the  enjoyment  of  his  lust  with  this 
vile  woman:  for  Antony  was  no  sooner  returned  from  his  late  expedition,  but 
the  king  of  Media  and  king  of  Parthia  fell  out  about  the  prey  which  they  had 
taken  from  him  on  the  defeat  of  Statianus,^  the  latter  depriving  the  other  of  his 
share  in  it;  whereon  the  Median  sent  an  embassy  to  Antony,  offering  to  join 
with  him  against  the  Parthians,  and  to  assist  him  with  all  his  forces.  This  offer 
Antony  gladly  accepted  of,  as  wanting  the  Median  horse  to  enable  him  to  cope 
with  the  Parthians,  whose  whole  strength  lay  in  their  horse.  At  the  same  time 
he  had  an  account  that  the  affairs  of  the  Parthians  were  in  great  disorders  and 
distractions,  by  reason  of  several  commotions,  seditions,  and  rebellions,  then  in 
that  country,  caused  by  the  tyranny  and  cruelty  of  their  king.  Both  these  junc- 
tures coming  together,  offered  Antony  a  very  advantageous  opportunity,  by  a 
new  expedition  against  the  Parthians,  to  make  amends  for  the  miscarriage  of 
the  former;  and  therefore,  resolving  to  lay  hold  of  it,  he  forthwith  put  himself 
upon  his  march  into  Syria,  there  to  make  preparations  for  it.  But  Octavia  being 
come  as  far  as  Athens,  in  her  way  to  Antony,  Cleopatra,  feared  that,  in  cas« 

1  Joseph.  Amid.  ''•'■  ^^-  "^^  "^  2  Plutaxch.  in  Antonio.    Dion  Casgiiu,  lib.  49.  p.  411. 


364  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

they  should  meet,  the  wife  might  again  recover  the  affection  of  her  husband, 
and  she  be  thenceforth  excluded  from  it;  and  therefore,  for  the  preventing  hereof, 
she  put  all  her  arts  to  work,  feigning  herself,  after  his  departure,  to  be  sick  in 
love  with  him,  that  his  absence  had  cast  her  into  a  languishing  condition,  of 
which  she  must  die,  unless  he  would  return  to  her  again;  for  she  pretended  she 
could  not  live  without  him.  This  brought  Antony  back  again  into  Alexandria; 
and  the  Median  expedition  being  laid  aside,  he  devoted  this  whole  year  to  the 
gratifying  his  adulterous  love  with  this  woman;  and  as  soon  as  he  was  returned 
to  her,  he  sent  his  orders  to  Octavia  at  Athens,  that  she  should  not  proceed  any 
further;  which  being  resented  by  Octavianus,  became  the  first  cause  of  that 
war  between  them,  which  ended  in  the  ruin  of  both  these  lovers,  for  they  both 
perished  in  it. 

This  year  did  put  an  end  to  the  family  and  faction  of  Pompey  the  Great.  It 
hath  been  above  related,  that  at  his  death  he  left  two  sons,  Cneius  and  Sextus, 
and  that  Cneius  was  slain  in  Spain  after  the  battle  of  Munda.  Sextus,  the 
younger  of  them,  having  escaped  from  thence,  supported  himself  for  some  time 
in  a  piratical  way  at  sea;  but  after  the  death  of  Caesar,  and  the  battle  of  Philip- 
pi,'  having  gotten  together  out  of  the  remains  of  his  party  such  a  naval  force  as 
made  up  three  hundred  and  fifty  sail,  he  seized  Sicily,  Corsica,  and  Sardinia. 
From  whence  being  driven  by  Octavianus  and  Lepidus,  in  the  manner  as  hath 
been  related,  he  fled  to  Lesbus,''  and  there  lived  for  some  time  in  quiet  among 
the  Mitylenians.  But  hearing  of  the  ill  success  of  Antony's  expedition  against 
the  Parthians,  he  thought  this  a  favourable  opportunity  for  him  again  to  raise 
himself;  and  therefore,  passing  over  into  the  continent  of  Lesser  Asia,  he  there 
got  together  a  small  army,  and  with  it  made  several  desperate  pushes  for  the  re- 
storing of  his  fortunes:  but  failing  in  them  all,  he  was  this  year  taken  and  put 
to  death  by  Titlus,  one  of  Antony's  lieutenants.  As  soon  as  Antony  had  notice 
of  his  being  taken,  he  wrote  to  Titius  to  put  him  to  death;  but  a  httle  after  re- 
penting of  it,  he  sent  a  second  letter  to  have  him  saved  ahve.  But  the  messen- 
ger that  carried  the  letters  of  mercy,  making  haste  with  them,  arrived  before 
the  other  messenger  that  had  the  letters  of  death;  and  therefore  Titius  execut- 
ing them  not  in  the  order  of  their  date,  but  in  the  order  as  he  received  them, 
did  put  the  unfortunate  captive  to  death.  After  this,  the  parties  of  Octavianus 
and  Antony  divided  the  Roman  empire,  and  those  of  Pompey  and  Csesar  were 
no  more  spoken  of.  Titius  had  formerly  been  an  adherent  of  Sextus  Pompeius; 
but  having  treacherously  revolted  to  Antony  from  him,  he  feared  that  if  Sextus's 
life  were  spared,  he  might  some  time  or  other  be  in  a  condition  to  be  revenged 
on  him  for  it;  and  therefore  perversely  interpreting  the  last  order  that  cjme  to 
hand  to  be  the  last  that  was  sent,  put  him  to  death  by  virtue  of  it;  which  ren- 
dered him  so  odious  to  the  Roman  people,  by  reason  of  the  great  regard  and 
affection  which  they  had  to  the  merpory  of  Pompey  and  his  family,  that  they 
could  not  after  this  bear  the  sight  of  him  in  the  public  theatre,^  but  drove  him 
out  of  it  with  their  hisses  and  curses,  even  then,  when  he  was  there  exhibiting 
to  them  games  and  shows  at  his  own  expense  and  charges. 

An.  34.  Herod  4.] — Alexandra,^  having  by  letters  acquainted  Cleopatra  of  the 
murder  of  her  son,  possessed  her  so  effectually  with  the  whole  villany  of  Herod 
in  this  matter,  as  fully  engaged  her  to  do  all  that  lay  in  her  power  for  the  re- 
venging of  her  cause;  so  that  she  never  left  soliciting  Antony  about  it,  till  at 
length  she  prevailed  with  him  to  call  Herod  to  an  account  for  it:  and  therefore 
Antony  going  early  this  year  into  Syria  (in  which  journey  Cleopatra  accom- 
panied him,  (he  cited  Herod  there  to  appear  before  him  to  answer  this  accusa- 
tion against  him.  But  Herod,  on  his  arrival,  by  fair  words  and  large  presents, 
so  mollified  Antony,  that  nothing  could  be  done  against  him,  though  Cleopatra 
failed  not  to  pursue  this  cause  to  the  utmost.  But  this  not  being  so  much  to 
gratify  Alexandra,, as  out  of  a  greedy  desire  to  have  Herod's  kingdom  granted 

1  I,.  FloriiB,  lib.  4.  c.  P.  '.'  Appianiis  ilc  Hellis  Civilihiis,  lib.  5.     Dion  Cassius,  lib.  40. 

3  Velleius  Patercuiiis,  lib.  2.  c.  79  -1  Juseph.  AntKi.  lib.  15.  c.  4 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  gGS* 

to  her  in  case  he  were  cast  in  this  cause,  and  put  to  death  for  it,  as  he  deserved,. 
Antony  satisfied  her  avarice  by  giving  her  Coele-Syria,  instead  of  Judea;  and 
hereon  she  dropped  all  the  rest,  and  no  further  prosecution  was  made  herein. 

Herod,  on  his  leaving  Judea  to  go  unto  Antony,'  appointed  Joseph  his  uncle 
to  have  the  administration  of  the  government,  and  the  care  of  his  family,  during 
his  absence,  and  gave  him  particularly  in  charge,  that  in  case  Antony  should 
put  him  to  death,  he  should  not  permit  Mariamne,  his  best  beloved  wife,  to  sur- 
vive the  first  news  of  it,  but  immediately  cut  her  off.  This  he  ordered,  that  no 
one  might  enjoy  so  rare  a  beauty  but  himself,  especially  not  Antony;  for  he 
had  been  acquainted  that  Antony  had  professed  a  passion  for  her  upon  the  very 
fame  of  her  beauty;  and  therefore  concluded,  that,  if  the  matter  went  hard  with 
him,  it  would  be  for  her  sake,  that,  after  his  death,  Antony  might  have  the  free 
enjoyment  of  her;  and  therefore,  should  death  be  now  his  case,  he  ordered  her 
death  also,  that  he  might  thereby  deprive  Antony  of  the  prey  intended;  and  so, 
by  this  disappointment  in  her  death,  as  far  as  in  him  lay,  revenge  on  him  his  own. 

During  Herod's  absence,'  Joseph  frequently  waited  on  Mariamne,  sometimes 
upon  business,  and  at  other  times  to  pay  his  respects  to  her  as  queen;  in  which 
visits  he  would  often  take  occasion  to  magnify  and  extol  the  love  of  Herod  to 
her;  and  at  one  time  especially,  to  make  this  out,  he  told  her  that  she  was  so 
dear  to  him,  that  as  he  could  not  live  without  her,  so  he  was  resolved  that  death 
should  not  part  them,  and  so  blabbed  out  the  whole  secret;  which  exceedingly 
angering  Mariamne  and  Alexandra,  as  well  it  might,  the  latter  immediately  put 
her  busy  head  to  work  how  to  prevent  the  mischief  intended.  And  soon  after  a 
flying  report  running  through  the  city,  that  Herod  was  put  to  death  by  Antony, 
she  forthwith  contrived  to  flee  for  protection  to  a  legion  of  the  Romans,  who 
then,  for  the  safeguard  of  the  country,  under  the  command  of  one  Julius,  lay  en- 
camped without  the  walls  of  Jerusalem.  But,  while  this  was  in  agitation,  came 
letters  from  Herod,  which  dashed  the  whole  plot:  for  they  brought  an  account 
that  he  was  not  only  alive,  and  in  safety,  but  also  in  great  favour  with  Antony, 
and  soon  after  he  returned.  On  his  arrival,  Salome  his  sister  told  him  all  that 
had  been  doing  in  his  absence,  and  filled  his  head  with  jealousy  as  to  Mariamne, 
accusing  her  of  having  too  great  a  familiarity  with  Joseph,  and  thereby  endea- 
voured to  work  the  destruction  of  both,  though  Joseph  was  both  her  uncle  and 
her  husband;*'  but  she  was  content  to  sacrifice  him,  so  she  might  obtain  her  re- 
venge upon  the  other:  for  Mariamne  being  a  lady  of  excellent  beauty,  and  high 
born,  as  being  descended  of  the  royal  stock  of  the  Asmonsean  kings,  and  on  both 
these  accounts  of  as  high  a  spirit,  she  looked  down  upon  Salome  as  one  of  a  low 
original  in  respect  of  her,  and  had  reproached  her  with  it:  which  the  other  not 
brooking,  resolved  to  be  revenged  on  her  for  it;  in  order  whereto,  she  never  left 
laying  plots  for  her  ruin,  till  at  length  she  effected  it:  and  this  was  that  which 
was  the  reason  of  her  present  accusation  against  her.  This  at  first  put  Herod 
into  a  furious  fit  of  jealousy  against  his  wife:  for  as  his  love  to  her  was  very  great, 
so  his  jealousy  was  proportionable  to  it;  but  when  the  first  heat  of  it  was  over, 
and  he  had  in  a  cooler  temper  examined  Mariamne  about  it,  he  soon  found  that 
there  was  no  reason  for  this  accusation  against  her;  and  therefore  earnestly 
begged  her  pardon  for  his  too  easy  credulity  herein;  and,  for  the  better  obtain- 
ing of  her  reconciliation,  made  great  profession  in  passionate  embraces  of  most 
ardent  love  and  affection  to  her.  Yes,  indeed,  says  she,  it  is  a  notable  sign  of 
your  love,  to  order  the  putting  your  innocent  wife  to  death,  in  case  you  should 
die  yourself.  At  these  words,  Herod  flew  out  of  her  arms  in  the  utmost  fury, 
and  his  jealousy  all  returned  again  upon  him  in  greater  excess  than  before;  for 
he  concluded,  that  nothing  but  an  adulterous  conversation  could  bring  Joseph  to 
betray  this  secret  to  her,  which  he  had  with  the  utmost  caution  committed  to 
his  trust;  and  in  this  transport  of  his  passion,  was  just  on  drawing  of  his  dagger 

1  Joseph.  Antiq.  lil>.  15.  c.  4. 

2  The  Levitical  law  did  not  exclude  the  uncle  from  marrying  the  niece,  though  it  did  the  aunt  trom  marry- 
ing the  nephew;  the  reason  of  which  is  above  shown  under  the  year  187. 


366  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

to  have  immediately  struck  her  to  the  heart;  but  his  love  to  her  checking  this 
first  start  of  his  wrath  against  her,  he  vented  it  all  upon  Joseph  and  Alexandra: 
for  the  first  of  them  he  put  to  death  without  so  much  as  allowing  him  a  hearing 
to  speak  for  himself,  and  the  other  he  clapped  into  chains,  and  locked  her  fast 
up  in  prison,  as  looking  upon  her  to  be  the  root  and  cause  of  all  the  mischief 
that  disturbed  his  family. 

Cleopatra  following  Antony  into  Syria,^  was  there  continually  soliciting  him 
for  new  grants  of  provinces  and  countries  to  be  made  over  to  her,  she  being  as 
insatiable  in  her  covetousness  as  she  was  in  her  lust.  She  had  already  obtained 
from  him  all  Cyrene,  Cyprus,"^  Ccele-Syria,  Ituraea,  and  Phcenicia,  with  a  great 
part  of  Cilicia  and  Crete,  and  would  fain  have  had  also  Judea  from  Herod, ^  and 
Arabia  from  Malchus,  and  solicited  hard  for  the  putting  of  these  two  kings  to 
-death,  that  she  might  thereon  have  their  kingdoms  for  a  prey.  But  Antony 
would  not  comply  with  her  in  this  last  proposal:  however,  for  the  quieting  of 
her,  he  was  forced  to  give  her  out  of  Malchus's  kingdom  that  part  of  it  which 
bordered  upon  Egypt,  and  out  of  Herod's  the  territory  of  Jericho,  with  the  bal- 
sam gardens  which  there  grew.  By  these  large  grants  he  much  offended  the 
Roman  people,  especially  since  they  were  made  the  price  of  that  filthy  conver- 
sation which  he  carried  on  with  this  lewd  woman. 

Antony  from  Syria  marching  into  Armenia,  Cleopatra  accompanied  him  as 
far  as  the  Euphrates, ''  from  whence  returning  by  the  way  of  Apamea  and  Da- 
mascus, she  came  to  Jerusalem,  and  was  there  very  splendidly  entertained  by 
Herod.  While  she  was  there,  she  pretended  to  be  in  love  with  him,  and  would 
have  drawn  him  into  acts  of  lewdness  with  her.  The  impudence  of  this  at- 
tempt created  in  him  an  abhorrence  of  the  woman,  which,  joined  with  the  hatred 
he  justly  had  of  her  for  the  ill  offices  she  had  endeavoured  to  do  him  with  An- 
tony, for  the  depriving  him  of  his  kingdom  and  his  life,  provoked  him  to  a  re- 
solution, now  he  had  her  in  his  power,  to  put  her  to  death;  and  it  was  only  the 
fear  of  Antony's  resentments  (the  danger  of  which  his  friends  whom  he  ad- 
vised with  about  it  laid  fully  before  him)  that  deterred  him  from  putting  it  in 
execution.  And  therefore,  laying  this  aside,  he  went  on  to  comphment  and 
entertain  her  with  aU  manner  of  respects  and  splendour,  as  long  as  she  stayed 
with  him,  and  on  her  departure  waited  on  her  in  person  as  far  as  the  borders 
of  her  kingdom.  However,  fearing  the  malice  of  this  wicked  woman,  as  well 
as  the  tumultuous  temper  of  the  Jews,  and  their  aversion  to  him,^  he  fortified 
Massada,  the  strongest  castle  in  Judea,  and  furnished  it  with  arms  for  ten  thousand 
men,  that  there  he  might  have  a  place  of  refuge  for  his  security  against  all  events. 

In  the  mean  time  Antony  in  Armenia,  having  by  treachery  drawn  Artabazes 
king  of  that  country  into  his  power,  made  him  his  prisoner,  and  seized  all  his 
kingdom.  He  had  deserted  him  in  his  late  Median  expedition,  as  hath  been 
above  related.  This  Antony  greatly  resented,  and  that  justly  enough,  it  having 
been  undertaken  on  the  solicitation  and  for  the  sake  of  Artabazes;  and  there- 
fore, he  had  ever  since  entertained  resolutions  in  his  mind  of  being  revenged 
on  him  for  it:  in  order  hereto  he  had  several  times,**  under  pretence  of  friend- 
ship, endeavoured  to  draw  him  within  his  power:  but  Artabazes,  being  sensible 
how  ill  he  had  deserved  from  him,  suspected  the  worst,  and  therefore  kept  out 
of  his  way.  But  now  finding  it  was  brought  to  this  pass,  that  it  could  be  no 
longer  avoided,  but  that  he  must  either  go  to  him,  or  enter  into  a  disadvanta- 
geous war  with  him,  and  having  all  the  securities  for  his  safe  return  that  solemn 
promise's  and  sacred  oaths  could  give  him,  he  ventured  his  person  within  his 
power;  but  he  was  no  sooner  entered  into  his  camp,'  but  he  was  clapped  into 
chains,  and,  contrary  to  all  the  obligations  of  faith  and  honesty,  made  a  prisoner. 

1  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  c.  4.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  I.e.  13. 

2  Plutarch,  in  Antonio.     Dion  Cassias,  ibid. 

n  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  c.  4.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  13.  Pt  lib.  7.  c.  32. 

4  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  c.  5.  5  Joseph,  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib,  7.  c.  32. 

6  DionCassius,  lib.  40.  p.  411.  415. 

7  Plutarchus  in  Antonio.  DionCassius,  lib.  49.  p.  415.  Epitome  Livii,  lib.  131.  Velleiui  Patercnlus,  lib. 
S.  c  83.    Orosius,  lib.  G.  c.  19.    Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  c.  5. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  367 

The  Armenians,  resenting  this  with  the  indignation  which  it  deserved,  immedi- 
ately put  Artaxias,'  the  eldest  son  of  the  captivated  king,  on  his  throne,  and 
marched  under  him  with  all  their  forces  to  revenge  the  perfidy;  but  Antony 
having  overthrown  him  in  battle,  and  driven  Artaxias  to  take  shelter  in  Parthia, 
most  of  the  country  submitted  to  him,  and  the  rest  were  reduced  by  force.  But 
the  perfidy  of  this  act  in  thus  seizing  a  confederate  king  contrary  to  faith  given, 
was  looked  on  at  Rome  as  dishonourable  to  the  Roman  name;  and  it  was  on 
this  account  so  ill  resented  by  the  people,  that  Octavianus,^  in  his  speeches  both 
to  them  and  the  senate,  made  it  one  of  the  reasons  for  the  war  that  afterward 
broke  out  between  them. 

After  this,  he  contracted  a  marriage  for  Alexander,'  one  of  his  sons  by  Cleo- 
patra, with  a  daughter  of  the  king  of  Media;  and  then,  leaving  the  gross  of  his 
army  in  Armenia,  he  returned  with  the  rest  to  Alexandria.  On  his  arrival 
thither,  he  entered  the  city  in  a  triumphal  chjijiot,  causing  the  prey  which  he 
had  taken  in  Armenia,  with  king  Artabazes,  his  wife  and  children,  and  other 
prisoners,  to  be  carried  before  him  in  the  same  manner  as  used  to  be  done  in 
the  triumphs  at  Rome;  only  with  this  difference,  that,  whereas  at  Rome  the  pro- 
cession ended  at  the  temple  of  Jupiter  in  the  capitol,  here  it  ended  at  the  per- 
son of  Cleopatra;  who  being  seated  in  public  on  a  golden  throne  placed  on  a 
scaffold  overlaid  with  silver,  and  surrounded  by  the  people  on  every  side,  had 
there  Artabazes  and  all  the  other  prisoners  presented  in  chains  to  her.  It  was 
expected  that  they  should  all  have  kneeled  down  before  her,  and  they  were 
pressed  so  to  do;  but  they  too  much  remembered  their  former  dignity  to  submit 
■  to  so  low  an  obeisance;  and  this  refusal  caused  that  they  were  afterward  used 
the  worse  for  it.  The  Romans  looking  on  the  ceremony  of  triumphing  as  ap- 
propriated wholly  to  their  city,  took  it  grievously  ill  at  the  hands  of  Antony,* 
that  he  should  carry  it  elsewhere  for  the  gratifying  of  an  infamous  woman. 

A  little  after  this,  Antony  having  feasted  the  people  of  Alexandria,''  called 
them  together  into  the  gymnasium,  or  place  of  public  exercise,  where  having, 
on  such  a  scaffold  as  before  mentioned,  seated  himself  in  a  throne  of  gold,  and 
Cleopatra  by  him  in  another,  he  made  an  oration  to  them,  and  then  declared 
Caesarion,  the  son  of  Cleopatra,  to  be  king  of  Egypt  and  Cyprus,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  his  mother;  and  whereas  he  himself  had  three  children  by  the  same 
Cleopatra,  Alexander  and  Cleopatra  at  one  birth,  and  Ptolemy,  whom  he  sur- 
named  Philadelphus  at  another,  he  at  the  same  time  gave  unto  Alexander,  Ar- 
menia, Media,  Parthia,  and  the  rest  of  the  eastern  countries,  from  the  Euphra- 
tes to  India,  when  they  should  be  subdued;  and  to  Cleopatra,  the  twin-sister  of 
Alexander,  Libia  and  Cyrene;  and  unto  Philadelphus,  Phcenicia,  Syria,  Cilicia, 
and  all  the  countries  of  Lesser  Asia,  from  the  Euphrates  to  the  Hellespont;  and 
conferred  on  each  of  them  the  title  of  king  of  kings;  and  about  the  same  time 
he  also  gave  unto  Cleopatra  the  name  of  Isis,"  and  assumed  to  himself  that  of 
Osiris:  the  first  of  which  was  the  great  goddess,  and  the  other  the  great  god,  of 
the  Egyptians;  and  from  that  time  both  frequently  appeared  in  public,  habited 
in  such  a  dress  as  was  then  thought  proper  only  to  those  heathen  deities.  By 
these  doings  and  follies,  Antony  daily  diminished  his  character  among  all  that 
were  either  sober  or  wise,  and  farther  aUenated  the  affections  of  the  Romans 
from  him;  of  which  Octavianus  took  the  advantage,  as  of  every  thing  else,  to 
work  his  ruin. 

An.  33.  Herod  5.] — Antony  went  early  the  ensuing  year  into  Armenia,  with 
purpose  from  thence  to  make  war  upon  the  Parthians,''  and  in  order  thereto 
marched  as  far  as  the  river  Araxis.  But  about  this  time  the  quanel  growing 
high  between  him  and  Octavianus,  this  hindered  his  making  any  farther  pro- 
gress that  way.  Octavianus  took  the  advantage  of  being  present  at  Rome  to 
excite  all  there  against  him,*  accusing  him   in  several  speeches  both  to  the 

1  Dion  Cassius,  et  Joseph,  ibid.  2  Dion  Cassins,  lib.  50.  p.  419.  3  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  19.  p.  4J5. 

4  Plutarchus  in  Antonio.  5  Plutarch,  ibid.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  49.  p.  41.5,  416. 

C  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  53.  p.  421.  7  Plutarch,  in  Antonio.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  49 

8  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  50.  p.  419.    riutarch.  in  .Vntonio. 


368  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

senate  and  people.  Antony,  hearing  of  this,  laid  aside  his  intended  expedition 
against  the  Parthians,  and  forthwith  sent  Canidius,  one  of  his  lieutenants,  with 
sixteen  legions,  down  to  the  coasts  of  the  Ionian  Sea;  and,  after  having  renew- 
ed his  league  with  the  Median  king,  he  himself  hastened  after  them  to  Ephe- 
sus,  there  to  be  ready  for  the  vindicating  of  his  cause  against  Octavianus,  should 
it  come  to  a  breach  between  them,  as  all  things  now  seemed  to  tend  thereto. 
In  this  journey  he  carried  Cleopatra  with  him,  which  proved  the  ruin  of  zR  his 
affairs.  His  friends  earnestly  advised  him  to  send  her  back  to  Alexandria,  there 
io  wait  the  event  of  the  war.  But  Cleopatra  fearing  lest,  in  her  absence,  a 
peace  should  be  made  upon  terms  of  Antony's  again  receiving  Octavia,  and  ex- 
cluding her,  put  the  utmost  of  her  interest  to  work  for  the  obtaining  that  she 
might  stay;  and  accordingly  prevailed  herein.  Her  chief  argument  for  it  was, 
that  since  she  contributed  most  to  the  expenses  of  the  war  (for  she  had  ad- 
vanced twenty  thousand  talents  towards  it,')  it  was  all  reason,  that  she  should 
be  allowed  at  her  desire  to  be  present  in  it.  Antony  had  provoked  Octavianus 
against  him  by  the  wrong  done  to  Octavia  his  sister,^  whom,  having  married, 
he  rejected  for  the  gratifying  of  his  adulterous  love  with  Cleopatra,  though  Oc- 
tavia was  much  the  handsomer  of  the  two.  But  that  which  touched  Octavianus 
most  was,  Antony  had  declared  Cleopatra  to  have  been  married  to  Julius  Caesar,' 
and  Caesarion,  whom  she  had  by  him,  to  be  his  lawful  son.  For  this  tended  to 
the  bringing  of  a  lawful  son  over  his  head,  to  the  dispossessing  him  of  the  in- 
heritance which  he  held  only  as  the  adopted  son  of  that  great  man.  These  and 
many  other  particulars  were  objected  against  him  by  Octavianus;  and  Antony 
by  his  agents  and  letters  recriminated  as  fast.  But  these  were  only  pretences 
for  the  gaining  of  parties  on  each  side.  There  was  only  one  true  cause  for  the 
present  breach;  neither  of  these  two  great  men  being  contented  with  one  half 
of  the  Roman  empire,  each  would  have  all,  and  accordingly  agreed  to  throw  the 
die  of  war  for  it. 

From  Ephesus  Antony  passed  over  to  Samos;*  and  having  there  rendezvoused 
the  greatest  part  of  his  forces,  sailed  from  thence  to  Athens,  and  in  those  two 
places  he  spent  the  most  part  of  the  year.  At  both  of  them  he  lived  after  his 
usual  rate,  in  all  manner  of  luxury,  pomp  and  voluptuousness,  having  Cleopatra 
with  him,  who  was  the  chief  cause  of  his  immersing  himself  in  these  excesses. 
But  at  the  same  time  he  omitted  nothing  in  making  all  suitable  preparations, 
both  by  sea  and  land  for  the  war  ensuing,  and  Octavianus  did  the  same,  and 
both  parties  called  in  all  their  friends  and  allies  to  their  assistance  herein. 

Jin.  32.  Herod  6.] — Sosius  (whom  we  have  before  spoken  of  in  the  wars  of 
Judea)  and  Domitius  iEnobarbus  being  consuls  at  Rome  the  next  ensuing  year,* 
both  embraced  the  interest  of  Antony;  and  taking  the  advantage  of  Octavianus's 
being  then  absent  from  Rome,  promoted  a  decree  to  the  people  against  him; 
whereon  Octavianus  returning,  and  in  his  defence  making  a  speech  in  the  senate 
against  Antony  and  the  consuls,  assigned  a  day  for  them  again  to  assemble, 
when  he  promised  he  would  exhibit  to  them  letters,  and  other  evidences,  to 
make  good  all  that  he  had  said;  but  before  that  day  came,  both  the  consuls  and 
several  other  senators  that  were  of  Antony's  party,  left  the  city,  and  repaired 
to  him;  and  Octavianus,  instead  of  hindering  them,  gave  out  that  they  went 
with  his  permission,  and  caused  it  publicly  to  be  declared,  that  all  else  who 
were  so  inclined  should  have  free  liberty  to  do  the  same;  whereby,  having  rid 
the  city  of  all  opponents,  he  was  there  left  at  full  scope  to  say  and  do  whatso- 
ever he  thought  fit  for  the  advancing  of  his  own  interest,  and  the  depressing  of 
that  of  his  adversary:  of  which  Antony  having  an  account,^  called  together  the 
chief  men  of  his  party,  and,  after  consultation  had  with  them  about  this  matter, 
by  their  advice  declared  war  against  him,  and  sent  a  bill  of  divorce  to  Octavia,'^ 

J  This  amomitpd  to  abov-^  four  millions  of  our  sterling  money. 

2  Plutarcli.  in  Antonio.     Dion  Cassius,  lib.  4!),  p.  411. 

3  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  49.  p.  41fi.    Plutarch,  in  Antonio.  4  Plutarch,  ibid. 

5  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  4a.  p.  41G.  et  lib.  50.  p.  419.     Suet,  in  Octavio,  c.  17.  6  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  .50.  p.  420. 

7  Dion  Cassius,  ibid.    Plutarch,  in  Antonio.    Epitome  Livii,  lib.  132.    Eutro.  lib.  7.    Orosius,  lib,  6.  c.  19. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  369 

and  messengers  to  Rome  to  drive  her  out  of  his  house  in  that  city,  in  which 
she  had  hitherto  hved.  And,  in  pursuit  of  the  war,  he  had  by  this  time  so  far 
advanced  his  preparations  for  it  bej^ond  those  of  Octavianus,'  that  had  he  forth- 
with pushed  it  to  a  final  decision,  he  must  unavoidably  have  carried  the  day, 
Octavianus  being  then  in  no  readiness  to  stand  before  him  either  at  sea  or  land: 
but  the  gratifying  of  his  luxury,  and  the  indulging  of  his  pleasures,  at  Samos 
and  Athens,  causing  a  procrastination  of  this  matter,  it  was  deferred  till  the  next 
year  after;  which  proved  the  loss  of  all;  for  by  that  time  Octavianus  had  gotten 
together  those  forces  whereby  he  ruined  him  at  Actium,  as  wiU  be  by  and  by 
related.  And  besides,  while  he  thus  delayed,  many  of  his  friends  and  partisans 
deserted  him,^  and  went  over  to  Octavianus;  the  principal  of  which  were  Plan- 
cus  and  Titius,^  whom  Cleopatra's  ill  usage  drove  from  him:  which  tended  very 
much  to  his  damage;  for  they  having  been  made  privy  to  all  his  counsels  and 
secret  designs,  on  their  revolting  from  him,  disclosed  them  all  to  Octavianus, 
whereby  he  much  served  his  cause,  especially  by  the  discovery  which  they 
made  to  him  of  Antony's  will.  For  he  having  made  a  ver}^  extravagant  will  in 
favour  of  Cleopatra  and  her  children,^  to  the  damage  and  dishonour  of  the  Ro- 
man state,  and  lodged  it  with  the  vestal  virgins  at  Rome,  they  informed  Octavi- 
anus of  it;  w^hereon,  having  gotten  this  will  out  of  the  hands  of  those  with  whom 
it  was  entrusted,  and  openly  read  and  recited  all  the  offensive  particulars  of  it 
to  the  people,  he  thereby  very  much  excited  them  against  Antony;  they  who 
had  hitherto  been  well  affected  to  him,  as  well  as  all  others,  expressing  great 
indignation  hereat.  And  this  very  ill  thing  being  from  the  authentic  instru- 
"ment  undeniably  made  out  against  him,  it  operated  much  farther  to  his  hurt,  in 
that  it  made  every  thing  else  that  was  charged  upon  him,  how  false  soever,  to 
be  believed  also;  and  advantage  was  taken  herefrom  to  load  his  reputation  with 
many  vile  imputations  that  had  not  the  least  foundation  of  truth  in  them;  for 
nothing  was  thought  bad  enough  not  to  be  believed  of  him  after  this  matter. 

Octa%aanus  having  gotten  a  fleet  and  army  ready,  which  he  thought  sufficient 
for  the  encountering  of  the  adversary,  no  longer  delayed  declaring  war:  but 
caused  it  to  be  decreed  onl}"-  against  Cleopatra:*  for  though  the  Avar  was  in 
reality  against  Antony,  yet  he  craftily  took  care  that  his  name  should  not  be 
mentioned  in  this  decree,  for  several  reasons  relating  to  his  interest  at  that 
time;  for  this  would  less  provoke  the  friends  of  Antony:  this  would  make  him 
the  more  odious  at  Rome,  by  putting  it  upon  him  to  be  the  aggressor  in  this 
war  against  his  own  country,  and  this  would  in  several  other  particulars  best 
serve  the  designs  of  Octavianus  against  him.  Both  called  all  their  friends  and 
allies  to  their  help.  Octavianus  had  all  the  west,  and  Antony  all  the  east,  on 
their  sides,  and  both  brought  great  armies  into  the  field,  and  both  also  set  forth 
as  great  fleets  at  sea  for  the  decision  of  this  quarrel.  For  Antony's  forces,  at 
land  and  sea,  consisted  of  one  hundred  thousand  foot,  and  twelve  thousand 
horse,  and  five  hundred  ships  of  war;  and  Octavianus's  of  eighty  thousand  foot,* 
twelve  thousand  horse,  and  two  hundred  and  fifty  ships  of  war;  and  with  these 
preparations  they  begun  their  hostilities  against  each  other,  both  by  sea  and 
land.  In  order  hereto,  Octavianus  rendezvoused  both  his  fleet  and  army  at 
Brundusium,  and  Antony  came  as  far  as  Corcyra  to  meet  him;  but  the  summer 
being  now  spent,  and  the  tempestuous  season  of  the  year  advanced,  they  were 
forced  both  to  retreat,  and  put  their  armies  into  winter-quarters,  and  lay  up  their 
fleets  in  winter  stations  till  the  next  spring. 

While  the  preparations  for  this  war  were  thus  carrying  on,*  Herod  had  pro- 
vided an  army  for  the  assistance  of  Antony;  but  when  he  was  ready  to  put 

1  Plutarch,  in  Antonin.  2  Plutarch,  in  Antonio.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  50.  p.  420. 

3  In  that  will  he  had  declared,  that  Caesarion,  Cleopatra's  son,  was  born  in  lawful  wedlock,  and  therefore 
was  the  lawful  son  and  true  heir  of  Julius  Cssar.  And  he  had,  by  the  same  will,  given  most  of  the  territo- 
ries of  the  Roman  empire,  which  were  under  his  command  to  Cleopatra  and  her  children,  and  ordered  his  body, 
wherever  he  should  die,  though  at  Rome  itself,  to  be  .lent  to  Ale.\andria  to  Cleopatra,  there  to  be  buried  as 
she  should  order.    Plutarchus,  Dion  Cassius,  et  Suetonius,  ibid. 

4  Plutarch,  et  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  50.  p.  420.  et  Suetonius  in  Octavio,  c.  17. 

5  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  c.  6.  et  de  Bello  Judaieo,  lib.  1.  c.  14. 

Vol.  II.— 47 


370  CONIVEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

himself  on  his  march  toward  him,  caime  letters  from  Antony,  which  excusing 
him  from  this  expedition,  sent  him  to  make  war  nearer  home,  against  Malchus, 
king  of  Arabia  Petrsea.  It  hath  been  above  related,  how  Cleopatra  extorted 
from  Antony  a  grant  of  that  part  of  Malchus's  dominions  which  bordered  upon 
Egypt.  Malchus,  instead  of  quarrelling  with  her  about  it,  agreed,  out  of  fear 
of  Antony,  to  hold  that  territory  of  her  for  a  certain  tribute:  this  tribute  he  duly 
paid  while  Antony  was  in  power,  and  at  liberty  to  force  him  to  it;  but,  now 
finding  him  involved  in  this  war  with  Octavianus,  and  expecting  he  would 
perish  in  it,  as  it  accordingly  happened,  he  withheld  his  hand,  and  would  pay 
it  no  longer;  and  for  this  reason  Antony  at  the  instigation  of  Cleopatra,  ordered 
Herod  to  make  war  upon  him.  But  this  wicked  woman  had  farther  view  in 
this  matter  than  the  bare  recovering  of  her  tribute.  She  concluded,  that  when 
these  two  kings  should  be  thus  put  together,  by  the  ears,  one  of  them  would  be 
killed  in  the  war,  and  then  she  should  have  the  kingdom  of  the  slain  for  a  prey 
to  her.  Herod,  on  the  receipt  of  these  orders,  marched  with  all  his  forces  into 
Arabia,  and  there,  after  a  sharp  fight  with  Malchus,  obtained  a  very  signal  vic- 
tory over  him;  but,  in  a  second  engagement  with  him  at  Cana  in  Coele-Syria, 
he  had  not  the  same  success;  for  Athenion,  who  was  Cleopatra's  lieutenant  in 
those  parts,  out  of  hatred  to  Herod,  joining  with  Malchus  in  the  battle  against 
him,  he  was  there  overthrown  with  a  great  slaughter,  and  he  himself  hardly 
escaped  with  some  remains  of  his  vanquished  army,  the  rest  being  all  cut  in 
pieces. 

Jtn.  31.  Herod  7.] — And  not  long  after  another  calamity  happened  to  him 
fi-om  a  terrible  earthquake,'  which  shaking  the  whole  land  of  Judea  in  a  more 
grievous  manner  than  had  been  before  known,  destroyed  about  thirty  thousand 
of  the  inhabitants,  in  the  ruins  of  the  houses  which  it  overthrew.  Herod,  being 
much  afflicted  herewith,  sent  to  the  Arabians  to  crave  peace;  but  they  having 
it  rumoured  among  them  that  the  destruction  was  much  greater  than  it  was,  de- 
spised the  message;  and,  therefore,  putting  the  ambassadors  to  death,  invaded 
the  land,  as  expecting  not  to  find  a  sufficient  number  left  alive  to  defend  it 
against  them.  But  Herod's  forces  having  been  all  encamped  abroad  when  this 
earthquake  happened,  they  suffered  nothing  from  it,  save  the  overthrowing  of 
their  tents,  which  killed  nobody.  And,  therefore,  he  having  gotten  them  to- 
gether,'' and  encouraged  them  with  a  speech  proper  for  the  purpose,  marched 
with  them  over  Jordan  to  meet  the  enemy,  and  in  the  first  encounter  over- 
threw them  with  the  slaughter  of  five  thousand  of  their  men,  and  besieged  the 
rest  in  their  camp;  where  he  distressed  them  so  far  for  want  of  water,  that  he 
drew  them  to  another  battle,  in  which  he  slew  seven  thousand  more,  and  forced 
all  the  remainder  to  yield  themselves  prisoners  to  him:  whereon  the  Arabians 
were  necessitated  to  sue  in  their  turn  for  peace  to  Herod,  and  were  glad  to  ac- 
cept what  they  lately  despised,  on  such  terms  as  he  thought  fit  to  demand  from 
them;  whereby  Herod,  having  obtained  all  that  he  intended  by  this  war,  returned 
with  victory  and  full  triumph  again  to  Jerusalem. 

In  the  interim,^  Octavianus  and  Antony  were  hastening  to  bring  their  contest 
to  a  final  decision.  As  soon  as  the  season  would  permit,  their  armies  again  took 
the  field,  and  their  fleets  the  sea,  and  several  encounters  happened  between 
parties  sent  out  from  each  side  both  by  sea  and  land;  in  all  which  victory  de- 
clared in  favour  of  Octavianus.  This  caused  that  many  of  Antony's  side,  de- 
spairing of  his  success,  especially  since  they  saw  him  so  much  under  the 
conduct  of  Cleopatra,  went  over  from  him  to  Octavianus.  This  made  Antony 
distrustful  of  all  the  rest;  and  therefore  resolved  to  push  the  matter  to  as  speedy 
a  decision  as  he  could;  and  the  other  being  as  eager  for  it  as  he,  this  brought 

1  Joseph.  Aniiq.  lib.  15.  c.  7.  etde  Bello  Jud.iico,  lib.  1.  e.  14.  It  is  to  be  observed,  that  Josephus  saith,  in 
his  Antiquities,  that  only  ten  thousand  perished  in  this  earthquake.  His  words  there  are  ^sp  /!'^yi=vc,  i.  e. 
one  myriad,  but  in  his  book  of  the  Jewish  War  it  is  Tf,5i,-  /^vfixi^ti,  i.  e.  three  myriads,  which  i.?  lliirty  thou- 
sand; for  every  myriad  is  ten  thousand.  This  latter  number  seems  beat  to  agree  with  his  description  of  the 
calamity. 

2  Joseph.  Anliq.  lil).  15.  c.  8.  et  de  Bello  Judaico, lib.  I.e.  14. 

3  Pliitarch.  in  Anionic.    Dion  Cassiua,  lib.  50. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  371 

ou  the  battle  of  Actium,  which  was  so  called  from  the  place  near  which  it  was 
fought.  This  was  a  small  city  lying  on  the  south  side  of  the  mouth  of  the  Am- 
bracian  Gulf  in  Epirus.'  There  Antony,  with  the  gross  of  his  army,  lay  en- 
camped, having  his  fleet  near  him  on  the  shore;  and  on  the  opposite  side  Octa- 
vianus  was  encamped  at  a  place  where  afterward,  in  commemoration  of  the 
victory  which  he  there  obtained,  he  buUt  a  city,  which  he  called  Nicopolis;' 
and  there  he  had  his  fleet  also  near  him  on  the  shore;  so  that  the  stations  in 
which  both  fleets  anchored  were  not  above  a  mile's  distance  from  each  other. 
Canadius,  who  had  the  chief  command  of  Antony's  army,^  persuaded  him  to 
decamp  from  Actium,  and  march  into  the  inland  country  of  Thrace,  or  Mace- 
don,  and  rather  try  his  fortune  in  a  battle  at  land,  as  being  much  stronger  in  his 
army  by  land  than  in  his  fleet  by  sea;  for  Antony  had  been  forced*  to  burn 
many  of  his  ships  for  want  of  rowers  and  mariners  to  navigate  them,*  most  of 
those  who  first  came  out  with  him  being  dead  through  want  of  necessaries 
whereby  to  subsist,  and  the  rest  were  but  ill  manned.  But  notwithstanding 
this,®  Cleopatra's  advice  prevailed  to  have  the  matter  decided  by  a  fight  at  sea; 
for,  in  case  of  the  worst,  she  thought  she  might  much  better  escape  in  her 
shipping  by  sea,  than  she  could  by  a  flight  at  land;  and  therefore,  either  fore- 
boding or  fearing  the  worst,  she  prevailed  with  Antony  to  try  his  fortune  by 
sea;  and  accordingly,  on  the  second  of  September  this  year,^  both  fleets  en- 
gaged before  the  mouth  of  the  Ambracian  Gulf  near  Actium,  in  the  sight  of 
both  armies  at  land,  the  one  being  drawn  up  on  the  north  side,  and  the  other 
on  the  south  side  of  the  straits  entering  this  gulf,  there  to  wait  the  event  of  this 
battle.  The  fight  for  some  time  continued  dubious,^  and  with  as  fair  a  prospect 
of  success  for  Antony  as  for  the  other,  till  Cleopatra  deserted  him:  for  she  being 
affrighted  with  the  noise  and  terror  of  the  battle,  as  being  what  ladies  used  not 
to  be  acquainted  with,  fled  before  there  was  any  reason  for  it,  and  drawing 
after  her  all  her  Egyptian  squadron,  to  the  number  of  sixty  tall  ships  of  war, 
sailed  off"  with  them  toward  Peloponnesus:  hereon,  Antony,  giving  all  for  lost, 
made  after  her;  and  this  flight  gave  the  victory  entirely  up  to  Octavianus.  How- 
ever, he  came  not  easily  by  it:  for  Antony's  ships  fought  so  valiantly  for  him, 
even  after  he  was  fled,  that,  although  the  fight  began  at  noon,  it  was  night  ere 
it  was  ended;  so  that  the  victors  were  forced  to  lie  on  board  their  ships  all 
night.  Next  morning  Octavianus,  finding  his  victory  complete,  sent  a  squadron 
of  his  ships  in  pursuit  after  Antony  and  Cleopatra;  but  they,  soon  finding  them 
to  be  gone  too  far  to  be  overtaken,  returned  again  to  the  rest  of  the  fleet.  In  the 
interim,  Antony  and  Cleopatra  got  to  Tenarus  in  Laconia.^  Although  Antony,* 
as  soon  as  he  came  up  with  Cleopatra's  ship,  was  taken  on  board  of  it,  yet  he 
saw  her  not  through  all  this  voyage;  but  setting  himself  down  in  the  prow  of 
the  ship,  and  there  leaning  his  elbows  on  his  knees,  and  his  head  on  both  his 
hands,  as  one  confounded  with  anger  and  shame  for  the  ill  conduct  and  miscar- 
riage of  his  affairs,  continued  in  this  melancholy  posture  for  three  days  together, 
till  his  arrival  at  Tenarus.  But  after  this,  being  brought  again  together,  they 
again  conversed  with  each  other,  and^did  eat  together,  and  lie  together  in  the 
same  manner  as  before:  for  Antony  was  so  bewitched  to  this  woman,  that  he 
still  continued  his  fondness  for  her,  even  at  this  time,  when  he  had  all  the  rea- 
son in  the  world  to  detest  and  abhor  her  to  the  utmost,  as  having  been  in  the 
manner  above  related  the  cause  of  his  ruin. 

Antony  had  not  been  long  at  Tenarus,'"  till  some  of  his  ships  that  had  escaped 
the  flight,  and  several  of  his  friends,  there  repaired  to  him;  by  whom  having  an 
account  of  the  total  defeat  of  his  fleet,  but  that  his  army  at  land  was  still  safe, 

1  Dion  Cassiug,  lib.  50.  p.  426.    Strabo,  lib.  10.  p.  451.    Plin.  lib.  4.  c.  1. 

2  Nicopolis,  in  Greek,  signifieth  the  city  of  victory.  3  Plutarch,  in  Antonio. 

4  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  50.  p.  428.  5  Ibid.  Orn.sius,  lib.  G.  c.  19.  6  Dion  Cassiiis,  ibiil.  Plutarch,  ibid. 

7  Dion  Cassiua  saith  this  battle  was  fought  on  the  fourth  of  the  nones  of  September,  which,  according  to 
our  reckoning,  is  the  second  of  that  month.     Dion  Cassius,  lib.  51.  in  initio  libri. 

8  Plutarch,  in  Antonio.     Dion  CasFius,  lib.  50.     L.  Florus,  lib.  4.  c.  11.     Velleius  Paterc.  lib.  2.  c.  85.    Ore- 
«ius,  lib.  6.  c.  19.    Sueton.  in  Octavio,  c.  17. 

9  Plutarch,  in  Antonio.  10  Plutarch,  in  Antonio.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  51. 


372  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

he  wrote  to  Canidius  to  retire  with  it  through  Macedonia  into  Asia,  purposing 
there  to  renew  the  war.  Canidius  for  seven  days  made  the  march  which  An- 
tony directed  him  to;  but  being  then  overtaken  by  Octavianus,  he  Hed  by  night 
to  Antony;  whereon  the  army,  finding  themselves  deserted  by  their  generals, 
went  over  to  Octavianus,  and  were  listed  by  him  among  the  rest  of  his  forces. 

After  this  defeat,'  the  foreign  auxiliaries  that  helped  Antony  in  this  war,  fled 
all  home  to  their  respective  countries,  and  afterward  made  their  peace  with  Oc- 
tavianus upon  the  best  !erms  they  could.  Some  of  the  princes  he  deposed,  and 
some  of  them  he  continued  in  their  former  state;  but  on  all  of  these  last,  as 
well  as  on  the  free  cities  that  had  joined  with  Antony,  he  imposed  heavy  mulcts, 
wherewith  he  discharged  the  expenses  of  the  war.  But  as  to  the  Romans  that 
were  of  Antony's  party,  some  of  them  he  pardoned,  and  some  he  fined,  and 
others  he  put  to  death,  according  as  their  conduct  had  been  toward  him.  Among 
those  whom  he  put  to  death  was  Cassius  Parmensis,  the  last  survivor  of  Csesar's 
murderers,  and  he  perished  in  as  calamitous  a  manner  as  did  all  the  rest:  for 
after  the  battle  of  Actium  he  fled  to  Athens;"  where  being  terrified  with  the 
like  apparition  as  Brutus  had  been  at  Philippi,^  he  was  soon  after  overtaken  by 
those  whom  Octavianus  sent  to  execute  that  vengeance  upon  him  which  he  de- 
iserved.  In  cases  of  murder,  it  seldom  happens  that  Providence  permits  any 
that  are  guilty  herein  to  escape  its  vindictive  hand,  especially  in  the  murder  of 
princes;  of  which  this  of  Csesar  was  a  very  signal  instance:  for  of  all  those  who 
conspired  his  murder  in  the  senate  house  (who  are  said  to  have  been  sixty  per- 
sons, )■*  it  is  remarked  not  one  died  in  his  bed,^  but  all  of  them  came  to  their 
end  in  a  violent  and  calamitous  manner.  And  although  this  Cassius  escaped 
the  longest,  yet  at  length  vengeance  overtook  him  also,  and  he  perished  as  mise- 
rably as  did  all  the  others. 

From  Tenarus,"  Cleopatra  sailed  to  Alexandria,  and  Antony  to  Libya.  He 
had  formerly  sent  thither  Pinarius  Scarpus  to  be  governor  of  that  province;"  and 
there  placed  an  army  under  his  command  for  the  guarding  of  the  western  bor- 
ders of  Egypt  against  all  that  should  come  that  way  to  disturb  it.  This  army 
he  thought  to  have  had  for  his  service,  which  was  the  end  of  his  going  thither. 
But  on  his  landing  there,®  he  found  Scarpus  and  all  with  him  had  revolted  to 
Octavianus;  which  disappointment  casting  him  into  despair,  he  would  have 
slain  himself,  and  it  was  with  difficulty  that  he  was  diverted  from  it  by  his 
friends.  And  therefore  all  that  was  now  left  for  him  to  do  was  to  follow  Cleo- 
patra to  Alexandria,  where  she  was  returned  a  little  before.  On  her  arrival  thi- 
ther, fearing  she  might  not  be  received,  were  her  misfortunes  known,  she  en- 
tered the  harbour  with  her  ships  crowned,^  as  if  she  had  come  back  with  victory; 
by  which  means  she  got  again  into  the  full  possession  of  that  city,  and  also  of 
the  whole  kingdom  with  it;  and  as  soon  as  she  had  so,^  she  put  to  death  all 
those  of  the  nobility  who  were  any  way  averse  to  her,  thereby  to  prevent  the 
tumults  which  she  feared  they  might  raise  against  her  on  the  discovery  of  the 
true  state  of  her  affairs.  Antony,  on  his  coming  to  Alexandria,  found  her  en- 
gaged in  a  very  extraordinary  undertaking:  for  fearing  she  might  fall  into  the 
hands  of  Octavianus  on  his  pursuit  of  her  into  Egypt,  for  the  preventing  here- 
of,'" she  projected  the  drawing  of  her  ships  that  were  in  the  Mediterranean 
from  that  sea  into  the  Red  Sea,  over  the  isthmus  of  seventy  miles  which  lay  be- 
tween them;"  and  after  having  joined  them  with  other  ships  which  she  then  had 
in  the  Red  Sea,  to  put  on  board  them  all  her  treasure,  and  sailing  down  the  Red 
Sea  with  them,  to  seek  some  other  place  for  her  habitation.  But  the  Arabians, 
who  dwelt  on  that  sea,  having  at  the  instigation  of  Q.  Didius  (who  had  then 

1  Plutarch,  in  Antonio.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  51. 

2  Valerius  Maximus,  lib.  1.  c.  7.  3  Plutarch,  in  Bruto  et  in  Cssare. 

4  Sueton.  in  Julio  Cssare,  c.  80.     Eutropius,  lib.  6.  in  fine.  5  Plut.  in  Caesare. 

<j  Plutarchus  in  Antonio.     Dion  Cassius,  lib.51.  7  Dion  Cassius,  ibid. 

8  Plutarch,  ibid.     Dion  Cassius,  ibid.  9  Dion  Cassius,  ibid. 
JO  Plutarch,  in  Antonio.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  51.  p.  447. 

11  Plutarch  saith,  the  lonsth  of  this  isthmus  was  no  more  than  three  hundred  furlongs,  which  is  thirty-seven 

of  our  miles;  but  the  Arabian  geographers  reckon  from  Pharma  to  Suez,  which  is  the  shortest  cut  over  that 
isthmus,  to  be  seventy  mile.«. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  373 

seized  the  presidency  of  Syria  for  Octavianus)  burned  all  those  ships,'  this 
wholly  disappointed  her  of  that  design.  Antony,  when  he  arrived  at  Alexan- 
dria, went  not  to  the  palace,''  but  shut  himself  up  in  a  house  on  the  sea  shore 
near  Pharus;  and  there  sequestered  himself  from  the  company  and  conversa- 
tion of  all  men:  for  being  forsaken  by  almost  all  his  friends,  he  pretended  to 
act  the  part  of  Timon  the  man-hater,^  and  therefore  called  this  house  his  Timo- 
nium,  and  there  solitarily  spent  his  time  in  meditating  hatred  and  detestation 
against  all  mankind,  for  the  sake  of  those  who  had  now  deserted  him — wrong- 
fully imputing  to  them  his  ruin,  which  his  own  ill  conduct  and  folly  had  brought 
him  to.  But  he  did  not  long  relish  this  way  of  living.  He  was  soon  again 
found  with  Cleopatra  at  the  palace;''  and  there  with  her  revelled  away  the  re- 
maining part  of  his  life  in  all  those  excesses  of  luxury,  voluptuousness,  and 
folly,  in  which  he  had  spent  the  former.  In  the  mean  time,^  Octavianus  having 
settled  the  affairs  of  Greece  and  Lesser  Asia,  repaired  to  Samos,  and  there  took 
up  his  winter-quarters. 

An.  30.  Herod  8.] — But  in  them  he  did  not  long  continue,  some  disturbances 
in  Italy  called  him  thither  in  the  midst  of  winter  to  appease  them.*'  After  the 
battle  of  Actium,^  he  had  dismissed  a  great  part  both  of  his  own  and  Antony's 
soldiers.  The  veterans  he  sent  into  Italy,  and  others  elsewhere,  without  giving 
them  any  pay,  having  not  then  sufficient  fqj;  it;  for  want  hereof,  those  in  Italy 
raised  a  mutiny;  for  the  quelling  of  this,^  he  sent  Agrippa,  his  chief  confidant, 
into  Italy;  but  the  work  being  too  hard  for  him,'  Octavi-anus  was  forced,  in  the 
most  tempestuous  season  of  the  year,  to  hasten  after  him  to  Brundusium.  On 
his  arrival  at  that  place, "^  he  was  there  met  by  the  senate,  and  a  great  part  of 
the  better  rank  of  the  people  of  Rome,  and  having  there  called  the  mutineers 
to  him,^  he  distributed  to  some  money,  as  far  as  what  he  then  had  would  go, 
and  to  the  others  lands,  and  made  such  promises  of  speedy  satisfaction  to  the 
rest,  as  induced  them  all  to  be  contented  for  the  present;  and  accordingly,  after 
the  conquest  of  Egypt, ^  he  paid  them  all  out  of  the  spoils  of  that  country  and 
added  donatives  over  and  above.  And  having  thus  settled  all  matters  in  Italy, ^ 
he  returned  again  within  thirty  days;  and  for  the  more  speedy  passage,  and  to 
avoid  the  tempests  of  the  sea  round  Peloponnesus,  he  sailed  into  the  gulf  of 
Corinth,  and  drawing  his  ships  over  the  isthmus  of  Peloponnesus,  passed  that 
way  by  the  shortest  cut  into  Asia,  and  again  arrived  there  before  Antony  and 
Cleopatra  had  any  notice  of  his  going  hence. 

On  his  coming  to  Rhodes,'''  Herod  king  of  Judea  there  made  his  address  to 
him.  It  hath  been  above  related  how  much  he  was  in  friendship  with  Antony; 
neither  did  he  leave  him  till  his  case  was  grown  absolutely  desperate.'"  On  his 
return  into  Egypt,  Herod  sent  an  especial  messenger  to  him,  with  the  best  ad- 
vice the  state  of  his  affairs  was  then  capable  of,  that  was,  to  kiU  Cleopatra,  seize 
her  kingdom,  and  with  her  treasure  raise  a  new  army  to  carry  on  the  war;  and 
promised  him  in  this  case  to  stand  by  him  to  the  utmost.  But  when  he  found 
this  advice  was  neglected,  and  that  Antony  was  fallen  again  into  the  snares  of 
Cleopatra  as  much  as  ever,  he  thought  it  high  time  to  look  to  himself,  and  en- 
deavour to  make  his  peace  with  Octavianus  on  the  best  terms  he  could.  But 
Hyrcanus  being  still  alive,  who  was  the  only  remaining  person  of  the  male  line 
of  the  AsmonEeans,  and  who  had  himself  reigned  in  Judea  under  the  protection 
of  the  Romans,  till  deposed  by  the  Parthians,"  Herod  had  suspicion,  that  if  any 
thing  went  hard  with  him,  it  would  turn  in  favour  of  Hyrcanus  for  the  restor- 
ing of  him  again  to  the  kingdom;  and  therefore,  for  the  preventing  of  it,  having 
trumped  up  a  sham  plot  against  that  old  prince,  as  if  he  held  correspondence 
with  Malchus  king  of  Arabia  for  the  accomplishing  of  treasonable  designs  against 

1  Plutarch,  in  Antonio.    Dion  Cassiiis,  lib.  51.  p.  447.  2  Plutarch,  in  Antonio.    Strabo,  lib.  17.  p.  794. 

3  Ue  quo  videas  Plutarchum  in  Antonio.    Diogenem  Laertium,  lib.  9.    Lucianumin  Dialogis. 

4  Pint,  in  Antonio.  5  Suetonius  in  Oclavio,  c.  17.  6  Plutarch,  in  Antonio.    Suetonius,  ibid. 
7  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  51.  p.  444,  445.     Plutarchus  in  Antonio.    Suetonius,  ibid.  8  Dion  Cassius,  ibid. 

9  Dion  Cassius,  ibid.    Suetonius  in  Octavio,  c.  17, 

10  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  c.  10.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c  15.  11  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  c.  9. 


374  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

him,  caused  him,  under  this  pretence,  to  be  put  to  death,  after  he  had  passed 
the  eightieth  year  of  his  age. 

But  still  fearing  what  might  happen,  to  provide  the  best  he  could  for  the  worst,' 
should  that  be  his  fate,  he  lodged  Mariamne  and  Alexandra  her  mother  in  the 
castle  of  Alexandrium,  with  a  strong  guard,  under  the  command  of  Joseph  and 
Sohemus,  two  of  his  most  trusty  contidants,  and  sent  his  mother  and  sister,  with 
the  rest  of  his  kindred,  to  Massada,  the  strongest  fortress  in  all  Judea;  and  com- 
mittino-  them  and  the  government  of  his  kingdom  to  the  care  of  Pheroras  his 
brother,  ordered  him,  in  case  he  should  miscarry,  to  assume  the  crown  to  him- 
self, and  keep  it  as  well  as  he  could.  And  having  thus  settled  all  matters  at 
home,  he  set  forward  on  his  journey  to  meet  Octavianus;  and  having  found  him 
at  Rhodes,^  and  there  obtained  audience  of  him,  on  his  entering  into  his  pre- 
sence, he  laid  aside  his  diadem,  and,  in  his  speech  of  address  to  him,  freely 
owned  all  "that  he  had  done  for  Antony,  and  what  farther  he  was  ready  to 
have  done  for  his  interest,  both  by  his  counsel  and  assistance,  would  he  have 
accepted  of  them.  This,  he  said,  he  thought  himself  obhged  to  by  the  friend- 
ship that  was  between  them;  and,  would  he  be  pleased  to  think  the  hke  friend- 
ship worthy  of  his  acceptance,  he  should,  now  he  saw  Antony  was  wholly  lost, 
he  ready  with  the  same  fidelity  to  serve  him."  Octavianus,  being  much  taken 
with  this  generous  and  frank  way  ©f  Herod's  thus  deUvering  himself  before  him, 
told  him,  that  he  readily  accepted  the  friendship  which  he  oifered,  and  ordering 
"him  again  to  resume  his  diadem,  confirmed  him  in  the  kingdom.^  Whereon  he 
made  very  large  and  magnificent  presents  to  Octavianus  and  all  his  friends;  and 
after  this  had  more  of  his  favour  and  friendship  than  any  other  tributary  prince 
of  the  Roman  empire,  as  long  as  he  lived. 

Hereon  Herod,  being  much  pleased  with  this  good  success,  went  back  into 
Judea  with  much  joy;  but,  on  his  arrival  thither,  found  all  this  soured  with  trou- 
bles in  his  own  family.  For  he  found  Mariamne,*  his  most  beloved  wife,  in 
whose  conversation  he  most  delighted,  so  far  imbittered  against  him,  that  she  re- 
jected all  his  caresses  with  the  utmost  aversion;  and  when  he  thought  to  please 
her  by  relating  to  her  the  manner  of  his  journey,  and  the  success  which  he  ob- 
tained in  it,  instead  of  taking  any  satisfaction  herein,  she  answered  him  only 
with  sighs  and  groans,  and  such  a  behaviour  as  plainly  expressed  she  would 
have  been  better  pleased  had  he  never  returned  from  this  journey,  but  had  ut- 
terly perished  in  it.  The  cause  of  this  was,  when  Herod  committed  her  and 
her  mother  to  the  charge  of  Sohemus,''  on  his  going  to  Octavianus,  he  ordered 
him,  that,  in  case  he  should  be  put  to  death,  he  should  immediately,  on  his 
iaving  certain  notice  of  it,  put  both  of  them  to  death  also,  and  do  the  utmost  he 
could  to  preserve  the  crown  for  Pheroras,  to  w^hom  he  had  in  this  case  disposed 
it.  And  this  he  did,  not  only  that  no  one  else  might  have  the  enjoyment  of  the 
beautiful  Mariamne,  but  that  none  might  be  left  alive  of  the  Asmonsean  family 
lo  claim  the  crown  in  opposition  to  that  disposal  which  he  had  made  of  it  to 
Pheroras  his  brother,  she  and  her  mother  being  the  only  persons  remaining  of 
that  house  for  the  opposing  him  herein.  And  Alexandra,  being  a  lady  of  an 
aspiring  spirit,  thought  herself  as  capable  of  governing  that  realm  as  her  grand- 
mother of  the  same  name,  who  as  queen  had  presided  over  it  with  great  wisdom 
and  prudence  for  nine  years  together.  And,  to  give  her  her  due,  she  had  the 
best  headpiece  for  craft,  design,  and  political  intrigue,  of  any  woman  of  her 
time;  and  Herod  well  knowing  this,  thought  he  could  not  be  sure  that  any  part 
of  the  scheme,  which  he  had  laid  for  the  succession,  could  take  place,  if  either 
she  or  her  daughter  were  left  alive  after  him;  and  therefore  ordered  that  both  of 
them  should  be  put  to  death,  in  case  it  should  happen  to  him  as  he  feared;  and 
Sohemus  having  blabbed  this  out  to  Mariamne,  though  committed  to  him  under 
the  greatest  charge  of  secrecy,  this  was  that  which  created  in  her  that  aversion 
and  hatred  to  him  which  I  have  mentioned;  which  behaviour  Cyprus,  Herod's 

I  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  c.  9.  2  Josepli.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  c.  10.  etde  Bello  Jiidaico,  lib.  I.e.  15. 

3  Joseph,  ibid.    Strabo,  lib.  16.  p.  765.    Tacitus  Hisl.  lib.  1.  c.  9.  4  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  c.  11. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  375 

mother,  and  Salome  his  sister,  4\^ho  had  always  been  upon  ilf  terms  with  her, 
taking  the  advantage  of  to  exasperate  him  against  her,  prevailed  with  him  at 
length  to  put  her  to  death  in  the  manner  as  will  be  by  and  by  related. 

From  Rhodes,  Octavianus  passed  through  Lesser  Asia  into  Syria,'  from  thence 
to  invade  Egypt  on  that  side,  while  Cornelius  Gallus,  his  lieutenant,  whom  he 
had  appointed  to  succeed  Scarpius  in  Libya  and  Cyrene,  invaded  it  on  the  other. 
On  his  arrival  at  Ptolemais,  Herod  there  waited  on  him,*  and  entertained  him 
and  all  his  army  with  great  magnificence,  and  furnished  them  with  necessaries 
till  their  arrival  into  Egypt,  and  over  and  above  presented  Octavianus  with  eight 
hundred  talents;  by  which  hospitality  and  munificence  he  very  much  ingra- 
tiated himself  with  him  and  all  his  followers.  In  the  interim,  Antony  and  Cleo- 
patra tried  all  they  could  to  obtain  peace  with  Octavianus,  but  without  any  suc- 
cess. Three  times  they  sent  ambassadors  to  him  for  this  purpose,^  and  went  so 
far  as  to  offer  to  resign  all,  and  be  contented  with  a  private  life  in  any  place 
which  Octavianus  should  appoint;  only  the  kingdom  of  Egypt  was  desired  for 
Cleopatra's  children:  but  neither  of  these  embassies  could  obtain  any  answer  for 
Antony;  but  to  Cleopatra  some  hopes  were  given;  Octavianus  was  desirous  of 
having  her  treasure  and  her  person  in  his  power,  the  former  for  the  discharging 
of  the  expenses  of  the  war,  and  the  other  for  the  adorning  of  his  triumph;  and 
therefore  would  not  make  her  desperate,  lest  she  should  destroy  both;  for  the 
preventing  of  this,  several  kind  messages  were  sent  to  her,  and  by  them  she 
was  made  to  expect  much  favour  in  case  she  would  kill  Antony;  this  she  would 
not  do;  but  after  this  she  betrayed  him  in  all  things,  till  at  length  she  forced  him 
thereby  to  kill  himself.  The  first  instance  of  her  treachery  to  him  was  at  Pelu- 
sium;  for,  on  Octavianus's  approach  to  that  city,  it  was  by  her  order,'*  without 
any  resistance,  delivered  up  unto  him.  This  on  the  eastern  side  of  Egypt,  and 
Peritonium  on  the  western,  were  the  two  gates  of  that  country,  and  no  enemy, 
but  through  one  of  them,  could  enter  thither  with  a  land  army.  Pelusium  being- 
a  very  strong  place,  Antony  expected  it  should  have  held  out  a  long  time,  and 
therefore  went  to  secure  Peritonium.*  Cornelius  Gallus  then  held  this  place  for- 
Octavianus.  The  army  which  Gallus  there  commanded  having  been  in  the  pay 
and  service  of  Antony,  till  carried  over  from  him  to  Octavianus  by  the  deser- 
tion of  Scarpus,  he  hoped  that,  on  his  appearing  before  Peritonium,  they  would 
again  return  to  their  former  master,  and  deliver  up  the  place  to  him;  but  when 
he  approached  to  the  walls,  and  would  have  spoken  to  the  soldiers,  Gallus 
caused  all  his  trumpets  to  sound,  so  that  not  a  word  of  what  he  said  could  be 
heard  by  them;  and  Gallus  immediately  after  sallying  out  upon  him,  not  only 
repelled  his  land  forces,  but  having  by  a  stratagem  hemmed  in  all  his  ships  in 
the  port,  took  or  destroyed  every  one  of  them:  for  on  the  approach  of  this  fleet, 
he  dropped  chains  by  night  to  the  bottom  of  the  entrance  of  this  port,  and  per- 
mitted them  to  sail  into  it  without  opposition;  but  on  their  being  gotten  in,  havings 
by  engines  provided  on  each  side,  strained  those  chains  so  as  to  bring  them  up 
to  the  surface  of  the  water,  he  thereby  hindered  their  return,  and  then  forthwith 
assaulting  them  on  every  side,  both  from  sea  and  land,  obtained  over  them  the 
victory  mentioned.  Antony,  after  this  defeat,  hearing  of  the  taking  of  Pelu- 
sium, and  that  Octavianus  was  advancing  toward  Alexandria,  hastened  thither 
for  the  defence  of  that  place:*  and  there  falling  on  Octavianus's  horse  on  their 
first  coming,  while  under  the  fatigue  of  their  march  thither,  he  put  them  to  a 
total  rout;'  but,  in  a  second  engagement  with  the  foot,  he  was  vanquished  and 
driven  back  into  the  city  with  a  great  loss;  whereon,  early  the  next  morning,  he 
went  down  to  the  harbour,*  there  to  put  his  fleet  in  order,  with  purpose  to  van- 
quish the  enemy  at  sea,  or  else,  in  case  of  failure,  to  sail  with  it  for  spain,  and 
there  renew  the  war.     But  when  both  fleets  were  drawn  up  in  line  of  battle, 

1  Plutarch,  in  Antonio.    Suetonius  in  Octavio,  c.  17.    Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  c.  10.     Orosius,  lib.  6.  c.  19. 

2  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  c.  10.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  15. 

3  Plutarch,  in  Antonio.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  51.  4  Plutarch,  et  Dion  Cassias,  ibid. 
5  Dion.  Cassius,  lib.  51.  p.  448,  449.  6  Dion  Cassius.  ibid.  p.  449, 

7  Dion  Cassius,  ibid.     Plutarch,  in  Antonio.  8  Dion  Cassius,  et  Plutarch,  ibid.    Orosius,  lib.  6.  c.  19. 


376  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

that  on  Antony's  side,  instead  of  engaging  the  enemy,  all  went  over  to  them; 
whereon  Antony  returning  into  the  city,  had  this  further  mortification,  that  he 
there  found  all  his  land  forces,  both  horse  and  foot,  had  also  deserted  from  him; 
and  perceiving  all  this  to  have  been  effected  by  the  treachery  of  Cleopatra,  he 
could  no  longer  forbear  expressing  his  resentments  for  it  with  loud  complaints; 
whereon  Cleopatra,  for  fear  of  him,  fled  to  a  monument,'  which  she  had  caused 
to  be  built,  of  a  great  height  and  wonderful  structure,  near  the  temple  of  Isis. 
Thither  she  had  before  removed  the  best  of  her  treasure,  and  there  having  now 
shut  herself  up,  with  two  of  her  maids  and  one  of  her  eunuchs,  caused  it  to  be 
given  out  that  she  was  dead;  which  Antony  hearing  of,  fell  on  his  sword,  and 
thereby  gave  himself  the  wound  of  which  he  died;^  but  living  some  few  hours 
after,  and  hearing  that  Cleopatra  was  still  alive,  he  caused  himself  to  be  carried 
to  her  monument;,  where  being  with  ropes  drawn  up  to  her,  by  the  hands  of  her- 
self and  her  two  maids,  he  there  died  in  her  arms,  on  the  first  of  August,  eleven 
months  after  the  battle  of  Actium.  He  was  a  person  of  a  benign  temper,  and  of 
great  generosity,  and  of  eminent  note  for  his  military  abilities;  the  two  great 
victories  of  Pharsalia  and  Philippi  being  chiefly  owing  to  his  valour  and  con- 
duct: and  he  was  also  an  eloquent  speaker;  but  exceeding  corrupt  and  vicious 
in  his  manners,  especially  in  his  lust  for  women;  which  Cleopatra  observing, 
laid  hold  of  him  on  this  weak  side,  and  for  the  gratifying  of  her  avarice  and  her 
ambition,  which  were  two  predominant  passions  in  her,  sacrificed  herself  to  his 
lust;  and,  when  she  could  no  longer  serve  her  designs  on  him,  was  content  to 
give  him  up  to  ruin  for  the  saving  of  her  own  interest.  But  she  succeeded  not 
herein  according  to  her  expectations:  for  although  Octavianus  gave  her  fair  hopes, 
thereby  to  have  her  treasure  preserved  for  his  occasions,  and  her  person  for  his 
triumph,  yet,  when  he  had  gotten  both  into  his  power,  he  no  longer  regarded 
her,  which  she  being  sensible  of,  and  having  private  notice  given  her,^  that  she 
was  to  be  carried  to  Rome  within  three  days  to  make  a  part  in  the  show  of  Oc- 
tavianus's  triumph,  she  caused^  herself  to  be  bitten  with  an  asp,^  and  so  died  of 
it,  for  the  avoiding  of  this  infamy,  after  she  had  reigned  from  the  death  of  her 
father  twenty-two  years,*  and  lived  thirty-nine.  She  was  a  woman  of  great 
parts,  as  well  as  of  great  vice  and  wickedness.  She  readily  spoke  several  lan- 
guages; for,  besides  being  well  skilled  in  Greek  and  Latin,  she  could  converse 
with  Ethiopians,  Troglodites,  Jews,  Arabians,  Syrians,  Medes,  and  Persians,® 
without  an  interpreter,  and  always  gave  to  such  as  were  of  these  nations,  as 
often  as  they  had  an  occasion  to  address  her,  an  answer  in  their  own  language. 
In  her  death  ended  the  reign  of  the  family  of  the  Ptolemies  in  Egypt,  after  it 
had  there  lasted  from  the  death  of  Alexander  tw^b  hundred  and  ninetj^-four 
years:  for,  after  this,  Egypt  was  reduced  into  the  form  of  a  Roman  province,  and 
was  governed  by  a  prefect  sent  thither  from  Rome.  Cornelius  Gallus  was,'  by 
the  appointment  of  Augustus,  the  first  that  had  this  prefecture;  and  under  this 
form  of  government  Egypt  continued  a  province  of  the  Roman  empire  six  hun- 
dred and  seventy  years,  till  it  was  taken  from  them  by  the  Saracens,®  in  the 
year  of  our  Lord  641. 

Octavianus  having  thus  made  himself  master  of  Egypt,  and  thereby  put  an 
end  to  the  civil  wars  of  the  Romans,  he  cut  off  all  such  of  the  opposite  party 
as  he  thought  might  again  revive  them;  among  whom  were  AntyUus,^  Antony's 

1  Plufarchus  et  Dion  Cassius,  ibid. 

2  Plutarch,  in  Antonio.  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  51.  p.  450.  L.  Florus,  lib.  4.  c.  11.  Strabo,  lib.  17.  p.  795. 
Sueton.  in  Octavio,  c.  17.     Joseph.  Anliq.  lib.  15.  c.  11.     Velleius  Paterculns,  lib.. 2.  c.  87.     Eutropiiis,  lib.  7. 

3  Plutarch,  ibid.  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  51.  p.  452.  Galen,  de  Theraica  ad  Pi'sonem,  c.  8.  Velleius  Patercul. 
Florus,  et  Eiitropius,  ibid. 

4  An  asp  is  a  serpent  of  Effvpt  and  Libya,  proper  only  to  those  countries.  Those  that  are  bitten  by  it 
die  within  three  hours;  and  the  manner  of  their  dying  being  by  sleep  and  lethargy,  without  any  pain,  Cleo- 
patra chose  it  as  the  easiest  death. 

5  Canon  PtoleniiEi.  Plutarch,  in  Antonio.  Eusebius  in  Chronico.  Porphyrius  in  Gratis  Eusebian.  Sea- 
liger.  Clemens  Ale.xandrinus  Strom,  lib.  1. 

6  Plutarch,  ibid. 

"^  T''is  Gallus  was  a  famous  Latin  popt,  of  whom  Virgil  wrote  his  tenth  eclogue,  he  being  a  familiar  friend 
of  his,  g  Elmacini  Historio  Saracenica  sub  Anno  Hegira  vicesimo. 

9  Plut.  in  Anlonia.    Dion  Cassiup,  lib  51.    Sueton.  in  Octavio,  c.  17. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  377 

eldest  son  by  Fulvia,'  Caesarion,  Cleopatra's  son  by  Julius  Csesar,  and  Canidius,* 
Antony's  general;  others  he  impoverished  with  great  mulcts,  and  others  he 
pardoned.  Caesarion  having  claimed  to  be  the  lawful  heir  of  Julius  Caesar,  for 
that  reason  could  not  be  borne  by  the  adopted  son.  What  was  the  especial 
cause  of  AntyUus's  being  cut  off,  is  not  said;  but  he  having  espoused  Julia,  the 
daughter  of  Octavianus,^  and  all  manner  of  endeavours  having  been  made  to 
save  him,  we  may  from  hence  inier  that  he  would  not  have  been  put  to  death, 
but  that  there  was  some  extraordinary  reason  that  caused  it.  To  Antonius,**  the 
younger  brother  of  Antyllus,  by  the  same  mother,  and  to  all  the  rest  of  Anto- 
ny's children,  whether  by  Fulvia,  Octavia,  or  Cleopatra,  Octavianus  showed 
great  kindness,  especially  to  Antonius,  who  afterward  became  one  of  the  chief- 
est  of  his  favourites,  and  he  gave  him  in  marriage  one  of  the  daughters  of  Oc- 
tavia, his  sister,  which  she  had  by  Marcellus,  her  tirst  husband;  and  he  conti- 
nued in  his  favour,  till  at  length,  being  convicted  to  have  been  an  adulterous 
corrupter  of  Julia,  Augusta's  only  daughter,  he  was  deservedly  put  to  death  for 
it.  The  children  which  Antony  had  by  Octavia  were  two  daughters;  the  el- 
dest was  called  Antonia  Major,  and  the  youngest  Antonia  Minor;  from  the  lat- 
ter of  which  were  descended  Caligula  and  Claudius,  and  from  the  former  Nero; 
who  all  three  afterward  became  Roman  emperors.  For  Antonia  Minor  being 
married  to  Drusus,  the  younger  brother  of  Tiberius,  bore  him  Germanicus,  the 
father  of  Caligula,  and  Claudius,  who  succeeded  Caligula;  and  Antonia  Major 
being  married  to  L.  Domitius  ^Enobarbus,  bore  him  Cnseus  Domitius,  who  by 
Agrippina,  the  daughter  of  Germanicus,  and  sister  of  Caligula,  was  the  father 
'  of  Nero.  And  therefore,  though  Octavianus  now  obtained  the  empire,  yet  An- 
tony's posterity  afterward  enjoyed  it,  which  none  of  Octavianus's  ever  did. 
And  thus  it  often  happens  to  victories,  and  the  conquests  of  kingdoms,  the  same 
as  to  riches — those  that  gain  them  know  not  who  shall  afterward  enjoy  the  fruits 
of  them;  and  yet  it  is  the  general  inclination  of  mankind  to  be  more  concerned 
for  their  posterity  than  for  themselves;  and  it  must  be  reckoned  as  one  of 
the  mercies  of  Providence  that  it  is  so;  for  otherwise  the  world  could  not  be 
supported. 

While  Octavianus  was  in  Egypt,  he  went  to  the  sepulchre  of  Alexander,* 
and  there  saw  his  body,  which  being  embalmed,  was  there  still  preserved  in  a 
case  of  glass."  It  had  formerly  been  kept  in  a  case  of  gold,  but  that  having 
been  taken  away  by  Seleucus  Cybiosactes  (as  hath  been  above  related,^)  it  was 
afterward  put  into  a  glass  case,  and  in  that  Octavianus  saw  it,  and  paid  great 
honour  and  reverence  thereto;  but  he  would  not  see  the  sepulchres  of  the  Ptol- 
emies who  had  reigned  in  Egypt;^  neither  could  he  be  induced  to  make  a  visit 
to  the  Egyptian  Apis,  but  told  them,'*  who  pressed  him  hereto,  that  he  worship- 
ped the  gods,  but  not  beasts. 

As  Octavianus  came  to  Alexandria  in  the  beginning  of  August,  so  he  had 
there  settled  all  the  affairs  of  Egypt  by  the  end  of  it;  and,  in  the  beginning  of 
September,  again  marched  thence  to  return  by  the  way  of  Syria,  Lesser  Asia, 
and  Greece,  again  unto  Rome.  From  this  conquest  of  Egypt  begun  the  era  of 
Actiac  victory,  by  which  the  Egyptians  afterward  computed  their  time  tiU  the 
first  year  of  the  emperor  Dioclesian,"^  A.  D.  284:  from  that  time,  what  was  be- 
fore called  the  era  of  the  Actiac  victory,  was  afterward  called  the  era  of  Diocle- 
sian,  and  by  the  Christians  of  those  parts,  the  era  of  the  martyrs;  because  in 
the  reign  of  that  emperor  began  the  tenth  persecution,  in  which  a  very  great 
number  of  Christians  suffered  martyrdom  for  their  holy  religion.  Although 
this  era  had  its  name  from  the  Actiac  victory,  yet  it  had  not  its  beginning  till 

1  Pint,  in  Antonio.     Dion  Cassias,  lib.  51.    Sueton.  in  Octavio,  c.  17. 

2  Velleius  Paterculus,  lib.  2.  c.  87.    Orosius,  lib.  0.  c.  19.  3  Dion  Cassius,  lib,  51.  p.  ^.'SJ. 
4  Pliitarcli.  in  Antonio.                             5  Suetonius  in  Octavio,  c.  18.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  51.  p.  454. 

6  Strabo,  lib.  17.  p.  795.  7  Part  2,  book  7,  under  the  year  ,57. 

8  Dion  Cassius  et  Suetonius,  ibid.  9  Dion  Cassius.  lib.  51.  p.  454. 

10  Dion  Cassius  tells  us,  lib.  51.  p.  457,  that  the  Romans  decreed  the  day  on  which  Ocfavianuf  r»due#d 
Alexandria,  should  be  declared  a  fortunate  day,  and  that  from  thence  all  their  future  years  in  Egypt  should 
be  reekoned,  that  is.  as  from  a  fi.xed  and  stated  epocha,  and  so  accordingly  it  was  there  dons. 

Vol.  II.— 48 


378  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

near  a  full  year  after  it,'  that  is,  from  the  time  that  Egypt  was  reduced:  for  the 
day  from  whence  it  commenced  was  the  twenty-ninth  of  August.  And  there- 
fore that  was  ever  after  the  first  day  of  the  year,  through  all  the  years  by  which 
these  eras,  that  is,  the  era  of  the  Dioclesian,  or  the  martyrs,  as  well  as  that  of 
the  Actiac  victory,  did  calculate  the  times  through  which  they  were  used.  The 
reason  Avhich  fixed  the  beginning  of  this  era,  and  of  all  the  years  in  it,  to  the 
twenty-ninth  of  August,  was,  say  some,  because  on  that  day  Cleopatra  died; 
and  the  Macedonian  empire  in  that  country  thereby  ending,  the  Roman  began: 
but  this  is  only  a  modern  conjecture,  for  none  of  the  ancients  say  it.  All  that 
we  can  learn  from  them  is,  that  she  died  about  the  end  of  that  month,  but  none 
of  them  teU  us  on  what  day  it  happened.  The  true  reason  of  fixing  it  at  this 
day  was,  because  this  was  then  the  first  day  of  their  month  Thoth,*^  which  was 
always  the  new-year's  day  of  the  Egyjitians,  from  whence  they  began  all  their 
annual  calculations;  and  therefore  it  was  thought  the  properest  time  from  whence 
to  begin  all  the  alterations  in  their  era,  and  their  year,  which  the  Romans,  on 
the  conquest  of  their  country,  made  in  both;  and  that  especially  since  the 
time  of  that  conquest  fell  in  therewith.^  For  at  that  time  the  form  of  their 
years,  as  well  as  the  era  by  which  they  calculated  them,  was  changed  by  the 
order  of  the  conqueror.  The  old  era,  which  was  till  now  in  use  among  them, 
was  the  Philippic,  which  commenced  from  the  death  of  Alexander,  and  the  be- 
ginning of  the  reign  of  Philippus  AridjKUs,  his  successor:  and  the  form  of  their 
year  was  the  same  with  the  Nabonassarsean  made  use  of  by  the  Chaldeans, 
which  consisted  of  twelve  months  of  thirty  days  each,  and  five  additional  days 
subjoined  to  them;  that  is,  it  consisted  in  the  whole  of  three  hundred  and  sixty- 
five  days,  without  a  leap  year,  the  want  whereof  made  this  year  to  be  a  mov- 
able year,  which  after  every  four  years  begun  a  day  sooner  than  it  did  in  the 
four  years  immediately  preceding;  so  that,  in  the  space  of  one  thousand  four 
hundred  and  sixty  years,  this  form  carried  back  the  beginning  of  the  year 
through  all  the  different  seasons  of  summer,  spring,  winter,  and  autumn,  till  it 
brought  it  about  again  to  the  same  point  of  time,  with  the  loss  of  one  whole 
year  in  the  cycle.  For  the  remedying  hereof,  the  Romans,  on  their  subduing 
this  country,  made  a  leap  year  in  the  Egyptian  calendar  in  the  like  manner  as 
in  the  Julian,  by  adding,  at  the  end  of  every  fourth  year,  one  day  more  than 
had  been  in  the  other  three.  For  whereas  the  other  three  had  only  five  days 
superadded  at  the  end  of  each  of  them,  the  leap  year  had  six;  that  is,  it  con- 
sisted of  twelve  months  of  thirty  days  each,  and  six  additional  days  subjoined 
to  them;  whereas  all  the  other  years  that  were  not  leap  years  had  the  same 
number  of  like  months,  and  only  five  of  those  days  added  after  them.  And 
hereby  the  Egyptian  year  was  made  to  consist  exactly  of  the  same  number  of 
days  as  the  Julian,  though  not  exactly  in  the  same  form.  For,  in  all  other  par- 
ticulars, the  old  form  of  the  Egyptian  year  was  retained,  after  this  reformation, 
in  the  same  manner  as  before.  And  the  first  of  Thoth,  which  was  always  the 
first  day  of  the  Egyptian  year,  falling  on  the  twenty-ninth  of  August,  and 
about  the  same  time  when  the  Romans,  on  their  conquest  of  Egypt,  ordered 
this  reformation,  this  induced  them  that  they  fixed  the  beginning  of  the  new 
year  where  they  found  the  beginning  of  the  old;  and  the  twenty-ninth  of  Au- 
gust ever  after  continued  to  be  the  first  day  of  the  Egyptian  year,  as  long  as 
the  empire  of  the  Romans  continued  in  that  country;  and  from  thence  also, 
that  is,  from  the  twenty -ninth  of  August  of  this  year,  the  new  Egyptian  era  of 
the  Actiac  victory,  as  well  as  their  new  reformed  year,  for  the  same  reason,  had 
its  commencement.  But  against  this  it  is  objected,  that  in  this  year  the  first  of 
Thoth  did  not  fall  on  the  twenty-ninth  of  August,  but  on  the  thirty-first  of  that 

1  The  Actiac  victory  was  potten  on  the  second  of  September,  and  the  era  of  this  victory  begun  in  Egypt 
the  tvvcntyriinlh  of  August  following. 

2  Thoth  was  the  first  month  in  tlie  Egyptian  year. 

3  The  conquesl  of  Kuypt,  and  the  total  reduction  of  tliat  country  to  tlie  Romans,  was  accomplished  in  the 
month  of  August,  and  fnlly  retllcd  about  the  end  of  it.  t^ee  the-  decree  of  the  senate  for  the  changing  of  the 
name  o(  that  mouth  lium  Kextilisto  that  of  Augustus.    Macrobii  Saturnal.  lib.  1.  c.  12. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  379 

month;'  and  that  therefore  this  cannot  be  the  reason  why  the  beginning  of  the 
Egyptian  era  of  the  Actiac  victory,  or  the  beginning  of  the  year  thenceforth 
used  in  that  country,  was  fixed  to  that  day.  And  it  must  thus  far  be  acknow- 
ledged, that,  according  to  the  exact  calculation  of  the  time,  this  objection  is  true. 
For  according  to  that,  the  first  of  Thoth  fell  this  year  in  the  Roman  calendar  on 
the  thirty-first,  and  not  on  the  twenty-ninth  of  August;  but  the  Romans  then 
used  the  form  of  the  Julian  year  erroneously,  whereby  it  came  to  pass,  that  the 
same  day,  which  was  the  thirty-first  of  August  in  their  true  calendar,  was  the 
twenty-ninth  in  their  erroneous  calendar;  which  error  proceeded  from  hence, 
that,  after  the  death  of  Julius  Ctesar,  the  pontifices  at  Rome  (as  hath  been  above 
mentioned-')  mistaking  the  time  of  the  intercalation,^  made  every  third  year  to 
be  the  leap  year,  instead  of  every  fourth;  by  which  error,  six  hours  were  added 
every  third  year  more  than  should  be;  which,  in  the  sixteen  years  that  inter- 
vened from  the  first  use  of  that  form  to  this  year,  amounting  to  a  day  and  a 
quarter,  this  erroneous  addition  had  then  protruded  the  twenty-ninth  of  August 
in  the  erroneous  calendar  into  the  place  of  the  thirty-first  of  August  in  the  true 
calendar;  and,  according  to  this  erroneous  calendar,  the  Romans  then  computed 
and  so  continued  to  do  for  thirty-six  years  after,  the  first  forming  of  this  year 
by  Julius  Csesar;  till  at  length  Augustus,'  on  the  discovery  of  this  error,  took 
care,  that,  by  making  no  leap  year  for  twelve  years  together,  all  the  time  that 
was  erroneously  added  was  again  left  out,  whereby  the  protruded  days  in  the 
erroneous  calendar  were  all  brought  back  again  to  their  proper  places,  where 
they  ought  to  have  been  according  to  the  true  calendar.  But  the  protrusion  of 
the  day  making  no  alteration  in  its  number  or  name,  hence  it  came  to  be  said, 
that  it  was  the  twenty-ninth  of  August,  whereas,  truly,  it  was  the  thirty-first  of 
that  month,  from  whence  this  Egyptian  era  of  the  Actiac  victory,  and  all  the 
years  by  which  it  computed,  had  their  beginning.  This  era  truly  had  its  be- 
ginning from  the  conquest  of  Egypt;  and  therefore  ought  to  have  been  called 
the  era  of  the  Alexandrian  victory,  whereby  that  country  was  reduced  under 
the  Roman  yoke.  But  the  Egyptians,  to  avoid  the  disgrace  of  thus  owning  this 
conquest,  rather  chose  to  call  it  the  era  of  the  Actiac  victory,  though  that  was 
gained  one  whole  year  before;  and  since  this  era  was  only  used  in  Egypt,  they 
had  there  it  in  their  full  power  to  call  it  by  what  name  they  pleased, 

Herod,  hearing  of  the  death  of  Antony,  and  that  Octavianus  had  thereon 
made  himself  master  of  Egypt,^  hastened  thither  to  him,  where  he  was  received 
with  great  kindness;  and  on  Octavianus's  leaving  Egypt,  having  accompanied 
him  as  far  as  Antioch,  he  so  far  ingratiated  himself  with  him  on  the  way,  as  to 
gain  a  chief  place  in  his  friendship,  the  effect  whereof  he  found  in  the  grants 
which  he  made  him  of  large  augmentations  to  his  dominions.  For  he  not  only 
restored  to  him  the  territory  of  Jericho,  which,  with  the  balsam  gardens  therein, 
had  been  taken  from  him  by  Antony  to  gratify  Cleopatra,- but  gave  him  also 
Gadara,  Hippon,  and  Samaria,  in  the  inland  country,  with  the  towns  of  Gaza, 
Anthedon,  Joppa,  and  Straton's  Tower  on  the  sea-coast,  which  added  a  very 
considerable  enlargement  to  his  kingdom. 

Octavianus,  on  his  arrival  at  Antioch,^  found  there  Tiridates  (who  had  been 
set  up  to  be  king  of  Parthia  in  opposition  to  Phrahates)  waiting  his  coming  thither; 
and  there  also  he  found  ambassadors  from  Phrahates  on  the  same  errand,  that 
is,  to  solicit  his  assistance  against  each  other.  It  hath  already  been  related," 
how,  aff;er  Antony's  unfortunate  expedition  into  Media,  a  breach  was  made  be- 
tween Artavasdes  king  of  Media,  and  Phrahates  king  of  Parthia,  about  dividing 
the  prey  then  taken  from  the  Romans.  Hereon  Artavasdes  making  a  league 
with  Antony,^  called  him  to   his    assistance;  who,   accepting   the    invitation, 

1  The  first  of  Thoth,  which  was  the  new  year's  day  of  ttic  Egyptians,  was  not  fixed  always  to  the  same 
season  in  the  old  form  of  the  Ejjyptian  year,  bnt  was  movable,  for  it  moved  backvi-ard  one  day  in  every 
fourth  year.  The  Romans  first  fixed  it  to  the  same  season,  and  made  their  year  to  be  a  fixed  year  in  the  same 
manner  as  the  Julian. 

2  Under  the  year  -40.  3  Macrobius  Saturnal.  lib.  1.  r.  14.     Suetonius  in  Octavio,  c.  31. 
4  Joseph.  Anti(].  lib.  15.  c.  11.  5  Dion  C'assiiis,  lib.  51.  p.  450.  G  Under  the  year  35. 

7  Dion  Cassiiis,  lib.  4',l.     riutarch.  in  Antonio. 


380  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

marched  into  Armenia,  and  from  thence  furnished  Artavasdes  with  such  a  body 
of  Roman  soldiers,  as  enabled  him  to  overthrow  Phrahates  in  a  great  battle. 
This  happened  in  the  year  33.  But  the  next  year  following/  Antony  on  his 
entering  into  war  with  Octavianus,  having  not  only  recalled  those  soldiers  from 
him,  but  also  retained  those  which  Artavasdes  had  sent  him  out  of  Media  in  lieu 
of  them,  this  so  far  weakened  Artavasdes,  that  in  a  second  battle  he  was  not 
only  overthrown,  but  also  taken  prisoner,  and  Phrahates,  in  pursuit  of  this  vic- 
tory, made  himself  master  of  all  Media  and  Armenia,  and  reinstated  in  the  lat- 
ter Artaxias,  the  son  of  Artabazes,  again  in  his  kingdom,  out  of  which  he  had 
been  driven  by  Antony.  With  which  success,  as  well  as  with  that  which  he 
had  before  obtained  over  Antony,-  Phrahates  being  much  puffed  up  and  elated, 
carried  himself  with  such  tyranny,  cruelty,  and  proud  oppression,  that  the  no- 
bility of  Parthia  being  no  longer  able  to  bear  him,  in  the  year  31,  conspired 
against  him;  and  having  driven  him  into  banishment,  chose  the  above-mentioned 
Tiridates  to  reign  over  them  in  his  stead.  But  the  next  year  after  (that  is,  in 
this  present  year  30,)  Phrahates^  returned  with  an  army,  and  having  vanquished 
Tiridates,  recovered  again  his  crown,  and  forced  the  usui-per  to  flee  into  Syria 
for  refuge;  where  he  being  followed  by  the  ambassadors  from  Phrahates,  which 
I  have  mentioned,  both  parties  accosted  Octavianus  at  Antioch,  on  his  return 
thither  out  of  Egypt,  to  crave  that  assistance  from  him  against  each  other  which 
they  w^anted.  Octavianus  gave  to  each  a  friendly  answer,  without  intending  to 
help  either,  but  rather  to  dash  the  one  against  the  other,  and  thereby  waste  and 
weaken  both  so  far,  as  to  make  the  Parthian  nation  no  longer  formidable  to  the 
Romans.  And  with  a  view  hereto,  he  gave  leave  to  Tiridates  to  continue  in 
Syria,  till  he  should  be  in  a  condition  again  to  return,  accepting  of  him  a  son 
of  Phrahates  that  had  fallen  into  his  hands,  whom  he  carried  to  Rome,  there  to 
reserve  him  as  a  hostage  against  Phrahates.  After  this,  having  appointed  Mes- 
sala  Corvinus  to  be  prefect  of  Syria,^  he  marched  from  Antioch  into  the  province 
of  Proper  Asia,  and  there  took  up  his  winter-quarters."* 

Jin.  29.  Herod  9.] — In  the  beginning  of  the  next  year,*  Octavianus  entered 
his  fifth  consulship,  and  had  thereon  many  great  honours  decreed  to  him  at 
Rome.  In  the  summer  following,  having  settled  all  the  affairs  of  the  several 
provinces  of  Lesser  Asia  and  the  isles  adjoining,  he  passed  into  Greece,"  and 
from  thence  returned  to  Rome,*  where  he  arrived  in  the  month  of  Sextilis,'^ 
afterward  called  August,  and  entered  it  in  three  triumphs,"*  which  were  cele- 
brated three  days  together;  the  first  for  his  victories  over  the  Dalmatians,  Pan- 
nonians,  and  some  other  German  and  Gallic  nations,  whom  he  had  vanquished 
and  brought  under,  before  his  war  with  Antony  began;  the  second  for  his  sea 
victory  at  Actium;  and  the  third  for  his  victories  in  Egypt,  and  the  subduing  of 
that  country,  which  last  was  the  most  splendid  of  the  three.  In  it  were  led  be- 
fore him  the  children  of  Cleopatra;  and  although  he  could  not  have  her  in  per- 
son to  adorn  this  triumph,  as  he  much  desired,  yet  she  was  carried  before  him 
in  effigy,  with  an  asp  hanging  at  her  arm,  to  denote  the  manner  in  which  she 
died.  At  this  time  such  vast  riches  w^ere  brought  to  Rome  from  Egypt  on  the 
reducing  of  that  country,  and  the  return  of  Octavianus  and  his  army  from  thence," 
that  the  value  of  money  fell  one  half,  and  the  prices  of  provision  and  all  vendi- 
ble wares  were  doubled  thereon.  After  this  triumph,  Octavianus  had  the  title 
of  imperator,'"  that  is,  emperor,  conferred  on  him;  not  in  the  common  sense, 
wherein  it  was  formerly  understood  (for  in  that  it  imported  no  more  than  a  com- 
pliment given  by  the  soldiers  to  their  general,  after  a  victory  obtained  by  them 
under  his  command,)  but  in  a  much  higher.     For  in  the  sense  it  was  given  to 

1  Plutarch,  et  DionCassius,  lib.  49.  2  Justin.  lib.  42.  c.  .5.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  51.  p.  456. 

3  Dion  CassiuB,  lib.  51.  p.  447.    Videas  Cassauboni  contra  Baronii  exercitationera  primam,  c.  30. 

4  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  51.  p.  456.  5  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  51.  p.  457.     Suetonius  in  Octavio,  c.  26. 
0  Ibid.  lib.  51.  p.  458.  7  Macrob.  Saturnal.  lib.  1.  c.  12. 

8  Ibid.  lib.  51.  p.  458.     Epitome  Livii,  lib.  133.   Suetonius  in  Octavio,  c.  22.   Virgilius  .^neid.  lib.  8.  v.  714. 
Servlus  in  ilium  locum. 
9'  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  51.  p.  4.59.     Orosiiis,  lib.  (i.  c.  19.  10  Ibid.  lib.  52.  p.  493,  494. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  381 

Octavianus  at  this  time,  it  carried  with  it  the  same  meaning  in  which  all  that 
afterward  governed  the  Roman  empire  were  called  emperors. 

Herod,  on  his  return  from  the  late  visit  which  he  made  unto  Octavianus,  how 
much  content  and  satisfaction  soever  he  had  therein,  and  success  of  it,  found 
nothing  but  trouble  and  vexation  at  home  in  his  own  house.  Mariamne  still 
retained  her  resentments  for  the  cruel  commission  given  by  him  to  Sohemus 
against  her  and  her  mother,'  and  carried  them  on  so  far,  as  to  treat  with  equal 
aversion  him  and  all  his  relations,  especially  Cyprus  his  mother,  and  Salome  his 
sister.  Them  she  frequently  upbraided  with  the  meanness  of  their  birth  in  re- 
spect of  hers,  which  was  provoking  enough  to  a  female  spirit;  and  him  she  as 
often  reproached  with  the  death  of  her  father,  her  grandfather,  and  her  brother- 
In  this  humour  he  left  her  on  his  last  going  unto  Octavianus,  and  in  this  humour 
he  found  her  on  his  return,  without  knowing  the  cause  (for  that  Mariamne  had 
concealed  for  the  sake  of  Sohemus.)  On  his  offering  her  his  caresses  and  the 
kindest  tenders  of  his  affection,  she  still  rejected  them  with  neglect  and  aversion; 
and  nothing  that  he  could  do  for  the  sweetening  of  her  imbittered  spirit,  and 
the  reconciling  her  again  to  him,  could  have  any  effect.  This  last  injury  soured 
her  to  such  a  degree,  as  to  frame  her  mind  for  the  reception  of  the  utmost  re- 
sentments which  his  former  wrongs,  done  her  and  her  family,  deserved.  The 
commission  formerly  given  against  her  to  Joseph  his  uncle,  and  the  above-men- 
tioned murders  of  her  nearest  relations,  were  all  brought  to  her  remembrance 
on  this  occasion;  and  all  worked  together  to  exasperate  her  against  him  to  the 
utmost.  Herod  bore  this  Rumour  for  a  whole  year  after  his  return  from  Rhodes, 
and  was  exceedingly  perplexed  by  it.  Sometimes  in  rage  he  would  be  ready 
to  run  into  extremities  against  her;  but  as  often  as  he  was  so,  his  wrath  was 
checked  by  the  great  love  he  had  for  her;  and  thus  he  was  harassed  between 
two  opposite  passions,  till  at  length  an  occasion  happened,  which  gave  his  mo- 
ther and  his  sister  an  advantage  for  the  exciting  of  him  to  her  ruin,  and  he  had 
near  affected  his  own  by  it.  For  being  at  one  time,  in  the  heat  of  the  day,  re- 
tired to  his  chamber  to  repose  himself,  he  called  for  Mariamne  to  come  to  him, 
out  of  a  desire  of  then  having  conjugal  conversation  with  her.  At  his  call  she 
so  far  obeyed  as  to  go  into  the  chamber  to  him.  But,  on  his  offering  her  his 
caresses  and  embracess,  she  rejected  them  with  the  utmost  aversion,  and  added 
over  and  above  such  bitter  reproaches  for  the  death  of  her  relations,  as  provoked 
and  enraged  the  tyrant  to  so  high  a  degree,  that  he  had  much  ado  to  forbear 
laying  violent  hands  immediately  upon  her  for  the  revenging  of  the  indignity. 
Salome,  on  her  understanding  how  the  matter  went,  took  the  advantage  of  this 
fit  of  rage  he  was  then  in,  to  send  in  his  butler  to  him,  whom  she  had  before 
suborned  for  this  purpose,  to  accuse  Mariamne  of  tempting  him  to  administer 
to  him  a  poisonous  cup.  This  adding  to  the  rage  with  which  he  was  then  too 
much  excited  against  her  already,  he  forthwith  ordered  her  favourite  eunuch, 
without  whose  privity  he  knew  she  did  nothing,  to  be  put  on  the  rack;  but  all 
that  could  be  extorted  from  him  was,  that  it  was  something  which  Sohemus  had 
told  Mariamne  that  had  put  her  into  so  ill  a  humour.  Herod,  on  his  hearing  of 
this,  from  his  rage  of  anger  fell  into  as  violent  a  rage  of  jealousy;  and  therefore 
crying  out,  that  Sohemus,  who  had  hitherto  been  so  faithful  to  him,  could  never 
have  been  induced  to  betray  this  secret  to  her  but  at  the  price  of  an  adulterous 
conversation,  he  ordered  him  immediately  to  be  put  to  death;  and  having  packed 
a  bench  of  judges  out  of  such  as  were  his  creatures,  brought  Mariamne  before 
them  to  be  tried  for  her  life;  who  finding,  by  the  vehemency  with  which  Herod 
in  person  prosecuted  the  accusation,  that  no  other  sentence  but  that  of  death 
would  be  acceptable  to  him,  accordingly  passed  it  upon  her;  but  none  thought, 
nor  did  he  then  intend,  that  the  execution  should  be  precipitated,  but  that  she 
should  be  confined  to  some  of  his  castles;  and  this  at  first  was  his  resolution. 
But  the  malice  of  his  mother  and  sister  was  so  bitter  against  her,  by  reason  of 
the  affronts  she  had  put  upon  them,  in  upbraiding  them  with  the  meanness  of 

1  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  c.  11. 


382  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

their  extraction,  and  for  other  womanisli  quarrels  had  between  them,  that  they 
would  not  let  him  be  quiet  till  she  was  put  to  death.  They  urged,  that  if  she 
was  kept  alive,  the  people  would  rise  in  her  behalf;  and  thaLthere  was  no  other 
way  to  keep  things  quiet,  but  by  cutting  her  ofl'.  By  which  suggestions  Herod 
being  terrified,  ordered  her  execution.  In  the  way  as  she  was  led  to  it,  she  was 
accosted  by  Alexandra  her  mother,  who  fell  on  her  with  bitter  railings,  accusing 
her  of  being  wicked  and  ungrateful  toward  a  kind  and  affectionate  husband, 
and  telling  her,  that  she  had  what  she  deserved;  and  all  this  she  expressed  with 
such  a  seeming  emotion  of  spirit,  as  if  she  would  fly  in  her  face  all  the  way  as 
she  went.  She  feared  her  turn  might  come  next,  and  therefore,  to  save  her  life, 
she  acted  this  scandalous  and  shameful  part;  but  her  daughter,  without  answer- 
ing her  a  word,  passed  on  in  silence,  only  by  her  looks  she  expressed  some 
shame  and  concern  for  her  mother's  exposing  herself  in  so  odd  and  extravagant 
a  manner  in  this  case,  otherwise  she  went  on  to  her  execution  with  an  intrepid 
mind,  without  changing  colour  upon  the  approach  or  apprehensions  of  death, 
but  died  as  she  lived,  gi'eat,  firm,  and  fearless,  to  her  last.  And  thus  ended  the 
life  of  this  virtuous  and  excellent  princess.  In  the  beauty  and  other  charms 
and  graces  of  her  person,  she  excelled  all  the  women  of  her  time,  and  would 
have  been  a  lady  without  exception,  could  she  have  carried  it  with  some  better 
temper  and  complaisance  toward  her  husband.  But  considering,  that  he  had 
built  his  fortunes  upon  the  ruin  of  her  family;  that  he  had  usurped  from  them 
the  crown  which  he  wore;  that  he  had  caused  or  procured  her  father,'  her  grand- 
father,^ her  brother,^  and  her  uncle,''  to  be  put  to  death,  for  the  serving  of  his 
designs,  and  had  twice  ordered  her  death  in  case  of  his  own,  it  would  put  diffi- 
culties upon  the  most  patient  and  best  tempered  woman  in  the  world,  how  to 
bear  such  a  husband  with  any  affection  or  complaisance.  But  Herod's  rage 
being  quenched  with  her  blood,  his  love  to  her  again  revived:  whereon  followed 
such  a  bitter  scene  of  late  repentance,  as  is  scarce  any  where  else  to  be  met 
with.  As  soon  as  his  wrath  was  allayed,  instead  of  it,  agonies  of  sorrow,  rogret, 
and  tormenting  remorse  for  what  he  had  done,  filled  his  mind,  which  would  not 
let  him  rest  either  day  or  night:  wherever  he  went,  the  thoughts  of  Mariamne  pur- 
sued him,  and  caused  bitter  reflections  in  his  breast.  These  he  endeavoured  to 
stifle  by  wine,  company,  feasting,  and  other  divertisements;  but  none  of  them 
effecting  his  relief,  he  at  length  fell  into  downright  distraction,  and  in  his  fits  of 
it  would  often  call  for  Mariamne,  and  order  his  servants  to  bring  her  to  him,  as 
if  she  were  still  alive. 

An.  28.  He)-od  10.] — Hereupon  also  there  happened  a  grievous  pestilence,* 
which  carried  off  great  numbers  both  of  the  common  people  and  nobility  of  the 
land;  which  all  there  reckoned  as  a  just  judgment  from  God  for  the  death  of 
the  queen.  This  further  added  to  Herod's  grief  and  disorder,  so  that,  not  know- 
ing what  to  do,  he  flung  up  the  care  of  all  business,  and  retired  to  Samaria, 
where  he  fell  into  a  great  sickness.  After  having  languished  under  it  for  some 
time,  he  at  length  got  rid  of  it  with  difficulty,  and  returned  again  to  Jerusalem, 
and  the  care  of  his  kingdom:  but  never  again  recovered  his  former  temper:  for 
after  this  he  was  observed  to  act  with  greater  rigour  and  cruelty  than  he  ever 
had  before,  and  continued  so  to  do  to  his  life's  end. 

While  he  lay  sick  at  Samaria,'^  Alexandra,  whose  active  and  busy  head  could 
never  be  at  rest,  reckoning  that  Herod  would  die  of  this  sickness,  immediately 
laid  plots  for  the  seizing  of  the  government;  in  order  whereto,  she  treated  with 
the  governors  of  the  two  castles  of  Jerusalem,  that  of  Antonia  on  the  mountain 
of  the  temple,  and  the  other  in  the  city,  to  have  them  delivered  into  her  hands; 
knowing,  that  whoever  had  these  two  castles,  had  with  them  the  mastery  of  Je- 
rusalem and  all  Judea.  Her  pretence  was  to  secure  the  kingdom,  in  case  of 
Herod's  death,  for  his  sons  by  Mariamne;  but  the  governors  of  those   castles, 

1  Alexander,  the  son  of  Aristobulus,  who  was  put  to  death  at  Antioch,  bvthe  procurement  of  Herod  and 
Antipater  his  father. 

2  Hyrcaniis,  the  father  of  AIexan<ira,  the  mother  of  Mariamne.  3  Aristobulus,  the  high  priest. 
4  Anligonus,  tlic  brother  of  Alexan-Ier,  her  father  5  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  J5.  c.  11. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT,  383 

liking  neither  Alexandra  nor  her  designs,  sent  an  account  hereof  to  Herod,  who 
immediately  gave  order  to  have  her  put  to  death.  So  she  got  nothing  by  that 
hypocritical  and  infamous  part  which  she  acted  at  her  daughter's  execution:  for 
notwithstanding  that,  and  the  court  which  she  made  thereby  to  Herod's  favour, 
she  was  the  next  that  was  executed  after  her. 

An.  ^1 .  Herod  WJ] — Octavianus  having  at  Rome  filled  the  senate  with  his 
creatures,'  Avhose  fortunes  depended  on  his  holding  on  the  government,  then 
proposed  to  them  to  resign  his  authority,  and  put  all  again  into  the  hands  of  the 
people,  upon  the  old  foundations  of  the  Roman  commonwealth,  craftily  making 
this  offer  for  the  gaining  of  the  applause  of  the  people,  and  the  cloaking  of  his 
own  ambition,  when  he  knew  that  all  of  that  assembly  (their  interests  lying  on 
the  other  side)  would  unanimously  press  him  to  the  contrary;  and  so  it  accord- 
ingly happened.  For  he  had  no  sooner,  in  a  set  speech,  made  the  proposal, 
but  the  whole  senate  with  a  unanimous  voice  dissuaded  him  from  it,  and  pressed 
him  with  all  manner  of  arguments  to  take  upon  him  alone  the  whole  govern- 
ment of  the  Roman  empire,  which  at  length  he  yielded  to  with  a  seeming  re- 
luctanc)',  and  by  this  management  brought  it  about,  that  the  monarchy  of  the 
whole  Roman  empire  was  at  this  time,  by  the  unanimous  consent  both  of  the 
senate  and  the  people  of  Rome,  conferred  on  him  for  ten  years.  For  he  would 
not  accept  of  it  for  any  longer  term;  pretending  that  by  that  time,  he  hoped  he 
should  have  settled  all  things  in  such  peace  and  order,  that  there  would  be  no 
further  need  of  him,  but  that  he  might  then,  with  safety  to  the  commonwealth, 
ease  himself  of  the  burden,  and  put  the  government  again  into  the  hands  of 
tlae  people  and  senate,  as  it  formerly  had  been.  This  method  he  took  to  make 
tlie  matter  go  the  more  plausibly,  but  with  intention,  when  those  ten  years 
should  be  expired,  again  to  renew  his  lease;  and  so  he  accordingly  did,  from  ten 
years  to  ten  years,  as  long  as  he  lived,  all  this  while  governing  the  whole  Ro- 
man empire  alone  with  an  absolute  authority.  And  therefore  here  ended  the 
ancient  republican  government  of  the  Roman  state.  For  all  the  authority  of 
the  people  and  senate  being  now  vested  in  Octavianus,  it  continued  in  him  and 
his  successors  ever  after,  as  long  as  the  Roman  empire  continued,  without  being 
ever  again  retrieved.  With  this  new  power  it  was  resolved  to  confer  on  him  a 
new  name;  some  were  for  his  assuming  that  of  Romulus,  thereby  to  import  that 
he  was  another  founder  of  Rome;  and  others  offered  other  names;  but  Munacius 
Plancus  having  proposed  the  name  of  Augustus,^  which  signifieth  something 
that  above  human  is  sacred  and  venerable,  that  was  made  choice  of,  and  confer- 
red on  him  by  the  general  suffrage  of  the  senate;  and  it  was  always  after  this 
borne  by  him  and  his  successors;  so  that,  instead  of  the  name  of  C.  Julius  Caesar 
Octavianus,  which  he  had  hitherto  borne,  he  from  thenceforward  took  that  of 
C.  Julius  Caesar  Augustus.  And  therefore,  whereas  I  have  hitherto  melitioned 
him  by  the  name  of  Octavianus,  I  shall  henceforth  always  give  him  that  of 
Augustus,  as  often  as  there  shall  be  an  occasion  to  speak  of  him  in  the  future 
series  of  this  history.  That  he  might  seem  not  to  take  the  whole  power  of  the 
Roman  empire  to  himself,  he  made  a  show  of  allowing  the  senate  a  share  of  it 
with  him.  For  having  divided  the  empire,  into  two  parts,^  the  one  containing 
those  provinces  which  were  quiet  and  peaceable,  and  the  other  those  which, 
lying  upon  the  outskirts  of  the  empire,  and  bordering  upon  the  barbarous  na- 
tions, were  exposed  to  troubles  and  wars,  the  former  of  these  he  assigned  to  the 
senate,  to  be  governed  by  such  of  them  as  had  been  consuls  and  prtetors,  ac- 
cording to  their  former  usage;  and  the  others  he  reserved  to  himself,  to  be  go- 
verned by  .his  presidents,  and  other  officers  whom  he  should  appoint;  whereby 
it  seemed,  and  so  he  would  have  it  thought,  as  if  he  desired  to  leave  the  sweet 
of  the  government  still  to  the  senate,  and  reserve  only  the  troublesome  and 
dangerous  part  to  himself.     But  herein  he  showed  his  great  wisdom  and  saga- 

1  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  53. 

2  Dion  Cassius,  lib  53.    Siiclon.  in  Octavio,  c.  7.    Velleiiis  Patcic.  lib.  '.'.  c.  91.    Epitome  Livii,  lib.  131. 
Censorinus  de  Dei  Natali,  c.  21.     L.  I'lorus,  lib.  1.  c.  T.'.  3  Dion  Cassius,  ibid. 


384  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

city:  for  by  this  method  he  secured  all  the  armies  and  military  power,  wherein 
consisted  the  whole  strength  of  the  empire,  to  himself,  they  all  lying  in  those 
provinces  which  he  had  chosen;  whereas  the  others  being  without  them,  such 
as  governed  those  provinces  could  have  no  power  from  thence  to  create  him  any 
danger  or  disturbance.  The  latter  were  called  the  senatorial  provinces,  and  the 
other  the  imperial;  and  of  this  imperial  sort  were  particularly  Cilicia,  Syria, 
Phoenicia,  Cyprus,  and  Egypt  in  the  east,  besides  others  in  the  other  borders  of 
the  empire. 

An.  26.  Herod  12.] — Salome  falling  out  with  Costobarus  the  Idumaean,'  her 
second  husband,  whom  she  had  married  after  the  death  of  Joseph,  her  first  hus- 
band, sent  him  a  bill  of  divorce,  contrary  to  the  law  and  usage  of  the  Jews. 
For  according  to  that,"  the  husband  might  divorce  the  wife,  but  not  the  wife  the 
husband:  but  Salome,  by  Herod's  authority,  made  that  go  for  law  which  best 
pleased  her.  On  her  thus  having  abdicated  her  husband,  she  returned  to  her 
brother,  and  to  make  herself  the  more  acceptable  to  him,  pretended  that  she 
had  discovered  Costobarus  to  be  conspiring  against  him  with  Lysimachus,  Anti- 
pater,  and  Dositheus,  men  of  note  in  that  country,  and  that  for  this  reason  she 
left  him,  as  preferring  the  love  of  her  brother  before  that  of  her  husband.  And 
to  gain  the  better  credit  for  this  accusation,  she  discovered  where  Costobarus 
had  concealed  the  sons  of  Babas,  contrary  to  his  order  and  interest.  These  be- 
ing the  chief  sticklers  for  the  interest  of  the  Asmonaeans,  Herod,  at  the  taking 
of  Jerusalem,  gave  strict  orders  to  have  them  cut  off,  and  entrusted  Costobarus 
with  the  executing  of  them;  but  he,  for  some  by-ends  of  his  own,  saved  them 
alive,  and,  giving  out  that  they  had  made  their  escape,  conveyed  them  to  a 
place  of  safety,  where  he  had  kept  them  concealed  ever  since.  Herod,  on  Sa- 
lome's information,  sent  to  that  place  which  she  named,  and  there  finding  aU  to 
be  true  which  she  had  told  him  concerning  them,  he  believed  her  as  to  all  the 
rest:  and  therefore  forthwith  ordered  not  only  them,  but  also  Costobarus,  Lysi- 
machus, Antipater,  Dositheus,  with  several  others  who  were  accused  of  being 
their  accomplices,  to  be  put  to  death. 

Cornelius  Gallus  being  recalled  from  Egypt,^  Petronius  was  made  prefect  in 
his  place.  Gallus,  on  his  return  to  Rome,  being  too  lavish  of  his  tongue  against 
Augustus,*  was  for  this  reason  forbade  his  house  and  the  provinces  under  his 
command,  and  noted  with  infamy.  After  this,  other  accusations  coming  against 
him  of  concussions,  rapines,  extortions,  and  other  misdemeanours  committed 
by  him,  while  governor  of  Egypt,  he  was,  by  the  unanimous  vote  of  the  senate, 
condemned  to  banishment;  but  he  prevented  the  execution  of  this  sentence  by 
falling  on  his  sword  and  slaying  himself  He  was  an  eminent  poet,*  and  a  fa- 
miliar friend  of  Virgil,®  as  appears  by  his  tenth  eclogue,  which  was  written 
on  him. 

Herod,  having  cut  off  all  of  the  Asmonaean  party,  without  leaving  any  alive 
that  had  been  favourers  of  it,  thought  himself  now  secure  against  all  future  dan- 
gers; and  therefore  made  bold  in  many  things  to  deviate  from  the  Jewish  usages,^ 
by  bringing  in  foreign  rites  and  customs;  for  he  built  at  Jerusalem  a  theatre  and 
an  amphitheatre,  and  in  honour  of  Augustus  celebrated  games,  and  exhibited 
shows  in  them,  which  were  much  disliked  by  the  generality  of  the  Jews,  as 
things  which  they  thought  inconsistent  with  the  legal  constitutions  and  religion 
of  their  country.  But  nothing  offended  them  more  than  some  trophies  which 
he  had  set  up  round  his  theatre  in  honour  of  Augustus,  and  in  commemoration 
of  his  victories.  For  they,  taking  them  to  be  images,  for  that  reason  could  not 
bear  them.  Herod,  to  convince  them  of  his  folly,  having  called  several  of  the 
principal  of  them  upon  the  place,  caused  the  armour  to  be  taken  off  in  their 

1  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  c.  11. 

2  Deut.  xxiv.  1,  2,  &c.    Matt.  v.  31.  six.  7.    Mark  x.  4.     Maimonides  de  Repudiatione. 

3  Slrabo,  lib.  17.  p.  H19.  4  Dion  Cas.sius,  lib.  53.  p.  512.  Suetonius  in  Octavio,  c.  6G. 
5  Videas  Vnssiiim  de  Poetis  Latints.  6  Vidoas  Sciviuni  in  Kc.lnf;am  Virgilii  dcciinani. 
7  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  c.  11. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  385 

presence,  and  when  they  saw  nothing  appeared  under'  but  a  naked  stem  of  a 
tree,  their  indignation  was  turned  into  laughter;  and  so  this  matter  went  off. 

An.  25.  Herod  13.] — But  the  other  innovations  stuck  hard  with  many,  and 
gave  such  great  offence,^  that  some  of  them,  to  the  number  of  ten  persons,  en- 
tered into  a  conspiracy  against  him,  for  the  cutting  of  him  off  by  an  assassina- 
tion; for  which  purpose,  having  provided  themselves  Avith  daggers  under  their 
garments,  they  went  to  the  theatre,  where  Herod  was  then  to  come,  designing 
there  to  fall  upon  him  and  slay  him.  But  one  of  Herod's  spies  (of  which  he 
had  great  numbers  abroad)  having  gotten  some  inkling  of  the  matter,  made  dis- 
covery of  it  to  him  as  he  was  going  to  enter  the  theatre,  just  when  the  plot  was 
ready  to  have  been  executed  upon  him;  whereon,  the  conspirators  being  seized, 
they  were  all  put  to  death  by  most  exquisite  torments.  And  he  that  made  the 
discovery  did  not  fare  any  better.  For  he  having  hereby  incurred  the  general 
odium  of  the  people,  some  of  them  meeting  with  him  in  a  convenient  place, 
fell  upon  him,  and  tore  him  to  pieces.  But  Herod  never  left  making  inquiry 
after  this  matter  till  he  had  discovered  all  that  were  concerned  in  it,  and  he  did 
put  every  one  of  them  to  death  for  it. 

To  secure  himself  the  better  against  all  such  tumults  and  conspiracies  for  the 
future,  he  thought  it  would  be  safest  for  him  to  have  other  places  of  strength  in 
the  land  to  depend  upon  besides  Jerusalem;  and  therefore  setting  himself  on 
the  building  of  several  other  strong  cities  in  the  land,  he  begun  with  that  of 
Samaria.  This  city,  once  famous  for  being  the  capital  of  the  kingdom  of  Israel, 
was  destroyed  by  John  Hyrcanus,  as  hath  been  above  related.  When  Gabinius 
was  made  president  of  Syria,''  he  ordered  the  rebuilding  of  it:  from  him  it  was 
some  time  called  the  city  of  the  Gabinians,''  that  is,  of  those  whom  Gabinius 
had  planted  there;  but  under  them  the  place  advanced  no  farther  than  to  be  a 
small  village.  Herod  first  made  it  again  a  city,  and  restored  it  to  its  pristine 
splendour;  and,  in  honour  of  Augustus,  called  it  Sebaste.  For  Sebastos  in 
Greek  is  the  same  with  Augustus  in  Latin;  and  therefore,  Sebaste  is  as  much 
as  to  say,  the  city  of  Augustus.  This  place  he  planted  with  six  thousand  peo- 
ple,^ invited  thither  from  all  parts,  and  divided  among  them  the  country  about 
it,  which  being  of  a  very  fertile  soil,  as  soon  as  it  was  cultivated,  it  brought 
forth  such  plenty,  as  in  a  short  time  rendered  the  place  rich  and  populous,  and 
made  it  fully  answer  all  the  purposes  for  which  he  intended  it.  He  also  put  a 
garrison  into  Straton's  Tower  (which  in  honour  of  Csesar  Augustus  was  after- 
ward called  Csesarea;)  and  he  did  the  same  in  Gabala,  and  in  some  other  for- 
tresses which  lay  convenient  for  the  keeping  of  the  country  in  quiet. 

The  name  of  Augustus  growing  famous  all  over  the  world,®  the  remotest  na- 
tions of  the  north  and  the  east,  that  is,  the  Scythians,  the  Samaritans,  the  In- 
dians, and  the  Seres,  sent  ambassadors,  with  presents  to  him,  to  pray  his  friend- 
ship: the  last  of  which,  Florus  tells  us,^  were  four  years  on  their  journey, 
which  is  to  be  supposed,  coming  and  going.  The  Seres  were  the  farthest  peo- 
ple of  the  east,  the  same  whom  we  now  call  the  Chinese.  They  being  an- 
ciently famous  for  the  making  of  silk,  and  silken  manufactures:  hence  serica 
became  the  name  of  silk,**  and  sericum  of  a  silken  garment,  both  among  the 
Greeks  and  Latins. 

1  A  trophy  was  a  whole  suit  of  armour  with  the  headpiece  dressed  up  upon  a  stem  of  a  tree,  and  was 
usually  erected  in  commemoration  of  a  victory. 

2  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  1,5.  c.  11.        3  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  10.        4  Cedrenus  Syncellus,  p.  308. 

5  Joseph.  Anti.-;.  lib.  15.  c.  11. 

6  L.  Florus.  lib.  4.  c.  12.    Suetoii.  in  Octavio,  c.  21.    Orosius,  lib.  6.  c.  21.     Eutropius,  lib.  7. 

7  Lib.  4.  c.  12. 

8  The  Seres  first  used  the  way  of  making  silk  from  the  web  of  the  silkworm.  From  them  that  name  and 
thinji  came  to  the  Persians,  and  from  them  to  the  Greeks  and  Latins.  The  first  time  that  any  silk  was 
brought  into  Greece  was  on  Ale.\ander's  havin£;cori(iiiered  Persia;  and  from  thence  it  came  into  Italy,  in  the 
flourishing  times  of  the  Roman  empire.  But  it  was  along  while  very  dear  in  all  these  western  parts,  as  be- 
ing weight  for  weight  of  equal  value  with  gold,  a  pound  of  the  one  costing  a  pound  of  the  other.  For  the 
Persians  took  care  to  keep  this  manufacture  for  a  long  time  wholly  to  themselves,  not  permitting  the  silk- 
worms to  be  carried  out  of  Persia,  or  any  to  pass  from  thence  into  the  west,  that  were  skilled  in  the  manag- 
ing of  them;  and  thus  it  continued  to  the  time  of  Justinian  the  emperor,  who  died  A.  D.  565.  He  looking  on 
it  as  a  great  hardship  that  the  subjects  of  his  empire  should  buy  this  manufacture  of  the  Persians  at  so  dear  a 
rate,  in  order  to  put  an  end  to  this  imposition,  sent  two  monks  into  India,  to  learn  there  how  the  silketi 

Vol.  IL— 49 


386  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

This  year,  being  the  thirteenth  of  the  reign  of  Herod,'  great  calamities  fell 
upon  tlie  people  of  Judea.  A  long  drought  produced  a  famine,  and  that  famine 
a  pestilence,  which  swept  away  great  numbers  of  the  inhabitants.  Herod,  for 
the  remedy  hereof  (his  treasury  being  then  empty,)  melted  down  all  the  plate 
of  his  palace,  even  that  which  was  most  valuable  for  its  fashion  and  workman- 
ship, and  making  money  of  it,  sent  it  into  Egypt  to  buy  corn,  where  there  was 
then  great  abundance  of  it;  and  by  the  friendship  of  Petronius,  the  Roman  pre- 
fect, got  sufficient  from  thence,  not  only  to  supply  the  wants  of  all  his  own 
people,  but  also  wherewith  to  relieve  the  necessities  of  his  neighbours  in  Syria, 
who  were  under  the  same  distress.  And  whereas  most  of  the  flocks  of  Judea 
were  consumed  by  the  drought,  so  that  there  was  not  wool  enough  in  the  land 
for  the  clothing  of  the  inhabitants  against  winter,  he  took  care  that  such  quan- 
tities were  ipiported  from  foreign  countries,  that  every  one,  before  the  approach 
of  the  cold  season,  was  provided  with  sufficient  to  fence  him  against  all  the 
severities  of  it:  by  which  acts  of  charity  and  generosity,  he  not  only  reconciled 
unto  him  the  affection  of  his  people,  with  whom,  till  now,  by  reason  of  the  se- 
verities and  cruelties  of  his  government,  he  stood  upon  very  ill  terms,  but  also 
made  his  name  famous  among  all  the  neighbouring  nations,  gaining  among  them 
the  reputation  of  a  wise,  gracious,  and  generous  prince.  But  he  was  not  of  a 
temper  long  to  hold  this  character  among  his  own  people;  for  the  tyrannical 
maladministrations  of  his  government  still  continuing  after  this  good  deed  in  the 
same  excess  as  before,  what  he  gained  by  the  one  was  soon  again  lost  by  the 
other;  and  therefore  he  continued  to  make  himself,  to  his  life's  end,  the  general 
odium  and  aversion  of  those  over  whom  he  reigned;  and  it  was  owing  only  to 
the  protection  and  power  of  Augustus  and  the  Romans  that  he  was  supported 
against  it. 


BOOK  IX. 

^n.  ^.  Herod  14.] — Augustus  with  the  beginning  of  this  year  entering  inta 
his  tenth  consulship,^  had  a  decree  of  the  senate  made  in  his  behalf,  which 
freed  him  from  the  obligation  of  all  laws,  and  set  him  above  them  all,  with  an 
absolute  power  to  do  all  things  in  the  government  of  the  empire  according  to- 
his  arbitrary  will  and  good  pleasure;  and  many  things  else  were  decreed  in  his 
honour,  through  the  flattery  of  some  who  courted  his  favour,  and  the  fear  of 
others  who  dreaded  his  power. 

Herod  being  now  at  peace  and  in  full  prosperity,^  set  himself  on  the  building 
of  a  stately  palace  on  Mount  Sion,  which  was  the  highest  part  of  the  city  of 
Jerusalem,  and  made  it  a  structure  of  that  largeness  and  magnificence,  that  in 
some  manner  it  exceeded  herein  even  the  temple  itself     And  it  was  more  es- 

trade  was  managed,  and  on  their  return  to  bring  the  silkworms  with  them,  that  so  hemigbJsetup  the  manu- 
facture in  his  own  dominions.  These  monks,  on  their  return,  told  him,  that  the  silkworms  couW  not  be  brought 
so  long  a  journey,  but  understanding  from  them  that  their  eggs  might,  and  that  from  them  the  worms  might  be 
propagated,  he  sent  them  back  a  second  time  to  bring  him  some  of  those  eggs;  who,  having  efT?;cted  what  they 
went  about,  and  brought  to  Constantinople,  on  their  return  thither,  great  quantities  of  those  eggs,  from  theia 
have  been  propagated  all  the  silkworms  and  silk  trade,  which  have,  since  that,  been  there  or  any  where  else 
in  Europe.  Till  that  time  the  ancients  were  so  ignorant  how  silk  was  made,  that  it  was  a  conmion  notion 
among  them  that  it  grew  on  the  tops  of  trees.  But  since  that  it  hath  been  sufficiently  niade  known,  that 
though  cotton  be  produced  from  trees,  silk  is  no  where  made  but  by  the  web  of  the  silkworm.  For  a  long 
while  silk  was  worn  only  by  women,  and  it  was  thought  a  great  instance  of  luxury  and  effeniinancy  for 
a  man  to  have  any  part  of  his  garments  of  it;  so  that,  in  the  beginning  of  the  reign  of  Tiberius,  as  Tacitus 
tells  us  (Annal.  lib.  2.  c.  33.)  a  law  was  made  "  Ne  vestes  serica  viros  foedaret,"  i.  e.  "  That  no  man  should 
defile  or  dishonour  himself  by  wearing  silken  garments."  When  the  stuff  was  all  of  silk,  it  was  called  holosc- 
rieum;  when  the  woof  only  was  silk,  and  the  warp  of  linen  or  woollen,  or  the  warp  only  of  silk,  and  the 
woof  of  linen  or  woollen,  it  was  called  suhscricum.  When,  afterward,  it  came  into  use  for  men  to  wear  silk, 
it  was  at  first  only  of  the  latter  sort;  that  which  was  all  silk  was,  for  a  long  time,  left  wholly  to  the  use  of 
the  women;  so  that  it  was  reckoned,  by  Lampridius,  as  one  of  the  infamous  parts  of  Heliogabalus's  charac- 
ter, that  he  was  the  first  man  that  wore  holosericam.  Videas  de  hac  re  plura  apud  Vossium  in  Etymologico, 
sub  Voce  Sericum,  et  de  Idololatria,  lib.  4.  c.  90.  et  Salmasiura  in  notis  ad  Terlullianum  de  Pallio,  ad  Soli- 
num.  et  ad  Histnriani  Augustam. 

1  Joseph.  Antiij.  lib.  1.5.  c.  Vi.  2  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  53.  p.  516. 

3  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  e.  12.  et  de  BeUo  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  16. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  38t 

pecially  famous  for  two  large  and  sumptuous  apartments  erected  in  it,  the  one 
of  which  he  called  Caesareum,  in  honour  of  Augustus  Caesar;  the  other  Agrip- 
peum,  in  honour  of  Agrippa,  Augustus's  principal  favourite. 

This  same  year,*  Herod  furnished  Augustus  with  five  hundred  men  out  of 
his  guards  for  the  carrying  on  of  an  expedition  against  the  southern  Arabs.  He 
having  heard  of  the.  wealth  of  those  people,^  that  they  abounded  in  gold  and 
silver  and  other  riches,  proposed  either  by  treaty  to  make  them  his  friends,  and 
fio  open  a  way  for  commerce  with  them,  or  else  by  conquest  to  make  them  his 
subjects;  and,  could  he  compass  either  of  them,  he  expected  thereby  much  to 
augment  the  wealth  and  riches  of  his  empire.  And  he  had  also  this  farther 
view,  that  in  case  he  should,  either  as  friend  or  conqueror,  gain  a  footing  in  that 
country,  he  should  through  it  have  an  easy  way  open  for  the  subduing  of  the 
Troglodites,  their  country  being  separated  from  the  southern  Arabia  only  by  the 
narrow  straits  now  called  the  Straits  of  Babelmandel,  through  which  the  Ara- 
bian Gulf  dischargeth  itself  into  the  Southern  Ocean.  For,  as  the  Arabs  dwell 
on  the  eastern  side  of  those  straits,  the  Troglodites  did  then  dwell  over  against 
them  on  the  western  side.  iEUus  Gallus,  a  Roman  of  the  equestrian  order,  was 
the  general  sent  on  this  expedition,  for  which  Augustus  furnished  him  with  ten 
thousand  men;  to  these  were  added  the  five  hundred  from  Herod  above  men- 
tioned, and  a  thousand  more  that  were  brought  him  by  Syllseus  from  Obodas, 
king  of  the  Nabathaean  Arabs.  This  Obodas  had  succeeded  Malchus  in  that 
kingdom,  and  Syllseus  was  his  chief  minister,  and  a  person  of  great  craft,  vigour, 
and  application.  He,  knowing  the  country,  undertook  to  be  Callus's  guide  in 
this  expedition,  and  thereby  made  it  miscarry,  by  betraying  him  in  it.  It  was 
proposed  to  march  through  the  country  of  the  Nabathaeans,  and  from  thence  to 
enter  on  this  expedition;  but  Syllaeus  falsely  informing  Gallus  that  there  was  no 
safe  passage  thither  by  land,  this  put  him  on  building  a  fleet  to  pass  thither  by 
sea;  and  therefore,  having  provided  one  hundred  and  thirty  transports  at  Cleo- 
patris,  a  port  at  the  bottom  of  the  Arabian  Gulf,  or  Red  Sea,  he  there  put  his 
army  on  board  them,  and  sailed  to  Leucocome,  a  port  of  the  Nabathasans,  lying 
on  the  eastern  side  of  that  sea.  This  being  a  very  dangerous  navigation,  by 
reason  of  the  many  rocks  and  shelves  that  are  in  that  part  of  the  Arabian  Gulf, 
and  Syllaeus  piloting  him  the  worst  way  through  it,  he  was  fifteen  days  in  the 
passage,  and  lost  several  of  his  ships  in  it:  and,  when  he  was  landed,  all  his 
army  falling  sick  of  a  disease  common  in  that  country,  he  was  forced  to  lie  by- 
all  the  remaining  part  of  the  summer,  and  the  winter  following,  to  wait  their 
recovery. 

An.  23.  Herod  15.] — Early  the  next  spring  he  set  out  from  Leucocome  in  the 
expedition  on  which  he  was  sent,^  and,  after  a  march  of  six  months  southward, 
came  into  those  parts  of  Arabia  where  he  intended,  vanquishing  in  his  march 
all  that  opposed  him:  but,  through  the  difficulties  of  the  way  which  Syllaeus 
treacherously  led  him,  the  heat  of  the  climate,  and  the  unwholesomeness  of  the 
air,  water,  and  herbs,  of  the  country,  he  had  by  this  time  lost  the  better  half  of 
his  army,  and  therefore  was  forced  to  return  again  without  effecting  any  thing 
of  what  was  designed,  through  want  of  sufficient  strength  to  execute  it.  But,  by 
this  time  perceiving  the  treachery  of  Syllaeus,  he  marched  back  under  the  con- 
duct of  other  guides,  and,  by  their  assistance,  returned  in  sixty  days  to  the  same 
parts  of  the  Nabathxan  country,  from  whence  he  had  been  six  months  in 
marching  out,  and  there  shipping  his  forces  at  the  next  port,  called  Negra, 
crossed  the  Arabian  Gulf  in  eleven  days,  and  landed  at  Myos  Hormus  on  the 
Egyptian  side,  and  from  thence,  by  the  way  of  Coptus,  led  back  the  remainder 
of  his  army  again  to  Alexandria,  after  having  been  two  years  on  this  expedition. 
The  miscarrying  of  it  being  wholly  owing  to  the  treachery  of  Syllaeus,*  he  was 

1  Joseph,  ibid.    Strabo,  lib.  16.  p.  780.  „  „    ^.      „      ■ 

2  Joseph,  ibid.    Plin.  lib.  6.  c.  28.    Strabo,  lib.  2.  p.  118.  lib.  16.  p.  780,  781.  et  lib.  17.  p.  819.  Dion  Cassius, 
\\\>.  53.  p.  5)6. 

3  Strabo,  lib.  2.  p.  118.  lib.  16.  p.  780,  781.  et  lib.  17.  p.  819.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  53.  p.  516v 
A  Strabo,  lib.  16.  p.  782. 


388  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

at  length  for  this,  among  other  crimes  then  laid  to  his  charge,  publicly  executed 
at  Rome  by  the  rods  and  axe  of  the  lictor.  But  this  was  not  till  several  years 
after.  In  the  interim,  there  will  be  occasions  of  speaking  again  of  him  more 
than  once  in  the  future  series  of  this  history. 

While  Gallus  was  in  this  expedition,'  Candace,  queen  of  Ethiopia,  invading 
the  province  of  Thebais,  in  the  Upper  Egypt,  with  a  great  army,  took  Syena, 
and  several  other  places  on  the  borders,  and  carried  the  garrison  soldiers  into 
captivity:  whereon  Petronius,  then  prefect  of  Egypt,  marched  with  an  army 
against  her,  and,  having  vanquished  her  forces  in  battle,  and  driven  them  out 
of  the  country,  pursued  them  into  Ethiopia,  and,  having  there  pierced  above 
eight  hundred  miles  into  the  country,  subdued  all  before  him,  taking  all  the 
cities  that  lay  in  his  way,  and  among  tlaem  Napata,  the  metropolis  of  the  king-^ 
dom,  which  he  destroyed,  and  from  thence  marched  on,  till  at  length,  being 
able  to  proceed  no  farther,  by  reason  of  the  great  deserts  of  sand,  nor  to  stay 
there  any  longer,  by  reason  of  the  excessive  heats  of  the  climate,  he  was  forced 
to  march  back;  and  therefore,  having  put  a  garrison  of  four  hundred  men  into 
Premnis,  one  of  the  strongest  fortresses  in  Ethiopia,  in  order  to  keep  footing  in 
that  country,  and  victualled  it  for  two  years,  he  returned  to  Alexandria,  carry- 
ing all  his  captives  with  him;  a  thousand  of  the  principal  of  them,  among  whom 
were  the  chief  commanders  of  Candace's  army,  he  sent  to  Augustus;  the  rest  he 
sold  on  his  return,  being  many  thousands  in  number. 

Phrahates,  king  of  Parthia,  being  again  driven  out  of  his  kingdom  by  Tiri- 
dates,'^  prevailed  with  the  Scythians  to  bring  him  back  with  a  great  army: 
whereon  Tiridates,^  with  the  chiefs  of  his  party,  fled  to  Rome,  to  pray  the  as- 
sistance of  Augustus,  promising  to  hold  the  kingdom  from  him  as  his  homager, 
in  case  he  might  be  restored  by  his  help.  Phrahates,  hearing  which  way  he 
was  fled,  sent  ambassadors  to  Rome  after  him,  there  to  obviate  his  designs,  and 
to  demand  of  Augustus  the  delivery  of  his  rebel  subjects  to  him,  and  the  re- 
lease of  his  son,  whom  Tiridates  had  put  into  his  hands  in  the  manner  above 
related.  Augustus  having  given  them  a  hearing,  answered  them  in  the  same 
manner  as  he  had  before  at  Antioch,  that  he  would  not  deliver  Tiridates  into 
the  hands  of  Phrahates,  nor  give  either  of  them  any  help  against  the  other. 
However,  that  he  might  gratify  both  in  something,  he  permitted  Tiridates  to 
live  under  his  protection  at  Rome,  ordering  him  there  a  maintenance  out  of  the 
public  treasury,  whereby  to  subsist  with  plenty  and  honour;  and  he  sent  back 
to  Phrahates  his  son,  upon  condition  that  he  should  restore  all  the  captives  and 
ensigns  which  the  Parthians  had  taken  from  Crassus  and  Antony  in  their  wars 
against  them.  This  was  then  promised,  but  not  performed,  till  Augustus  came 
into  Syria  three  years  after,  and  by  the  dread  of  his  name,  and  the  threats  of  a 
new  war   induced  him  hereto. 

At  this  time  there  being  at  Jerusalem  a  very  beautiful  young  lady,  called 
Mariamne,  the  daughter  of  Simon,  the  son  of  Boethus,  an  ordinary  priest  of  that 
place,  Herod  fell  in  love  with  her,''  and  took  her  to  wife;  but  first,  for  the 
making  of  her  a  more  suitable  match  for  him,  he  made  her  father  high-priest  of 
the  Jews,  instead  of  Jesus,  the  son  of  Phebes,  whom  he  removed  on  purpose  to 
make  room  for  him.  After  this,  he  built  a  stately  palace,^  at  the  distance  of 
about  seven  miles  from  Jerusalem,  in  the  place  where  he  had  formerly  defeated 
the  Parthians,  and  the  Jews  of  the  Asmonsean  party,  when  he  fled  from  that 
city,  on  Antigonus's  becoming  master  of  it.  This,  from  his  own  name,  he  called 
Herodium.  It  stood  in  a  very  pleasant  and  a  very  strong  situation,  on  the  top 
of  a  hill,  from  whence  there  was  a  prospect  of  all  the  country  round.  From 
this  palace  the  hill  declined  all  round  v/ith  an  equal  and  uniform  descent, 
which  made  a  very  beautiful  show;  and  at  the  foot  of  it  were  soon  built  such  a 
number  of  houses,  as  amounted  to  the  proportion  of  a  considerable  city. 

I  Strabo,  lib.  17.  p.  830.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  54.  p.  524.    Plinius,  lib.  6.  c.  29.  2  Justin,  lib.  42.  c.  5. 

3  .Tustin.  ibid.    Dion  Cassins,  lib.  53.  p.  519.  4  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  c.  12.  et  lib.  18.  c.  7. 

5  Joseph.  Anliq.  lib.  15.  c.  12.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  16. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  389 

Augustus  having  been  seized  this  year  with  a  dangerous  sickness,  when 
nothing  else  could  bring  him  any  help,  was  cured  by  the  use  of  the  cold  bath,' 
and  cooling  potions,  prescribed  him  by  Antonius  Musa,  the  most  eminent  phy- 
sician among  the  Romans  of  that  age:  and  he  had  hereon  great  rewards  and 
great  honours  decreed  him  by  the  senate.  But  a  little  after,  Marcellus  falling 
sick,  while  he  endeavoured  to  cure  him  by  the  same  method,  he  caused  his 
death,  which  was  much  to  the  grief  of  Augustus:  for  he  was  the  son  of  Octa- 
via,  his  sister,  by  her  first  husband,  and,  being  a  young  man  of  great  hopes,  Au- 
gustus had  married  his  daughter  to  him,  adopted  him  for  his  son,  and  intended 
him  for  his  heir,  in  case  he  should  have  no  son  of  his  own;  but  he  had  the  mis- 
fortune this  year  to  lose  him  in  the  manner  here  mentioned.  This  is  the  Mar- 
cellus whose  untimely  death  Virgil  most  ingeniously  sets  forth  in  the  sixth  book 
of  his  jEneids. 

An.  22.  Herod  16.] — Herod  having  finished  Samaria,  which,  from  the  name 
of  Augustus,  he  called  Sebaste,  he  began  the  building  of  another  city  at  Straton's 
Tower,'^  on  the  sea-coast  of  Palestine,  which  also,  in  honour  of  him,  from  his 
other  name,  he  called  Ccesarea.  In  the  building  and  adorning  hereof,  he  spent 
twelve  years,  and  expended  vast  sums  of  money,  whereby  he  made  it  a  city  of 
prime  note  in  those  parts,  and  the  most  convenient  and  safest  port  in  all  the 
coasts  of  Phoenicia.  For,  whereas  before  it  was  a  very  dangerous  harbour,  so 
that  no  ship  could  ride  safe  in  it  when  the  wind  blew  south-west,  to  remedy 
this,  he  ran  out  a  mole  in  a  circular  form,  which  fenced  the  port  against  both  the 
south  and  the  west,  and  encompassed  room  enough  for  a  great  fleet  to  ride  safe 
within  against  all  wind  and  weather,  leaving  a  passage  into  it  only  on  the  north, 
where  the  sea  was  less  rough,  and  the  harbour  least  exposed  to  storms  from  it. 
This  work  alone  was  of  vast  labour  and  expense:  for  it  was  built  with  stones 
brought  from  far,  and  of  a  very  large  size,  they  being  fifty  feet  long,  eighteen 
broad,  and  nine  deep,  some  greater,  some  lesser,  and  the  foundation  was  laid 
twenty  fathom  deep  into  the  sea.  When  Judea  was  reduced  into  the  form  of  a 
Roman  province,  this  city  was  usually  made  the  residence  of  him  that  was  sent 
to  govern  it. 

Alexander  and  Aristobulus,  the  sons  of  Herod  by  Mariamne,  now  growing 
up,  their  father  sent  them  to  Rome  for  their  education,^  there  providing  a  recep- 
tion for  them  in  the  house  of  Pollio,  an  especial  friend  of  his:  but  Augustus 
taking  them  into  his  particular  care,  assigned  them  apartments  in  his  own 
palace:  and  further  to  express  his  friendship  and  favour  to  Herod,  he  gave  him 
full  power  to  leave  the  succession  of  his  kingdom  to  which  of  his  sons  he  should 
think  fit;  and  moreover  at  the  same  time  added  Trachonitis,''  Auranitis,'*  and 
Batanaea,  to  his  former  dominions,  which  Avas  done  on  this  occasion.  There  was 
one  Zenodorus,^  tetrarch  of  a  territory  lying  between  Trachonitis  and  Galilee,^ 
who  had  farmed  from  the  president  of  Syria  the  provinces  of  Trachonitis,  Au- 
ranitis,  and  Batansea,  which  had  formerly  been  the  principality  of  Lysanias,® 
the  son  of  Ptolemy,  whom  Antony  put  to  death,  as  hath  been  above  mentioned. 
This  person,  not  being  contented  with  the  honest  gain  of  his  farm  (in  which  he 
had  a  great  bargain,)  to  make  the  most  of  it  that  he  could,  went  shares  with  a 
company  of  thieves,  who  had  taken  harbour  in  certain  caves  in  the  mountains 
of  Trachonitis,  and  permitted  them  to  rob  all  the  country  round,  upon  terms  of 
sharing  the  plunder  with  them.  This  being  a  great  grievance  and  mischief  to 
the  people  of  those  parts,  they  complained  of  it  to  Varro,  then  president  of  Syria, 
who  writing  to  Augustus  about  it,  received  orders  from  him  at  any  rate  to  root 
out  those  robbers.     But,  before  these  orders  could  be  executed,  Varro  being  re- 

1  Dion  Cassiiis,  lib.  .53.  p.  517.     Suetnn.  in  Octavio,  c.  r)9.     Plinius,  lib.  19.  c.  8.  lib.  25.  c.  7.  et  lib.  29.  c.  1. 

2  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  c.  13.  et  do  Bello  Judaico.  lib.  1.  c.  16.  3  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  c.  13. 

4  These  three  districts,  or  toparchies,  lay  beyond  the  sea  of  Galilee,  between  that  and  Damascus,  having 
'for  their  boundary  Mount  Libanus  on  the  north,  and  the  country  of  Persia  on  the  south. 

5  Auranitis  is  the  same  with  Iturfea.  being  another  name  for  it. 

6  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  c.  13.  et  de  fiello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  15.  7  Joseph,  ibid. 
8  He  is  by  Josephus  called  prince  of  Chalcis,  from  the  city  of  Chalcis  where  he  resided. 


390  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

called,  the  grievance  and  the  complaint  still  continued;  whereon  Augustus,'  to 
provide  an  effectual  cure  for  this  evil,  did  put  all  the  three  provinces  which  Ze- 
nodorus  had  farmed  into  the  hands  of  Herod,  adding  them  to  his  former  domi- 
nions, who  forthwith  marched  thither  with  such  forces  as  were  necessary,"  broke 
into  the  dens  of  those  thieves,  and  by  killing  a  great  number  of  them,  and 
driving  out  the  rest,  soon  cleared  the  country  of  them.  Whereon  Zenodorus, 
being  deprived  not  only  of  his  unrighteous  gain,  but  also  of  his  farm,^  went  to 
Rome  to  make  complaint  against  Herod;  but  not  meeting  with  success  in  any 
of  his  accusations,  he,  on  his  return,  excited  the  Gadarenes  to  an  attempt  of 
giving  him  trouble:  and  accordingly  they  applied  to  Agrippa  with  complaints  and 
accusations  against  him;  for  Agrippa  had  then  the  government  of  all  the  east 
conferred  on  him  by  Augustus,  Agrippa,  as  hath  been  above  related,  was  the 
chief  favourite  and  prime  confidant  of  Augustus;  but  now  Julia,  the  daughter  of 
Augustus,  being  grown  up,  and  married  to  Marcellus,  the  son  of  Octavia,  Au- 
gustus's sister,  the  old  favourite  grew  jealous  of  the  son-in-law,  so  that  they 
could  not  bear  each  other.  Hereon  Augustus,*  to  put  an  end  to  these  differ- 
ences, sent  Agrippa  out  of  the  way,  committing  to  his  charge  all  the  provinces 
of  the  east  that  lay  beyond  the  iEgean  Sea;"*  and  he  taking  up  his  residence  at 
Mitylene,  in  the  isle  of  Lesbos,  from  thence  by  his  lieutenants  governed  Lesser 
Asia,  Syria,  and  all  the  other  countries  that  were  within  his  commission.  As 
soon  as  Herod  heard  of  Agrippa's  settling  there, ^  he  sailed  thither  to  make  a 
visit  to  him,  and  thereby  further  cultivated  the  friendship  that  had  been  before 
between  them.  Immediately  on  his  departure,^  came  the  Gadarenes  thither 
with  their  accusations  against  him  in  a  very  unlucky  time  for  their  affair.  For 
they  then  found  Agrippa,  by  reason  of  the  endearments  that  had  been  revived 
between  them  in  the  conversation  of  the  late  visit,  so  far  prepossessed  in  favour 
of  Herod,  that  having  no  ear  open  to  any  complaints  against  him,  he  caused 
these  accusers  of  him  to  be  all  clapped  in  chains,  and  sent  them  thus  bound  into 
Judea  to  be  there  delivered  unto  him.  Herod,  thinking  to  sweeten  them  by 
clemency,  dismissed  them  without  any  harm;  and  this  for  some  time  quieted  the 
troubles  which  they  and  Zenodorus  would  have  raised  against  him. 

jJn.  2L  Herod  17.] — Augustus  intending  a  progress  into  the  east,  on  his  arri- 
val in  Sicily,  in  his  way  thither,  sent  for  Agrippa  to  come  to  him,*^  and  having 
given  him  in  marriage  to  Julia  his  daughter,  being  now  become  a  widow  by  the 
death  of  Marcellus  her  former  husband,  sent  him  to  Rome,  there  to  take  care 
of  the  affairs  in  the  west,  while  he  himself  should  be  absent  in  the  east.  Mae- 
cenas chiefly  advised  this  match,''  telling  Augustus,  that  having  made  Agrippa 
so  great  as  he  then  had,  he  had  nothing  else  to  choose,  but  either  to  make  him 
his  son-in-law,  or  put  him  to  death.  To  make  way  for  this  match,  Agrippa  was 
forced  to  divorce  his  former  wife,  though  daughter  of  Octavia,  the  sister  of  Au- 
gustus, who  was  afterward  married  to  Antonius,*  the  son  of  Antony  the  triumvir. 
After  this  Augustus  sailed  from  Sicily  into  Greece,^  and,  having  there  settled 
all  matters,  passed  into  the  isles,  and  wintered  at  Samos.' 

While  Augustus  lay  at  this  place,  there  came  thither  to  him  ambassadors  from 
Candace,  queen  of  Ethiopia.'"  It  hath  been  above  related  how  Petronius,  on  his 
return  from  his  late  inroad  into  Ethiopia,  had  left  a  garrison  in  Premnis,  a  strong 
fortress  in  that  country.  In  the  beginning  of  this  year  Candace  sent  an  army 
to  besiege  it."  Whereon  Petronius,  coming  to  the  assistance  of  his  garrison, 
raised  the  siege,  and  forced  Candace  to  sue  for  peace.  On  the  coming  of  her 
ambassadors  to  him  for  this  purpose,  they  were  referred  by  him  to  Caesar,  but 
their  answer  being,  that  they  knew  not  who  Cassar  was,  he  sent  messengers 
with  them  to  conduct  them  to  Augustus,  who  finding  him  at  Samos,  there   ob- 

1  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  c.  13.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  15.  2  Joseph,  ibid. 

3  Dion  Cassias,  lib.  53.  p.  518.    Sueton.  in  Octavio,  c.  66.     Velleius  Patcrculus,  lib.  2.  c.  93. 

4  Joseph.  Aiilii].  lib.  15.  c.  [3.     Dion  Cassiiis.  ibid.     Velleius  Paterciilus,  ibid.  5  Joseph,  ibid. 
6  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  54.  p.  5'il.     Velleius  Patercul.  lib.  2.  c.  93.                    7  Ibid.  lib.  54.  p.  525. 

8  Plutarch,  in  Antonio.  9  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  54.  p.  525. 

10  Strabo,  lib.  17.  p.  821.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  54.  p.  525.  11  Strabo,  et  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  54.  p.  525. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  391 

tained  from  him  the  peace  which  they  desired,  and  then  returned  again  into 
Ethiopia. 

An.  '20.  Herod  18.] — Early  the  next  spring  Augustus  passed  from  Samos  into 
Lesser  Asia,'  and,  having  settled  all  matters  there,  continued  his  progress  through 
that  countr}^  into  Syria,"  and  came  to  Antioch.  On  his  arrival  there,  Zenodo- 
rus,  Avith  delegates  from  the  Gadarenes,*  addressed  to  them  with  their  old  com- 
plaints against  Herod,  hoping  to  have  a  more  favourable  hearing  from  him  than 
they  had  from  Agrippa.  They  accused  him  of  tyranny,  violence,  and  rapine, 
and  also  of  sacrilege,  in  plundering  and  violating  temples;  and  Augustus  went 
so  far  into  them,  as  to  appoint  a  day  for  Herod,  who  was  then  present  at  Anti- 
och, to  make  his  defence;  in  the  hearing  of  which  he  was  treated  with  so  much 
tenderness  and  favour,  as  made  the  Gadarenes  despair  of  their  cause,  so  that, 
the  night  following,  some  of  thein  drowned  themseh^es,  others  cast  themselves 
down  precipices,  and  the  rest  did  cut  their  throats,  or  otherwise  made  them- 
selves away,  through  fear  of  being  delivered  to  Herod;  and  Zenodorus  did  the 
same:  for  having  taken  poison,  it  corroded  his  guts,  and  cast  him  into  a  violent 
dysentery,  of  which  he  died  that  same  night.  Hereon  Augustus  looking  on 
their  self-execution  to  be  self-condemnation,  and  a  clear  acknowledgment  of 
guilt  on  their  side,  absolved  Herod,  and  would  admit  no  more  such  accusations 
to  be  brought  against  him.  And  to  make  amends  for  the  trouble  he  had  been 
put  to  by  Zenodorus  and  his  Gadarenes,  he  gave  him  the  tetrarchy  of  Zenodo- 
rus; and,  for  his  greater  honour,  joined  him  in  commission  with  the  president 
of  Syria,  as  his  procurator  in  that  province,  ordaining  that  nothing  should  be 
done  in  the  affairs  of  it  without  his  knowledge  and  advice;  and  moreover,  at 
his  request,  gave  to  Pheroras  his  brother  a  tetrarchy  in  those  parts.  In  acknow- 
ledgment of  all  these  favours,  Herod  built  unto  him,  in  the  lands  of  Zenodorus, 
near  the  mountain  Paneas  (at  the  foot  of  which  is  the  fountain  of  the  river  Jor- 
dan) a  sumptuous  temple,  all  of  white  marble.  By  which  idolatrous  flattery, 
and  other  like  compliances  with  heathen  usages,  he  farther  alienated  from  him  all 
those  Jews  that  were  zealous  for  their  law,  and  the  religion  of  their  forefathers. 

Phrahates,  king  of  Parthia,  on  Augustus's  coming  into  Syria,  sent  ambassa- 
dors to  him  to  pray  his  friendship.*  For  being  then  upon  ill  terms  with  his  peo- 
ple, whom  he  had  much  alienated  from  by  his  tyranny  and  cruelty,  he  dreaded 
a  foreign  war;  and  he  had  reason  at  that  time  to  fear  it  from  Augustus.  For 
whereas  Augustus  had  three  years  before  released  to  him  one  of  his  sons  (whom 
he  had  in  captivity  at  Rome,)  upon  promise  that  he  would  send  back  to  him 
all  the  prisoners  and  ensigns  which  the  Parthians  had  taken  from  the  Romans 
in  their  wars  with  Crassus  and  Antony,  he  had  not  as  yet  discharged  himself 
of  that  obligation;  that  therefore  this  might  not  be  a  cause  of  war  against  him, 
he  now  not  only  sent  back  all  those  captives  and  ensigns,  but  also  yielded  to 
all  other  terms  of  peace  which  were  then  required  of  him,  and  gave  four  of 
his  sons,  with  their  wives  and  children,  in  hostage  for  the  performance  of  them. 
Whereupon  Justin  remarks,*  that  Augustus  did  more  herein  by  the  greatness  of 
his  name,  than  any  other  commander  could  do  by  war.  But  Tacitus  tells  us,* 
that  Phrahates  w^as  induced  hereto,  not  so  much  by  the  fear  of  Augustus,  as  by 
the  diffidence  which  he  had  of  his  own  people;  and  what  Strabo"  and  Josephus^ 
tells  us  is  agreeable  hereto.  For,  laying  both  of  them  together,  the  matter  ap- 
pears to  have  been  as  foUoweth.  A  very  beautiful  Italian  woman,"  called  Ther- 
musa,  having  been  formerly  sent  by  Augustus  to  Phrahates  for  a  present,  she 
first  became  his  concubine,  and  afterward,  on  her  bringing  him  a  son,  was  mar- 
ried to  him,  and  advanced  to  be  his  queen;  and  having  in  this  station  gained  an 
absolute  ascendant  over  him,  made  use  of  it  for  the  securing  of  the  succession 

1  DionCassius,  lib.  54.  p.  525. 

2  Dion  Cassias,  ibid.  Joseph.  Antiq,  lib.  15.  c.  13.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  15. 

3  Jo.seph.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  c.  13. 

4  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  54.  p.  525,  526.  Strabo,  lib.  6.  p.  2(^S.  et  lib.  16.  p.  748.  Livii  Epitome,  lib.  139.  L. 
Florus,  lib.  4.  c.  12.    Orosius,  lib.  6.  c.  21.     Justin,  lib.  42.  c.  5.    Velleius  Patercul.  lib.  i.  c.  91. 

5  Justin,  lib.  42.  c.  5.  6  Annal.  lib.  2.  c.  1.  7  Lib.  6.  p.  288.  8  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  18.  c.  3L 
9  Joseph,  ibid.    Strdbo,  lib.  16.  p.  748,  749. 


392  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

of  the  crowTi  of  Paithia  to  her  son;  in  order  whereto,  she  proposed  to  Phrahatea 
the  putting  of  his  other  sons,  which  were  four  in  all,  into  the  hands  of  the  Ro- 
mans: and  Phrahates  not  thinking  himself  safe  against  his  subjects,  as  long  as 
there  were  at  hand  any  other  of  the  race  of  Arsaces  of  a  fit  age  to  be  put  in  his 
place,  on  this  consideration  readily  complied  herewith;  and  accordingly,  when 
matters  were  made  up  between  him  and  Augustus,  and  hostages  were  demand- 
ed for  the  securing  of  the  terms  of  that  agreement,  he  delivered  these  his  four 
sons  into  the  hands  of  Augustus  for  this  purpose,  who  carried  them  to  Rome, 
where  they  remained  many  years;  and  Thermusa's  son,  who  was  called  Phra- 
haticis,  was  bred  up  for  the  succeeding  of  him  in  the  kingdom.  The  Parthians' 
were  so  superstitiously  addicted  to  the  race  of  Arsaces,  that  Phrahates  well 
knew  they  would  bear  him,  how  great  soever  their  hatred  to  him  was,  as  long  as 
they  had  not  another  of  that  family  of  a  fit  age  to  be  set  up  to  reign  in  his  place; 
and  for  this  reason  it  was,  that  he  so  readily  yielded  up  his  sons  into  the 
hands  of  the  Romans,  that  being  removed  so  far  out  of  the  way,  they  might 
create  him  no  danger,  nor  give  him  any  jealousy.  But  at  length  his  de- 
struction came  from  what  he  thus  projected  for  his  safety.  For,  as  soon  as 
Phrahatices  was  grown  up,^  Thermusa,  not  having  patience  any  longer  to 
wait  for  the  vacancy,  that  was  ready  in  a  short  time  naturally  to  happen, 
unnaturally  poisoned  her  husband  to  make  room  for  her  son  the  sooner  to 
succeed  him.  But  this  met  with  that  disappointment  which  so  wicked  an 
act  deserved.  For  the  people  not  bearing  so  wicked  a  parricide,  rose  in  a 
tumult  against  him,  and  drove  him  into  banishment,  wherein  he  perished; 
but  it  was  not  till  some  years  after  that  this  happened. 

And  at  the  same  time  that  Augustus  made  peace  with  Parthia,  he  settled 
also  the  affairs  of  Armenia.  It  hath  been  above  related,  how  that  Artab-azes, 
king  of  Armenia,  being  taken  prisoner  by  Antony,  and  carried  to  Alexan- 
dria, Artaxias  his  son  succeeded  him.  He  having  made  himself  grievous  to 
his  subjects  by  an  oppressive  and  tyrannical  reign, ^  they  accused  him  before 
Augustus,  and  desired  to  have  Tigranes,  his  younger  brother,  to  reign  over  them 
in  his  stead.  Hereon  Augustus  sent  Tiberius,  the  son  of  Livia  by  her  former 
husband,  with  an  army  to  expel  Artaxias,  and  place  Tigranes  on  the  throne  in 
his  stead;  but  Artaxias  being  slain  by  his  own  people  before  he  arrived,  and 
Tigranes  thereon  admitted  to  succeed  without  any  opposition,  Tiberius  had  no 
opportunity  by  any  military  action  of  gaining  honour  by  this  commission,  which 
was  the  first  he  was  employed  in. 

Augustus,  toward  the  end  of  the  summer,'*  returning  out  of  Syria,  was  at- 
tended by  Herod  to  the  sea-shore,  where  he  embarked;  and  from  thence  sailed 
back  to  Samos,  and  there  resided  all  the  ensuing  winter  in  the  same  manner  as 
he  had  the  former;  and,  in  consideration  hereof,  on  his  departure  thence  the 
next  spring,  he  gave  the  Samians  their  liberty,  and  made  them  a  free  city,  in 
reward  of  the  accommodations  with  which  he  was  there  furnished  among  them. 

Herod,  on  his  return  to  Jerusalem,  finding  the  people  much  offended,"  be- 
cause of  the  many  breaches  he  had  made  upon  their  law  and. religion  by  his 
frequent  compliances  with  the  idolatrous  usages  of  the  Greeks  and  Romans,  was 
put  to  difficulties  to  avoid  the  ill  consequences  of  it.  For,  although  he  endea- 
voured to  excuse  himself,  by  alleging  the  necessit}'-  he  was  under  of  pleasing 
Augustus  and  the  Romans  in  this  matter,  this  gave  no  satisfaction,  but  discon- 
tents on  this  account  grew  to  a  great  height  against  him  among  the  generality 
of  the  people.  And  therefore,  to  prevent  the  ill  effects  hereof,  he  prohibited  aU 
meetings  at  feasts  and  clubs,  and  all  other  assemblies  of  many  together;  and  he 
had  spies  in  all  quarters  to  bring  him  constant  intelligence  how  all  matters- 
went;  and  he  would  often  himself  go  out  in  disguise,  that  he  might  hear  and 
observe  how  the  people  stood  affected  toward  him;  and  by  these  means  making 

1  Strabo,  lib.  16.  p.  749.  2  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  18.  c.3. 

3  Dion  Cas.sius,  lib.  53.  p.  526.    Tacitus  Annal.  lib.  2.  c.  3. 

4  Ibid.  lib.  53.  p.  527.    Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  c.  13.  5  Joseph,  ibid. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  393 

discovery  of  all  that  had  ill  designs  against  him,  and  thereon  severely  treating 
such  as  were  guilty,  he  made  a  shift  to  secure  himself,  and  keep  all  quiet. 

And  for  this  end,  at  the  same  time,  he  would  have  imposed  an  oath  of  fidelity 
on  all  his  subjects.  But  Hillel  and  Shammai,  with  all  their  followers  of  the 
Pharisaical  sect,  and  also  all  the  Essenes,  refusing  to  take  it,  he  was  forced  to 
let  it  drop;  only  those  who  had  rendered  themselves  suspected  were  forced  to 
comply  herewith,  for  the  avoiding  of  the  severity  with  which  he  would  other- 
wise have  treated  them. 

An.  19.  Herod  19.] — While  Augustus  lay  at  Samos,  there  came  thither  to  him 
a  second  embassy  from  the  king  of  India  to  desire  the  establishment  of  a  league 
and  friendship  with  him,'  to  which  purpose  he  wrote  him  a  letter  in  the  Greek 
language,  telling  him  therein,  that  though  he  reigned  over  six  hundred  kings, 
yet  he  had  such  value  for  the  friendship  of  Augustus,  by  reason  of  the  great 
fame  which  he  had  heard  of  him,  that  he  sent  this  embassy  on  so  long  a  jour- 
ney on  purpose  to  desire  it  of  him.  To  which  letter  he  subscribed  by  the  name 
of  Porus,  king  of  India.  The  six  hundred  kings,  whom  he  boasted  to  reign 
over,  were  the  rajas,  or  petty  princes  who  governed  the  kingdom  under  him, 
several  of  whose  descendants  there  remain  even  to  this  day;  who,  paying  tri- 
bute and  homage  to  the  great  Mogul,  govern  their  subjects  at  home  with  sove- 
reign authority.  Of  the  ambassadors  that  first  set  out  from  India  on  this  em- 
bassy, three  only  reached  the  presence  of  Augustus;  the  others  that  were  in 
commission  with  them  died  by  the  way.  Of  the  three  surviving,  one  was  Zar- 
marus,  a  gymnosophist,  who  following  Augustus  to  Athens,  there  burnt  himself 
in  his  presence,  in  like  manner  as  Calanus,'^  another  of  that  sect,  had  formerly 
done  in  the  presence  of  Alexander;  it  being  the  usage  and  manner  of  that  sort 
of  men,  when  they  thought  they  had  lived  long  enough,  to  pass  out  of  hfe  by 
thus  casting  themselves  alive  upon  their  funeral  piles.  Among  the  presents 
which  they  brought  were  several  tigers,  and  these  were  the  first  of  this  sort  of 
wild  beasts  that  had  been  seen  either  by  the  Greeks  or  Romans.  After  this  Au- 
gustus returning  to  Rome, ^  was  there  received  with  great  honour:  his  brinjjing: 
back  the  ensigns  and  prisoners  that  had  been  taken  in  the  Parthian  wars,  being 
what  the  Romans  valued  beyond  the  rate  of  the  greatest  victory.  And  there- 
fore a  temple  was  erected  in  the  Capitol  in  commemoration  of  it,  which  was 
dedicated  to  Mars  the  revenger;  and  there  the  recovered  ensigns  were  hung 
up.  And  Augustus  valued  himself  so  much  upon  this  matter,  that  many 
of  his  coins  still  remaining  bear  the  inscription  "  Signis  Receptis,"  and  the 
poets  of  his  time  made  it  the  common  argument  of  their  flatteries  toward  him.'* 

Herod  being  now  in  the  full  enjoyment  of  peace  and  plenty,  and  having 
finished  his  buildings  at  Sebaste,  and  far  advanced  those  at  Caesarea,*  formed 
a  design  of  new-building  the  temple  at  Jerusalem;  whereby  he  thought  he 
should  not  only  reconcile  to  him  the  affections  of  the  Jews,  but  also  erect  a 
monument  of  lasting  honour  to  his  own  name.  The  temple  built  after  the  re- 
turn of  the  Jews  from  the  Babylonish  captivity  fell  much  short  of  that  of  Solo- 
mon's in  the  height,  the  magnificence,  and  other  particulars;  and  five  hundred 
years  being  elapsed  since  its  erection,  several  decays  had  happened  to  it,  both 
by  the  length  of  time,  and  also  by  the  violence  of  enemies.  For  the  temple, 
by  reason  of  its  situation,  being  the  strongest  part  of  Jerusalem,  whenever  the 
inhabitants  were  pressed  by  war,  they  always  made  their  last  refuge  thither; 
and  whenever  they  did  so,  some  of  its  buildings  suffered  by  it.  For  the  amend- 
ing and  repairing  of  those  defects  and  decays,  Herod  designed  to  build  the 
whole  temple  anew;  and  in  a  genei-al  assembly  of  the  people,  offered  to  them 
what  he  intended.  But  when  he  found  them  startled  at  the  proposal,  and  under 
apprehensions,  lest  that,  when  he  had  pulled  down  the  old  temple,  he  should 

1  Strabo,  lib.  15.  p.  719,  720.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  53.  p.  527. 

2  Plutarch,  in  Alexandre.     Arrian.  lib.  7.  Diodor.  Sic.  lib.  17.    Strabo,  lib.  15.  p.  686. 

3  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  53.  p.  526 — 528.  4  Uvidius  in  quinto  libro  Fastorum.    Horatius,  lib.  4.  oda  15. 
5  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  c.  14. 

Vol.  II.— 50 


394  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

not  be  able  to  build  them  a  new  one;  to  deliver  them  from  this  fear,  he  to?(f 
them,  that  he  would  not  take  down  the  old  temple  till  he  had  gotten  all  the 
materials  ready  for  the  immediate  erection  of  a  new  one  in  its  place;  and  ac- 
cordingly be  did  forthwith  set  himself  to  make  all  manner  of  preparations  for 
it,  employing  therein  a  thousand  wagons  for  the  carrying  of  the  stones  and  tim- 
ber, ten  thousand  artificers  to  fit  all  things  for  the  building,  and  a  thousand 
priests,  skilful  in  all  parts  of  architecture,  to  supervise  and  direct  them  in  the 
work.  And  by  these  means,  in  two  years'  time,  he  had  got  all  things  ready 
for  the  building.  And  then,  and  not  before,  did  he  puU  down  the  old  temple 
to  the  very  foundations,  to  make  room  for  the  erecting  a  new  one  in  its  place. 
Josephus  tells  us,  Herod  made  this  proposal  in  the  eighteenth  year  of  his  reign, 
that  is,  from  the  death  of  Antigonus,  which  happened  not  till  about  the  Mid- 
summer after  he  was  taken  prisoner;  and  therefore,  according  to  this  reckoning, 
the  nineteenth  year  of  Herod  not  beginning  till  about  the  Midsummer  of  the 
nineteenth  year  before  Christ,  the  six  first  months  of  that  year  did  belong  to 
the  eighteenth  year  of  Herod;  and  the  Passover,  at  which  was  the  greatest  as- 
sembly of  the  Jews,  falling  within  the  compass  of  those  six  months,  then,  it  is 
most  probable,  this  proposal  was  made. 

An.  18.  Herod  20.] — iElius  Gallus  succeeding  Petronius  in  the  prefecture  of 
Egypt,  made  a  progress  into  the  upper  parts  of  that  country,  as  far  as  Syene 
and  the  borders  of  Ethiopia,  in  which  Strabo  the  geographer  accompanied  him; 
and  at  Thebes,'  he  teUs  us,  he  saw  the  statue  of  Memnon,  which,  according  to 
the  poets,^  saluted  the  morning  sun  every  day,  at  its  first  rising,  with  an  hai- 
monious  sound;  and  he  saith,  that  he  heard  that  sound  on  his  being  on  the  place 
one  morning;  hvA.  professeth  not  to  know  the  cause  from  whence  it  proceeded, 
but  suspected  it  to  come  from  some  of  the  by-standers.  He  was  born  at  Amasta 
in  Pontus,'  and  published  his  Geography  in  the  fourth  year  of  the  reign  of  Ti- 
berius, being  then  a  very  old  man.  It  is  a  most  excellent  work,  the  ancients 
have  scarce  left  us  any  thing  more  valuable.  For  it  is  written  with  great  judg- 
ment and  care,  he  having  travelled  almost  over  all  the  places  which  he  de- 
scribes, and  his  descriptions  are  so  exact,  that  most  of  the  places  may  be  known 
by  them  even  to  this  day.  He  also  wrote  a  history,  which  Josephus  quotes,  and 
hath  some  passages  out  of  it;  but  excepting  some  few  such  fragments  dispersed 
in  other  authors,  that  work  is  now  entirely  lost. 

An.  17.  Herod  21.] — Herod  having,  after  two  years'  preparation,  made  ready 
all  materials  for  the  new  building  of  the  temple,  pulled  down  the  old  edifice, 
and  began  the  erecting  of  his  new  one,  just  forty-six  years  before  the  first  pass- 
over  of  Christ's  personal  ministry;  at  which  time  the  Jews  told  him  (John  ii.  20.) 
"  Forty  and  six  years  hath  this  temple  been  in  building.'"*  For  although  then 
forty-six  years  had  passed  from  the  time  this  building  was  begun,  and  in  nine 
years  and  a  half  it  was  made  fit  for  the  divine  service,  yet  a  great  number  of 
labourers  and  artificers  were  there  still  continued  at  work,  for  the  carrying  on 
of  the  outbuildings,  all  the  time  of  our  Saviour's  being  here  on  earth,  and  for 
some  years  after,  till  the  coming  of  Gessius  Florus,  to  be  governor  of  Judea; 
when  eighteen  thousand  of  them,^  being  discharged  at  one  time,  after  that  for 
want  of  work,  they  began  those  mutinies  and  seditions,  which  at  last  drew  on 
the  destruction  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  temple  with  it. 

This  year,  Julia,  the  daughter  of  Augustus,^  brought  Agrippa  a  second  son, 
called  Lucius;  the  eldest,  called  Caius,^  was  born  three  years  before.  They 
being  the  grandsons  of  Augustus,  as  soon  as  Lucius  was  born"*  he  adopted  them 
both  for  his  sons,  and  declared  them  the  heirs  of  his  empire.  For  this  he 
thought  would  best  conduce  to  the  settling  of  his  affairs,  and  the  quashing  of 
all  such  treacherous  designs,  as  otherwise,  for  the  usurping  of  his  power,  might 
be  contrived  or  imagined  against  his  person. 

1  Strabo,  lib.  17.  p.  HlC.  2  Juvenal.  Satyra  15.     Dionys.  in  Perieg.  ver.  249.  aliosque. 

3  Vossiuni  de  Hist.  Grscis,  lib.  2.  c.  6.  4  Thus  the  text  ought  to  be  rendered. 

5  Joseph.  Anliq.  lib.  20.  c.  8.  6  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  64.  p.  533.  7  Ibid.  p.  526. 

8  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  54.  p.  526. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  395 

Jfra.  16.  Herod  22.] — Herod  sailed  into  Italy,  there  to  pay  his  respects  to 
Augustus,'  and  to  see  his  sons  Alexander  and  Aristobulus,  whom  he  had  sent  to 
Rome  to  be  educated.  In  his  way  thither  he  stopped  in  Greece,  and  was  pre- 
sent at  the  hundred  and  ninety-first  Olympiad,  and  presided  therein;  where, 
finding  those  shows  were  much  sunk  in  their  credit  and  esteem,  by  reason  that 
the  poverty  of  the  Elians  disabled  them  from  setting  them  forth  in  their  usual 
pomp  and  splendour,  he  settled  a  constant  revenue  on  them,  in  order  to  the  re- 
storing of  them  to  their  former  solemnity  and  honour:  in  acknowledgment 
whereof,  they  granted  him  the  honour  of  a  president  in  those  games  as  long  as 
he  should  live.  On  his  arrival  at  Rome,^  he  was  there  received  with  great 
honour  and  kindness  by  Augustus;  from  whom  having  received  his  sons,  now 
fully  disciplined  and  instructed  in  all  the  Roman  exercises  and  literature,  he 
returned  with  them  into  Judea,  and  a  little  after  provided  them  with  suitable 
matches, ■*  marrying  Alexander,  the  eldest  of  them,  to  Glaphyra,  the  daughter 
of  Archelaus,  king  of  Cappadocia,  and  the  other  to  Berenice,  the  daughter  of 
Salome  his  sister.  By  the  comeliness  of  their  persons,  the  agreeableness  of 
their  behaviour,  and  other  laudable  qualifications  which  they  were  accomplished 
with,"*  they  drew  to  them  the  love  and  esteem  of  all  the  Jews;  but  Salome,  and 
such  others  as  had  been  her  accomplices  in  procuring  the  death  of  Mariamne 
their  mother,  fearing  their  revenge,  did  all  that  in  them  lay,  by  evil  artifices,  to 
work  their  destruction  also;  and  at  last  accomplished  it,  as  will  be  in  its  due 
place  related. 

In  the  interim,  the  work  of  the  temple  went  on;  and  after  a  year  and  a  half,* 
that  part  which  was  most  properly  the  temple  (that  is,  tliat  which  contained  the 
holy  place,  the  holy  of  holies,  and  the  porch,  through  which  was  the  passage 
leading  to  both)  was  wholly  finished;  and  after  eight  years  more,  all  the  rest 
was  built  which  Herod  proposed.  However,  this  temple  was  still  the  same  tem- 
ple, and  still  retained  the  same  denomination  as  before.  For  Herod's  rebuild- 
ing of  it  was  only  by  way  of  reparation,  and  not  by  way  of  restoration  and  new 
erections,  after  a  long  and  total  demolition,  as  was  the  case  of  the  temple  rebuilt 
by  Zerubbabel;  and  therefore,  it  was  still  called  the  second  temple,  and  the  lat- 
ter temple  after  this  reparation,  as  it  was  before,  to  the  time  of  its  ultimate  de- 
molition by  Titus. 

An.  15.  Herod  23.] — Augustus  having  sent  Agrippa  again  into  the  east,  as 
soon  as  Herod  heard  of  his  arrival  in  the  province  of  Proper  Asia,"  he  Avent 
thither  to  him;  and  having  prevailed  with  him  to  accept  of  an  invitation,  which 
he  earnestly  made  him,  to  come  into  Judea,  on  his  arrival  there,  he  entertained 
him,  and  all  his  attendants  with  all  manner  of  honour,  magnificence,  and  sump- 
tuous fare;  and  having  shown  him  all  his  new-built  cities  and  castles,  as  Se- 
baste,  Ccesarea,  Alexandrium,  Herodium,  and  Hyrcania,  he  led  him  in  the  last 
place  to  Jerusalem.  On  his  approach  to  it,  he  was  at  some  distance  met  by  all 
the  people  in  their  festival  apparel,  and  conducted  into  the  city  by  a  solemn 
procession  and  loud  acclamations.  After  some  stay  there,  he  offered  a  heca- 
tomb at  the  temple,  and  feasted  all  the  people;  and  then  hastening  to  the  port 
where  his  fleet  lay,  he  sailed  back  again  into  Ionia  before  the  winter  came  on. 

An.  14.  Ha-od  24.] — Asander,  king  of  the  Cimmerian  Bosphorus,  being  dead, 
left  his  kingdom  to  Dynamis  his  wife,  in  whose  right  he  had  held  it,^  she  being 
the  daughter  of  Pharnaces;  the  son  of  Mithridates.  One  Scribonius,  pretending 
to  be  a  grandson  of  Mithridates,  and  to  have  a  grant  from  Augustus  to  succeed 
Asander,  took  Dynamis  to  wife,  and  seized  the  country.  Whereon  Agrippa  sent 
Polemon  (whom  the  Romans  had  made  kingof  Pontus  and  the  Lesser  Armenia) 
to  make  war  upon  him;  but,  before  his  arrival,  the  Bosphorians  having  disco- 
vered Scribonius  to  be  a  cheat  in  all  his  pretensions,  had  put  him  to  death. 
However,  they  would  not  submit  to  Polemon,  but,  though  they  had  been  van- 

1  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  16.  c.  1.  2  Josepli.  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  16.  et  Antiq.  lib.  16.  c. 9. 

3  Joseph.  Antiq.  Iib.l6.  c.  1.  4  Ibid.  c.  2.  5  Ibid.  c.  1.  6  Ibid.  lit*.  15.  c.  14, 

7  IWd.  Ub.  16.  c.  2.  8  Dion  Casgius,  lib.  54.  p.  538. 


396  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

quished  in  battle  by  him  on  his  first  coming  into  the  country,  yet  still  stood 
out  against  him;  which  brought  Agrippa  upon  them  with  all  his  army;  and  a 
dangerous  war  ensued.  Herod  hearing  of  this,  hastened  to  the  assistance  of 
Agrippa  with  a  fleet  and  army,'  thereby  further  to  ingratiate  himself  with  him, 
(  which  he  fully  effected  by  this  opportunity.  For,  coming  up  with  him  at  Si- 
nope  in  Pontus,  when  he  was  in  some  distress  for  want  of  such  a  supply  as 
Herod  brought  him,  nothing  could  be  more  acceptable  to  him  than  his  arrival 
thither  with  it  at  that  time.  With  this  assistance  Agrippa  soon  reduced  the 
Bosphorans  to  a  thorough  submission.^  Whereon  Dynamis  being  given  to  Po- 
lemon  to  wife,  he  had  with  her  the  kingdom  of  Bosphorus  conferred  on  him; 
and  by  the  favour  of  Augustus,  who  confirmed  the  grant,  held  it  with  that  of 
Pontus  and  the  Lesser  Armenia,  which  he  had  before.  He  had  been  a  long 
time  a  faithful  ally  to  the  Romans,  and  had  these  kingdoms  given  him  for  the 
reward  of  the  many  important  services  he  had  done  them.  He  had  not  the 
whole  Pontus,  but  only  that  part  of  it  which  lay  next  Cappadocia.  This  from 
him  was  afterward,  for  distinction  sake,  called  Pontus  Polemoniacus;^  in  which 
kingdom  his  son  of  the  same  name  afterward  succeeded  him  by  the  favour  of 
Caligula.*  After  matters  were  thus  settled  in  Bosphorus,  Agrippa  returned 
through  Paphlagonia,  Cappadocia,  and  Phrygia,*  unto  Ephesus  in  Ionia.  Herod 
accompanying  him  all  the  way  thither,  procured  many  favours  of  him  in  be- 
half of  several  of  the  people  of  those  parts,  who  prayed  his  mediation.  And,  on 
his  coming  into  lonia,^  he  had  there  an  especial  occasion  to  solicit  him  for  his 
favour  in  behalf  of  the  Jews  that  had  been  settled  in  those  parts.  It  hath  been 
above  related,  how  Antiochus  the  Great  had  planted  two  thousand  families  of 
the  Babylonish  Jews  in  Phrygia,  Lydia,  and  other  provinces  there  adjoining. 
These  being  increased  to  a  great  number,  and  spread  over  all  Lesser  Asia,  and 
the  isles,  they  were  maligned  and  oppressed  by  the  other  inhabitants  among 
whom  they  dwelt,  so  that  they  would  not  permit  them  to  live  according  to  their 
law  and  religion,  or  suffer  them  to  enjoy  the  immunities  and  privileges  which 
had  in  that  behalf  been  formerly  granted  to  them,  first  by  the  kings  of  Syria, 
and  afterward  by  the  Romans.  Herod,  on  their  application  to  him,  undertook 
their  cause,  and  solicited  it  so  effectually  with  Agrippa,  that  he  obtained  for 
them  ail  that  they  desired,  and  all  their  grievances  being  redressed,  and  all  their 
immunities  and  privileges  restored  and  confirmed  to  them  in  as  ample  a  man- 
ner as  they  had  at  any  time  before  been  in  possession  of  Ihem.  After  this, 
Agrippa  passed  over  to  Samos,  and  Herod  returned  again  into  Judea.'^  On  his 
arrival  at  Jerusalem,  having  assembled  the  people  together,  he  related  to  them 
the  successes  of  his  journey,  and  what  he  had  done  and  obtained  for  the  Jews 
of  Lesser  Asia;  and  then,  the  more  to  ingratiate  himself  with  them,  he  remitted 
to  them  one  fourth  part  of  their  taxes,  which  was  accepted  with  great  rejoicing 
and  thankfulness  by  them. 

Jin.  13.  He7-od'^.^ — Lepidus  being  dead,  who  had  borne  the  office  of  pontifex 
maximus,  or  high-priest  of  Rome,  Augustus  took  that  office  to  himself,*  as  did 
all  his  successors  in  the  empire  after  him,  as  well  Christians  as  heathens,  till 
the  time  of  Gratian,  who  succeeded  his  father  Valentinian  in  the  year  after 
Christ  375.  He,  being  a  zealous  Christian,^  thought  it  inconsistent  with  his  re- 
ligion to  bear  as  much  as  the  title  of  high-priest  in  heathen  rites,  and  for  this 
reason  first  refused  it;  and  all  the  rest  that  afterward  succeeded  him  in  the  Ro- 
man empire,  following  his  example,  did  the  same. 

As  soon  as  Augustus  had  entered  on  this  office,  he  set  himself  on  the  reform- 
ing of  many  things  in  the  matters  which  were  thereby  put  under  his  care.' 
And  he  first  began  with  examining  into  the  prophetic  books  which  then  went 
abroad.     For  a  great  number  of  these  being  at  this  time  every  where  spread 

1  Joseph.  Aiitiq.  lih.  10  r.  3.  2  Dioi)  Cassiu?,  lib.  54.  v-  538.  .3  Jiislin.  in  Novel.  'J8, 

4  Dion  (.'assius,  lib  5!l.  p.  U4'J.  5  Josepli.  Aiitiq.  lib.  Hi.  c.  3.  6  Ibid.  lib.  16.  c.  4. 

7  Ibid.  c.  5.  8  Pufttoii.  in  Octavio,  c.  31.     Dion  Cassius,  lib.  54.  p.  540.  9  Zosimus,  lib.  4. 

10  Siieton.  in  Octavio,  c.  31.     Dion  Cassius,  lib.  54.  p.  540. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  397 

abroad  among  the  people,  created  great  disturbances,  and  raised  many  vain 
hopes  and  fears  in  the  minds  of  men,  according  as  they  were  interpreted  for  or 
against  what  was  then  uppermost  in  the  government.  All  these  Augustus  called 
in,  and  caused  most  of  them,  to  the  number  of  two  thousand  volumes,  to  be 
burned  as  spurious,  reserving  only  those  which  bore  the  name  of  some  of  the 
Sibyls  for  their  authors.  And  these  also  he  subjected  to  a  strict  examination, 
and  retained  of  them  none  other  than  such  as  were  on  this  trial  judged  genuine; 
the  rest  he  committed  to  the  same  flames  as  the  former.  Those  that  were  judged 
genuine  he  put  into  two  golden  cabinets,  and  laid  them  up  in  the  temple  of 
Apollo,'  which  he  had  built  in  the  palace,  placing  them  there  under  the  pedes- 
tal on  which  the  image  of  that  heathen  deity  was  there  erected.  These  Sibly- 
line  oracles  having  been  of  great  repute  in  the  old  heathen  world,  and  also 
often  appealed  to  by  the  ancient  writers  of  the  Christian  church,  it  is  proper 
that  here  1  give  some  account  of  them,  and  also  of  those  by  whom  they  are  said 
to  have  been  delivered. 

The  Sibyls  were  women  of  ancient  times,  said  to  have  been  endued  with  a 
prophetic  spirit,^  and  to  have  delivered  oracles  foreshowing  the  fates  and  desti- 
nies of  kingdoms  and  states.  We  have,  in  the  writings  of  the  ancients,  mention 
made  of  ten  of  them,^  the  eldest  of  which  being  named  Sibylla,''  all  others  of 
the  same  sex,  who  afterward  pretended  to  have  the  like  fatidical  spirit  and 
power,  were  from  her  called  Sibyls;  the  most  eminent  of  which  were  the  ten  I 
have  mentioned;  and  of  these  the  most  noted  was  she  whom  the  Romans  called 
Sibylla  Cumsea,  and  others  Erythrs;  for  she  was  one  and  the  same  Sibyl  who 
had  both  these  names.^  She  was  born  at  Erythrae  in  Ionia,  and  therefore  was 
by  the  Greeks  called  Erythrae;  but  having  removed  from  Erythros  to  Cumas  in 
Italy,  and  there  delivered  all  her  oracles,  she  was  from  thence  by  the  Romans 
and  Italians  called  Cumte.  The  place  at  Cumas  where  she  lived,  and  from 
whence  she  is  said  to  have  given  out  her  oracles,  was  a  cave,  or  subterraneous 
vault,  digged  out  of  the  main  rock.  Justin  Martyr,"  who  had  been  upon  the 
place,  speaking  of  it,  and  the  Sibyl  which  there  prophesied,  tells  us  as  foUow- 
eth:' — "  This  Sibyl,  they  say,  being  a  Babylonian  by  descent,  and  the  daughter 
of  Berosus,  who  wrote  the  Chaldaic  History,  came,  I  know  not  how,  into  Cam- 
pania, and  there  delivered  her  oracles  in  a  city  called  Cumae,  situated  at  the  dis- 
tance of  six  miles  from  Baise.  I  having  been  upon  the  place,  did  there  see  a 
large  chapel  or  oratory,  which  was  all  hewn  out  of  the  main  rock,  a  work  great 
and  wonderful:  in  Avhich  chapel,  as  the  inhabitants  made  report  unto  me,  ac- 
cording as  they  had  it  by  ancient  traditions  from  their  forefathers,  the  Sibyl  gave 
forth  her  oracles.  In  the  middle  of  the  chapel  they  showed  me  three  hollow 
places  hewn  out  of  the  same  rock,  in  which,  being  filled  with  water,  they  told 
me  she  used  to  wash  herself,  and  that  then,  after  having  put  on  her  garment, 
she  retired  into  the  innermost  cell  of  that  chapel,  which  was  also  hewn  out  of 
the  same  rock;  and  there  having  settled  herself  upon  a  high  advanced  seat  in 
the  middle  of  that  cell,  from  thence  uttered  and  gave  forth  her  oracles."  Thus 
far  Justin  Martyr  of  this  vault.  Onuphrius  writes,*  that  it  continued  to  be  seen 
many  hundred  years  after,  until  the  year  of  our  Lord  1539,  in  which  all  Campa- 
nia having  been  terribly  shaken  with  an  earthquake  at  Puteoly,  huge  mountains 
of  sand,  gravel,  and  slime,  were  then  cast  up  from  the  bottom  of  the  sea,  which 
totally  overwhelmed,  and  utterly  ruined,  this  chapel  of  the  Cuma-n  Sibyl.  The 
same  Onuphrius  tells  us,  that  about  nine  years  after,  that  is,  in  the  year  of  our 
Lord  I.'VIR,  having  been  upon  the  place,  and  made  diligent  inquiry  of  the  inhabi- 
tants, he  found,  that  till  that  earthquake  every  thing  in  that  vault  was  exactly  as 
Justin  had  described  it;  but  that  then  it  was  utterly  destroyed.     But  travellers 

1  Serving  in  Virsilii  JEne'ul  lib.  fi.  ver.  60. 

2  Videas  ile  eis  Opsopsiim,  Salmasiiim  in  Exercitationibiis  ad  Solinnni,  p.  75,  70,  &c.  Blondellum  deSibyl- 
Jis,  Montacutinm  alinsque, 

3  Lactantius  de  Falsa  Rolisione,  lib.  1.  c.  fi.  4  Salmasius,  ibid.  p.  80. 

5  Aristoteles  de  Adniiraiidis.    Servius  in  Virgilii  JEneid.  lib.  6.  ver.  32U 

6  He  wrote  his  First  Apology  for  the  Christian  Religion,  A.  D.  140.  7  In  Coliortatione  ad  GrsECOS. 
8  In  libro  de  Sibyllis  et  Carniinibus  Sibyllini*. 


398  CONNEXION  OF  THE  fflSTORT  OF 

are  there  sfall  shown  a  vault,  which  they  call  the  grotto  of  Sibyl,*  even  to 
this  day. 

Of  the  time  when  this  Sibyl  lived  there  are  various  opinions.  Justin  Martyr, 
in  saying  that  she  was  by  descent  a  Babylonian,''  and  the  daughter  of  Berosus, 
the  historian,  puts  her  below  the  time  of  Alexander.  No  doubt  he  mistook  her 
for  Athenais,  the  second  Sibyl,^  which  was  called  the  Erythrsan,  who  lived 
about  that  time;  but  she  never  came  to  Cumae  in  Italy.  Virgil'*  makes  her  to 
have  lived  at  Cumae  in  the  time  of  the  Trojan  war,  and  to  have  been  contem- 
porary with  iEneas:  and  others  place  her  in  the  time  of  Tarquin,  the  last  king 
of  Rome.  These  last  found  their  opinion  upon  the  supposal,  that  it  was  she 
herself  that  brought  the  books  of  her  prophecies  to  that  king;  but  this  is  no 
where  said.     The  story  which  they  tell  us  of  this  matter  is  as  foUoweth. 

While  Tarquin,  the  second  of  that  name,  reigned  at  Rome,*  there  came  a  cer- 
tain woman  unto  him  of  a  foreign  country,  with  nine  books,  containing  the  ora- 
cles of  the  Sibyls,  which  she  offered  to  sell  to  him,  demanding  for  them  three 
hundred  pieces  of  gold.  But  Tarquin  refusing  to  give  that  price  for  them,  she 
burnt  three  of  the  nine,  and  then  offered  him  the  remaining  six  at  the  same 
price,  at  which  demand  she  being  thought  to  be  out  of  her  wits,  was  rejected 
with  scorn  and  laughter;  whereon  she  burnt  three  others  of  them,  and  then  of- 
fering him  the  remaining  three,  persisted  still  to  demand  the  same  price  for 
these  as  she  first  had  for  all  the  nine.  At  which  strange  procedure  Tarquin  be- 
ing moved,  and  thinking  that  there  might  be  something  in  it  more  than  ordi- 
nary, sent  for  the  augurs  to  consult  with  them  about  it;  who,  on  their  examining 
into  the  matter,  told  him  that  they  found,  by  certain  signs,  that  what  he  had  de- 
spised was  a  divine  gift;  that  it  Avas  a  great  loss  and  damage  that  he  had  not 
bought  all  the  nine  books  that  were  first  offered  him;  and  therefore  pressed  him 
to  give  the  woman  for  the  remaining  three  the  price  which  she  asked.  Whereon 
the  money  being  paid,  and  the  books  delivered  to  Tarquin,  the  woman  gave  him 
strict  charge  to  keep  them  safely,  as  containing  oracles  relating  to  the  future 
state  of  Rome;  and  after  that  she  disappeared,  and  was  no  more  seen.  Hereon 
Tarquin,  putting  these  books  into  a  stone  coffer,  laid  them  up  in  a  vault  under 
ground  in  the  temple  of  Jupiter  in  the  Capitol,  and  appointed  two  of  the  principal 
of  the  nobility  to  have  the  keeping  of  them,  with  strict  charge  not  to  divulge  them, 
or  suffer  any  other  besides  themselves  to  have  the  perusal  of  them,  or  on  any  oc- 
casion whatsoever  as  much  as  in  the  least  to  look  into  them;  which  was  so  strictly 
required,®  that  Marcus  Attilius,  one  of  the  first  to  whose  custody  these  books 
were  committed,  having  given  liberty  to  Petronius  Sabinus  to  take  a  copy  of 
these  books,  he  was,  for  this  breach  of  his  trust,  sown  up  in  a  sack  and  cast  into 
the  river,  which  was  a  punishment  among  the  Romans,  that  never  else  used  to 
be  inflicted  save  only  on  parricides.  After  the  dissolution  of  the  regal  power, 
the  commonwealth  continued  the  same  regard  to  these  books,  and  craftily  made 
them  a  main  engine  of  state  in  the  ensuing  government  for  the  quieting  of  the 
people  in  all  disturbances  that  ever  happened  among  them.  For  whenever  any 
great  misfortune  befel  them,  any  prodigies  appeared  to  fright  them,  or  any  other 
accident  or  occasion  made  a  ruffle  or  disorder  among  the  people,  these  books 
were  ordered  to  be  consulted,  and  the  keepers  of  them  always  brought  forth 
such  an  answer  as  served  the  purpose;  and  in  many  difficulties  the  governors  of 
that  state  helped  themselves  this  way.  And  therefore  there  was  nothing  among 
the  Romans  which  they  kept  with  a  more  strict  and  sacred  care  than  these  books, 
that  thereby  the  use  of  them  might  be  made  the  better  to  answer  the  end  de- 
signed. For  they  always  chose  the  keepers  of  them  out  of  the  chief  of  the  no- 
bility, assigned  them  this  office  for  term  of  life,  and  exempted  them  from  all 
the  burdens  of  the  state,  both  military  and  civil,  as  men  wholly  consecrated  to 

1  See  Sandys,  Lassel.  and  others.  2  Justin.  Martyr,  in  Cohortatione  ad  Craecos. 

3  Strabi),  lib.  13.  p.  6-15.  4  ^neid.  lib.  6. 

5  Dionysins  Halicariias,  lib.  4.     Aulas  Gellius,  lib.  1.  c.  19.    Lactantius  de  Falsa  Religione,  lib.  1.  c.  6> 
Servius  in  Virfiiliuni  ad  lib.  G.  ver.  7-2. 

6  Dionysius  Halicarnas,  lib.  4.    Valerius  Max.  lib.  1.  c.  1.  s.  13. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  399 

this  one  thing  only.  These  at  first  were  only  two,'  afterward  they  were  aug- 
mented to  ten,  and  after  that  again  to  fifteen.  None  were  allowed  to  look  into 
these  books,  save  these  only;  and  not  they  neither,  but  when  on  any  exigency 
of  the  state  they"  were  ordered  so  to  do  by  a  decree  of  the  senate.  These  books^ 
were  thus  carefully  kept  till  the  civil  wars  of  Sylla  and  Marius,  when  the  Capi- 
tol being  accidentally  set  on  fire,  and  burnt  to  the  ground,  these  books  were 
burnt  with  it.  This  happened  while  Cornelius  Scipio  Asiaticus,  and  Caius  Nor- 
banus  Flaccus,^  were  consuls  at  Rome,  in  the  year  before  Christ  83.  But  seven 
years  after,  the  Capitol  being  again  rebuilt,^  Caius  Scribonius  Curio  being  then 
consul,  made  a  motion  in  the  senate  about  restoring  the  Sibylline  oracles.  The 
use  of  them,  for  the  purposes  above  mentioned,  having  been  found  very  benefi- 
cial to  the  commonwealth  in  cases  of  public  difficulties,  it  was  resolved  by  no 
means  to  be  without  them,  were  it  possible  they  could.be  any  way  again  re- 
trieved. And  therefore,  the  senate  having  taken  this  matter  into  their  considera- 
tion, and  understanding  that  there  were  none  of  these  oracles  then  preserved  at 
Cumse,  where  that  Sybil  prophecied,  whose  books  were  burned,  but  that  there 
were  some  of  them  at  Erythrs  in  Ionia,  where  she  was  bom,*  they  sent  thither 
P.  Gabinius,  M.  Otacilius,  and  Lucius  Valerius,  three  ambassadors  from  their 
body,  to  take  copies  of  them,  and  bring  them  to  Rome;  who  having  there  ga- 
thered together  from  the  papers  of  several  private  persons,  about  one  thousand 
verses  in  the  Greek  language,  pretended  to  be  the  prophecies  and  oracles  of 
this  and  other  Sibyls,  came  back  with  them  to  Rome.  And  at  the  same  time^ 
inquiry  being  also  made  at  Samos,  Ihum,  and  other  cities  in  Greece,  Sicily,  Afri- 
ca, and  Italy,  for  the  like  oracles  and  prophecies  of  the  Sibyls,  great  numbers 
that  pretended  to  be  such  were  gotten  together,  and  laid  up  in  the  Capitol,  to 
supply  the  place  of  those  that  were  burnt.  But  there  was  this  great  difference 
between  the  Sibylline  books  that  were  burned  with  the  Capitol  and  those 
that  were  afterward  put  in  their  place,  that  whereas  the  former  having 
never  been  in  any  other  hands  than  those  to  whose  custody  they  had  been 
committed,  were  vulgarly  known  to  none,  it  was  otherwise  as  to  the  latter. 
For  they  having  been  in  the  hands  of  the  vulgar  in  all  places  where  they  were 
collected  before  they  were  brought  to  Rome,  were  still,  after  that  collection,  vul- 
garly known  as  before,  and  much  more  so,  because  the  reputation  which  the 
Romans  gave  them,  by  making  this  collection  of  them,  made  them  the  more  to 
be  inquired  after,  and  the  more  to  be  dispersed;  whereby  it  came  to  pass,  that 
of  all  this  collection  laid  up  in  the  Capitol,  there  was  scarce  any  one  prophecy 
or  oracle  of  which  there  were  not  copies  in  private  hands;  and  from  them  Virgil 
had  that  Sibylline  prophecy  of  the  coming  of  Christ,  and  the  restoring  of  justice, 
righteousness,  and  blessedness,  to  the  world  by  him,  which  he  hath  set  forth 
in  his  fourth  eclogue;  and  from  them  came  also  the  many  other  prophecies 
which  at  this  time  went  abroad  of  the  same  import.  But  the  use  which  the 
Romans  proposed  to  make  of  these  oracles  being  much  defeated  by  their  being 
thus  vulgarly  known,  a  law  was  made,®  that  all  that  had  any  copies  of  them 
should  bring  them  in  to  the  pretor  of  the  city;  and  all  were  prohibited,  under 
pain  of  death,  to  retain  any  of  them.  But,  notwithstanding,  many  that  had 
transcripts  of  these  oracles  still  privately  keeping  them  in  their  hands,  and  the 
number  increasing  by  new  forgeries  made  of  them,  Augustus,  on  his  taking  on 
him  the  high-priesthood  of  Rome,  revived  the  law;^  whereon  so  many  copies 
of  these  pretended  prophecies  being  brought  in  as  amounted  to  a  great  multitude 
of  volumes,  he  ordered  them  all  strictly  to  be  examined,  and  having  burned  and 

1  When  they  were  only  two,  they  were  called  Duumviri;  when  ten,  they  were  called  Decemviri;  and  when 
fifteen,  Cliiindeciniviri.  They  were  first  made  ten  in  the  year  of  Rome  388  (which  was  the  year  before  Christ 
366,)  and  fifteen  on  the  restoration  of  the  Capitol,  after  it  had  been  burned,  and  the  laying  up  of  a  new  col- 
lection of  Sibylline  oracles  in  it,  Anno  76. 

2  Dionysius  Halicarnas.  lib.  4.     Plutarch,  in  Sylla.     Appian.  de  Bellis  Civilibus,  lib.  1. 

3  Tacitus,  Hist.  lib.  3.  c.  72.     Appian.  ibid.     Julius  Obsequensde  Prodi-;. 

4  Lactantius  de  Falsa  Reli|,'ione,  lib.  i.  c.  6.  et  de  Ira  Dei,  c.  22.  et  de  Falsa  Sapientia,  c.  17. 

5  Lactantius,  ibid.    Tacitus  in  Annalibus,  lib.  6.  c.  12.     Dionysius  Halicarnas,  lib.  4. 

6  Tacitus  in  Annal.  lib.  6.  c.  12.     Justin.  Martyr,  in  Secunda  Apollogja  pro  Cliristianis. 

7  Tacitus,  ibid.    Suetonius  in  Octavio,  c.  31. 


400  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

destroyed  all  that  were  disapproved,  to  the  number  above  mentioned,  deposited 
the  rest  for  the  use  of  the  state.  These  afterward  Tiberius  caused  to  be  exa- 
mined over  again,'  and  burned  many  more  of  them,  preserving  only  such  as 
were  of  moment,  and  found  worthy  of  approbation,  for  that  service  of  the  state 
for  which  they  were  originally  intended.  And  to  these,  as  long  as  Rome  re- 
mained heathen,  great  recourse  was  made.  For,  about  this  time,  on  the  coming 
of  Christ  our  Saviour,  the  great  Oracle  of  all  truth,''  all  other  oracles  ceasing,  the 
Sibylline  prophecies,  and  the  Sortes  VirgiliansB,  the  Sortes  Prcenestinse  with  some 
other  like  foolish  inventions  for  divination,  were  the  only  oracles  they  had  to 
consult.  And  in  this  use  the  Sibylline  prophecies  continued  till  the  year  of  our 
Lord  -399,  when  they  were  utterly  destroyed.  For,  not  long  before  that  time,  a 
prophecy  being  given  out  by  the  heathen  Romans,'  pretended  to  be  taken  from 
the  Sibylline  writings,  which  imported,  that  Peter  having  by  magic  founded  the 
Christian  religion  to  last  for  the  term  of  three  hundred  and  sixty-five  years  only, 
it  was,  at  the  end  of  this  term,  wholly  to  vanish,  and  be  no  more  professed  in 
the  world;  and  this  term  expiring  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  398  (for  that  was  just 
three  hundred  and  sixty-five  years  after  Christ's  ascension  into  heaven,  and  the 
first  establishing  of  the  Christian  religion  thereupon,)  Honorius,  the  Roman  em- 
peror, taking  the  advantage  hereof  to  convict  these  writings  of  manifest  forgery 
and  imposture,  ordered  them  all  to  be  destroyed;*  and  accordingly  the  next  year 
after  (that  is,  in  the  year  of  our  Lord  399,)  Stilico,  by  virtue  of  a  decree  from 
him,  burnt  all  those  prophetic  writings,  and  pulled  down  and  utterly  demolished 
the  temple  of  ApoUa,  in  which  they  were  reposited.  And  the  same  year  be- 
came fatal  to  many  other  heathen  temples  in  Africa,  and  elsewhere  through  the 
Roman  empire.* 

There  is  still  preserved,  in  eight  books  of  Greek  verse,  a  collection  of  oracles 
pretended  to  be  the  Sibylline.  This  collection  must  have  been  made  between 
the  year  of  our  Lord  138  and  the  year  T67.  It  could  not  be  earlier;  for  therein 
mention  is  made  of  the  next  successor  of  Adrian,**  that  is,  Antoninus  Pius,  who 
did  not  succeed  him  till  the  year  138:  and  it  could  not  be  later,  because  Justin 
Martyr  in  his  writings  several  times  quotes  it,  and  appeals  to  it,  who  did  not  out- 
live the  year  167,  being  then  put  to  death  under  the  fourth  persecution.  But 
whether  this  was  a  true  collection  of  the  oracles  called  Sibylline,  or  a  fictitious 
composure  made  out  of  a  pious  fraud  by  some  Christian  of  the  time  when  it  was 
first  published,  is  a  question  among  learned  men.  Baronius,'  bishop  Montague 
of  Norwich,  and  others,*  would  have  it  to  be  genuine,  that  is,  to  contain  a  true 
collection  of  what  was  received  among  the  heathens  for  the  oracles  of  the  Sibyls 
before  Christ  was  born.  But  most  look  on  it  as  the  spurious  production  of  some 
zealous  Christian,^  who  compiled  it  for  the  promoting  of  the  interest  of  the  reli- 
gion he  professed.  For  any  one,  say  they,  that  shall  with  an  unbiassed  judgment 
peruse  the  book,  will  find  therein  such  an  abstract  of  the  history  and  doctrines 
of  the  Old  and  New  Testament,  as  must  necessarily  make  him  conclude  none 
but  a  Christian  could  write  it;  and  in  one  place  the  compiler  of  it  plainly  ac- 
knowledgeth  himself  to  be  so."  Besides,  the  whole  mystery  of  our  salvation,  the 
method  whereby  it  was  to  be  accomplished,  what  belongs  to  the  person  of  the 
Messiah  and  his  spiritual  kingdom,  his  birth,  crucifixion,  resurrection,  and  as- 
cension, are  all  more  explicitly,  clearly,  and  fully  spoken  of,  in  these  pretended 
prophecies,  than  they  are  in  any  of  the  true  and  undoubted  prophecies  of  the 
Old  Testament;  which  is  sufficient  proof  that  they  were  written  after  they  were 
accomplished;  it  being  by  no  means  to  be  believed,  that  God  would  reveal  him- 
self by  heathen  prophets  to  the  heathen  nations  more  clearly,  fully,  and  expli- 
citly, than  he  had  by  his  own  true  prophets  to  his  own  people.  Besides,  the 
compiler  of  these  prophetic  books  speaks  of  Christ's  reigning  here  upon  earth 

1  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  57.  p.  615.    Tacitus,  in  Annal.  lib.  c.  13.  2  Plutarch,  de  Oraculorum  Defectu. 

3  August,  tie  Civitate  Dpi,  lib.  18.  c.  53,  54.  4  Rutilii  Itinerarium,  lib.  2. 

5  Augustin.  de  Civitate  Dei,  lib.  18.  c.  54  6  Libro  ijuinto.  7  In  Apparatu  ad  Annates. 

8  Acts  and  Monuments  of  the  Church  before  Christ.  9  See  Casaubon,  Blondel,  and  others. 

10  Casaubon,  lib.  8;  where  is  this  verse,  Nos  igitur  Christi  sancta  de  stirpe  creati. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  401 

according  to  the  notion  of  the  Millenarians,'  which  plainly  proves  them  to  have 
been  written  after  the  origin  of  that  heresy,  which  could  not  have  been  till  after 
Christ's  time,  neither  had  it,  till  the  second  century,  when  it  was  first  introduced 
by  Papias,  bishop  of  Hierapolis  in  Phrygia.  Herein  also  is  given  a  succession 
of  all  the  Roman  emperors,  from  Julius  Csesar  to  Antoninus  Pius,*  and  the  time 
of  his  adopting  M.  Antoninus  and  L.  Verus,  in  such  manner,  as  manifestly  shows 
it  to  have  been  written  rather  as  a  history  of  things  past,  than  as  a  prophecy 
foretelling  what  was  to  come.  And  in  the  same  book  the  pretended  prophetess 
tells  us  that  she  Avas  wife  to  one  of  the  three  sons  of  Noah,^  and  was  with  him 
in  the  ark  during  the  whole  time  of  the  deluge;  and  many  other  like  particulars 
are  contained  therein,  which  savour  all  of  fiction  and  imposture.  All  this  put 
together  seems  evidently  to  prove,  that  a  great  part  of  this  book,  instead  of  con- 
taining a  true  collection  of  the  oracles  received  for  Sibylline  among  the  heathens 
before  Christ's  time,  is  nothing  more  than  the  invention  and  imposture  of  the 
compiler. 

But,  on  the  other  side,  it  is  urged,  for  the  truth  and  genuineness  of  this  book, 
that  it  was  appealed  to  by  Justin  Martyr,  and  many  others  of  the  ancient  writers 
of  the  Christian  church,  as  Athenagoras,  Theophilus,  Antiochenus.  Tertullian, 
the  author  of  the  Apostolical  Constitutions,  Lactantius,  Eusebius,  Jerome,  Aus- 
tin, &c.  That  Clemens  Alexandrinus,*  who  lived  in  the  second  century,  tells 
us,  that  Paul  himself,  in  his  preaching  to  the  Gentiles,  frequently  referred  to 
these  oracles  of  the  Sibyls;  that  these  contained  in  this  collection  are  the  same 
that  were  received  for  such  in  the  time  of  Cicero,  which,  they  say,  appears  by 
his  mentioning  the  acrostickis,  which  is  now  found  in  them;  that  Josephus,  in 
the  first  book  of  his  Antiquities  (ch.  v.)  quotes  the  Sibylline  oracle  for  the  build- 
ing of  the  tower  of  Babel,  and  the  confusion  of  languages  which  followed  there- 
upon, and  that  very  quotation  is  found  in  the  present  book. 

To  this  it  is  replied,  that  Justin  Martyr  was  a  person  of  great  credulity,  who 
believed  and  laid  hold  of  every  thing  that  he  thought  might  make  for  the  Chris- 
tian religion,  whereof  instances  have  been  above  already  given;^  and  he  having 
appealed  to  this  book  of  SibyUine  oracles,  all  the  rest  of  the  ancients  that  did  so 
were  led  to  it  by  his  example:  that  as  to  what  Clemens  saith  of  St.  Paul's 
quoting  the  Sibyl,  he  could  have  this  only  by  tradition;  for  there  is  nothing  of 
it  in  the  scriptures:  that  for  many  years  before  the  birth  of  Christ,  many  pro- 
phecies went  abroad  under  the  name  of  Sibyls,  foretelling  his  coming;  and  that 
it  is  possible  St.  Paul  might  quote  some  of  these  in  his  preaching  to  the  hea- 
thens, is  readily  acknowledged.  But  this  doth  not  prove  these  eight  books 
which  we  now  treat  of  to  be  a  true  and  genuine  collection  of  them.  As  to  the 
acrostics,  Cicero  indeed  says,^  the  Sibylline  oracles  were  written  in  such  sort  of 
verses;  and  that  there  are  a  certain  number  of  acrostics^  in  this  collection,  is 
acknowledged;  but  these  are  of  a  different  sort  from  the  acrostics  mentioned 
by  Cicero.  For,  according  to  him,  the  acrostics  of  the  Sibylline  oracles  were 
so  written,  that  the  letters  of  the  first  verse  of  every  section  began  all  the  fol- 
lowing verses  in  the  same  order  as  they  lay  in  that  first  verse.  As  for  example; 
supposing  the  first  verse  to  be  that  which  begins  Virgil's  Fourth  Eclogue, 
Sicelides  musce,  paulo  majora  canamus, 

to  make  the  acrostics  which  Cicero  mentions,  the  letter  i,  which  is  the  second 
letter,  must  begin  the  second  verse;  c,  which  is  the  third  letter,  the  third  verse; 
€,  the  fourth  verse;  /,  the  fifth  verse,  and  so  on  to  the  end:  and  when  all  the 
letters  of  the  first  verse  were  thus  exhausted,  so  as  that  the  whole  first  verse 
might  be  read  downward  in  the  initial  letters  of  the  following  verses,  as  well  as 
forward  in  the  first,  there  ended  the  section.  And  then  another  verse  began 
another  section;  and  by  the  letters  of  it  another  acrostickis  was  made  in  the 
same  manner  as  the  former,  and  so  on  through  the  whole  volume.     But  the 

1  Casaubon,  lib.  2,  3.  2  Libro  quiiito.  3  Libro  tertio  in  fine. 

4  Strom,  lib.  6.  5  Part  2,  book  I.  6   De  Divinatione,  lib.  2.c  54.  7  Lib.  8. 

Vol.  II 51 


402  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

acrostics  which  are  in  the  present  collection,  and  are  alluded  to  by  Tertulliaw/ 
and  quoted  by  the  emperor  Constantine^  and  St.  Austin,^  are  of  another  sort; 
for  in  them  the  letters  of  the  first  verse  do  not  become  the  initial  letters  of  the 
following  verses  in  the  manner  above-mentioned;  but  the  letters  of  these  Greek 
words 'I'^'JiXf'"',,-,  Gsv  iT'-s.  s^Ti-pjiTKOfos,  are  the  initial  letters  in  these  acrostics. 
And  the  English  of  these  Greek  words  being  "  Jesus  Christ,  the  Son  of  God, 
the  Saviour,  the  Cross,"  and  the  substance  of  the  acrostical  verses  whose  initial 
letters  make  these  words  being  a  summ.ary  of  the  principal  parts  of  the  history 
and  doctrines  of  the  gospel,  it  is  scarce  to  be  imagined  that  any  one  in  his  wits 
should  think  these  to  have  been  the  acrostics  which  Cicero  mentions,  or  to  have 
been  at  all  existing  in  Cicero's  time.  It  is  most  likely  the  compiler  of  this  col- 
lection, finding  in  Varro,  Dionysius  Halicarnassus,  Cicero,  and  other  writers 
then  extant,  mention  made  of  acrostics  in  the  Sibylline  oracles,  invented  these 
on  purpose  to  cloak  the  imposture  which  he  was  guilty  of  in  the  greater  part 
of  the  book,  and  so  make  the  cheat  the  better  go  down  by  this  imitation;  but  he 
not  hitting  it  exactly,  the  fraud,  instead  of  being  covered,  is  detected  thereby. 
As  to  the  quotation  of  Josephus  concerning  the  Tower  of  Babel,  and  the  con- 
fusion of  languages  at  the  building  of  it,  it  is  acknowledged,  that  certain  verses 
went  about  in  Josephus's  time,  under  the  name  of  the  Sibyls,  out  of  which  Jo- 
sephus quoted  the  passage  mentioned;  and  that  this  very  passage,  though  not 
in  the  same  words,  is  yet  in  substance  in  the  third  book  of  the  collection  of  the 
Sibylline  Oracles,  which  we  now  treat  of.  But  this  doth  not  prove  all  that  col- 
lection to  be  genuine,  and  not,  in  a»  great  part  of  it,  the  spurious  production  of 
some  impostor.  But  not  to  detain  the  reader  with  a  long  examination  of  all  that 
hath  been  said  by  learned  men  on  this  subject,  I  shall  lay  down  what  appears 
to  me  to  be  the  whole  truth  of  the  matter  in  these  following  positions. 

I.  The  oracles  of  the  Sibyls  have  from  ancient  times  been  in  great  reputation 
both  among  the  Greeks  and  Latins.  For  Plato*  and  Aristotle,^  as  well  as  Varro, 
Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  and  Livy,  make  mention  of  them  with  great  re- 
gard. But  who,  or  how  many,  those  Sibyls  were,  or  when  or  where  they  lived, 
various  authors,  as  to  these  particulars,  write  variously  of  them;  and  most  that 
they  say  concerning  them  is  manifestly  fable  and  fiction. 

II.  How  much  soever  they  might  pretend  to  the  gift  of  prophecy,  they  could 
not  have  it  by  divine  inspiration.  For  most  of  the  oracles  that  were  produced 
from  them,  when  consulted  by  the  Romans,  directed  to  such  idolatrous  and 
abominable  rites,®  as  cannot,  without  the  greatest  impiety,  be  said  to  come  from 
God.  And  one  of  these  Sibyls,  in  the  collection  now  extant,''  confesseth  her- 
self to  have  been  a  vile  adulteress,  who,  notwithstanding  the  law  of  her  mar- 
riage, had  prostituted  herself  to  a  multitude,  and  lain  with  thousands;  and  how 
can  any  breast  that  is  polluted  with  so  great  a  load  of  impurity,  be  ever  thought 
fit  for  the  inhabitation  of  the  Spirit  of  God? 

III.  If  therefore  they  ever  had  the  power  of  foretelling  things  to  come,  they 
must  have  received  it  from  diabolical  spirits  inspiring  them  therewith.  For 
these  had  their  oracles  in  many  places  among  the  heathen  nations  in  the  times 
preceding  the  birth  of  Christ,  and  most  of  them  were  delivered  by  women;  so- 
it  was  at  Delphos,  and  so  it  was  at  Dodona,  and  so  in  other  places  where  temples 
were  erected  to  the  heathen  deities.  But  the  world  having  been  always  too  fond 
of  prophecies  and  predictions,  this  often  gives  advantage  for  the  imposing  of 
false  pretences  under  those  names.  We  see  enough  of  this  in  the  credit  that 
Nostradamus's  Centuries,  Nixon's  Prophecies,  and  other  such  delusions,  have  in 

1  De  Baptismo.  For  there  the  Greek  word  'i%Su£,  made  out  of  the  initial  letters  of  these  words,  UToug 
Xpio-To?,  Wiou  T.o;,  ScuTiip,  which  nialie  the  acrostics  in  the  eighth  booli  of  the  Sibylline  oracles,  he  plainly  re- 
fers to  those  acrostics. 

2  In  Oratione  ad  Coetuin  Sanctorum  apud  Eusebium.  3  DeCivitate  Dei,  lib.  18.  c.23. 
4  In  PhJEdro.                                                                                             5  De  Admirandis. 

6  For  out  of  these  books  they  sometimes  were  commanded  to  sacrifice  a  Grecian  man  and  a  Grecian  wo- 
man, and  a  Gallic  man  and  a  Gallic  woman,  by  buryini;  them  alive  in  the  Boarian  Forura,or  bullock  market, 
and  for  the  most  part  as  often  as  they  were  consulted,  other  sacrifices  were  made,  according  to  the  answers 
from  thein,  which  were  altogether  as  impious.  7  Lib.  2.  et  7. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  403 

our  times  gotten  among  many;  but  it  was  much  more  so  in  the  heathen  world. 
It  hath  been  above  mentioned,  how  Augustus  burned  two  thousand  volumes  of 
these  pretended  oracles,  and  how  Tiberius  afterward  destroyed  many  more  of 
them;  but  notwithstanding  this,  like  hydra's  heads,  they  grew  and  multiphed 
by  being  cut  off;  and  down  as  low  as  the  time  of  Zosimus,  who  Hved  in  the 
fifth  century,  there  were  many  collections  of  these  oracles  among  the  heathens, 
even  then,  when  heathenism  was  almost  worn  out.  For  he  tells  us,'  he  had 
perused  ^o^^a,-  xp>i<r«u.v  (rv^yc..)':.?,  i.  e.  many  collections  of  oracles.  And  there  is 
now  scarce  a  nunnery  beyond  sea  in  which  one  or  other  of  the  sisters  dotii  not 
pretend  to  be  inspired,  and  deliver  oracles  and  prophecies  determining  the  late 
■of  kingdoms  and  states.  Sometimes  an  enthusiastic  spirit,  sometimes  hysterical 
fits,  but  mostly  pride  and  vanity,  lead  them  to  these  pretences;  and  most  likely 
the  Sibyls  had  no  better  foundation  for  all  these  oracles  of  theirs,  that  have  ob- 
tained so  great  a  reputation  in  the  world. 

IV.  The  story  of  the  three  books  of  the  Sibyls  sold  to  Tarquin,  was  all  a 
cheat  and  a  fraud,  devised  for  the  convenience  of  the  state.  Some  tell  it  of 
Tarquinius  Superbus,*  and  some  of  Tarquinius  Priscus;^  but  most  likely  what 
is  said  of  it  was  done  in  the  time  of  Numa,  it  being  of  a  piece  with  all  the  rest 
that  he  did  for  the  establishing  of  the  Roman  state.  For  he  built  it  all  upon 
superstition  and  imposture,*  pretending  the  direction  of  the  goddess  Egeria  for 
all  his  institutions,  thereby  the  better  to  make  them  go  down  with  the  people. 
And  no  doubt  by  a  like  device  it  was,  that  an  unknown  old  woman,  brought 
from  some  foreign  place,  was  suborned  to  act  the  part  mentioned  in  the  story, 

■  and  to  burn  six  of  the  books,  thereby  to  give  the  greater  value  to  the  other  three. 
And  this  artifice  fully  answered  the  end  intended.  For  the  consultmg  of  those 
books,  and  the  pretended  answers  from  them,  served  very  often  for  the  quelling 
and  composing  of  many  disorders  and  disturbances  among  the  people,  when 
nothing  else  could.  The  manner  in  which  these  oracles  were  said  to  be  given 
forth,*  was  by  ecstasy  and  enthusiastic  rage,  under  which  the  inspired  gave  forth 
their  oracles,  without  understanding  or  as  much  as  knowing  what  they  said. 
From  hence  Cicero'^  argues  against  them,  because  of  the  acrostics  in  which  they 
were  written:  for  he  rightly  saith,  that  their  being  composed  in  such  a  sort  of 
verses,  demonstrates  them  to  be  the  product  of  art  and  contrivance,  and  not  pos- 
sibly to  come  from  such  as  were  in  ecstasy  and  beside  themselves. 

V.  None  being  allowed  to  inspect,^  or  in  the  least  peruse  the  oracles  of  the  Si- 
byls in  the  Capitol,  that  is,  either  those  that  were  there  laid  up  before  the  burn- 
ing of  that  edifice  in  the  time  of  Sylla,  or  those  that  were  there  laid  up  after  it, 
excepting  the  sacred  college  only,  to  whose  keeping  they  were  committed;  the 
members  of  this  college  were  thereby  enabled,  whenever  the  consulting  of 
these  oracles  was  decreed,  to  bring  forth  such  an  answer  as  would  best  serve 
the  purpose  for  which  that  decree  was  made.  And  this  they  always  did, 
whether  they  found  it  in  these  oracles  or  not,  and  herein  lay  the  whole  mystery 
of  this  matter;  and  we  have  several  instances  wherein  it  was  thus  practised. 
For  when  the  great  men  of  Rome  had  gotten  from  Ptolemy  Auletes,  king  of 
Egypt,  all  the  money  he  could  give  for  the  procuring  of  his  restoration,  when 
expelled  his  kingdom,  and  they  found  it  inconvenient  for  the  state  to  do  what 
they  had  promised,  they  procured  an  oracle*  to  be  brought  forth  from  the  Sibyl- 
line books  to  forbid  the  thing.  And  when  Caesar  had  a  mind  to  be  declared 
king,  before  he  should  begin  his  intended  expedition  against  the  Parthians,^  he 
dealt  with  the  keepers  of  those  books,  to  give  out  an  oracle  as  from  them,  that 

1  Historiarum,  lib.  2. 

2  Dionysius  Halicarn.  lib.  4.     A.  Gellius,  lib.  1.  c.  19.     Plin.  lib.  13.  c.  13.    Solinus,  c.  2. 

3  LactantiijsdeFal.'sa  Religione.c.  6.     Isidor.  Orig.  lib.  8.  c.  8.  4  Plutarch,  in  Numa. 

5  Cicero  de  Divinatione,  lib.  2.  c.  54.  Virgilius  jEneid,  lib.  6.  Serviusin  eundem. 

6  De  Divinatione,  lib.  2.  c.  54. 

7  Dionysius  Halicarn.  lib.  4.     Valerius  Maximus,  lib.  1.  c.  1.  s.  13.    Cicero,  ibid. 

8  Dion  Cassias,  lib.  39.  p.  98.  Plutarch,  in  Poinpeio,  Catone,  Cicerone,  et  Antonio.  Cicero  in  EpistoIl8«4 
SLientulum. 

9  Dion  CasEius,  lib.  44.  p.  247.    Plutarch,  in  Casare. 


404  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

the  Parthians  could  not  be  overcome  but  by  a  king:  upon  which  occasion  Cicero 
thus  writes:'  "  Let  us  deal  with  the  keepers  of  those  books,  to  bring  forth  any 
thing  out  of  them,  rather  than  a  king,  which  neither  the  gods  nor  men  will 
henceforth  bear  at  Rome."  Which  words  plainly  argue,  that  those  books  were 
made  use  of  as  an  engine  of  state,  out  of  which  the  keepers  of  them  brought 
forth,  under  the  name  of  oracles,  such  answers  as  they  themselves  contrived, 
according  as  they  thought  they  would  best  serve  the  end  intended. 

VI.  After  the  first  books  of  the  Sibylline  oracles,  that  had  been  laid  up  in 
the  Capitol  at  Rome,  were  burned  with  it,  and  thereon  search  was  made  for  the 
restoring  of  them  from  other  places,  as  is  above  mentioned,  abundance  of  pro- 
phecies, under  the  name  of  the  Sibyls,  were  every  where  produced:^  and,  by 
reason  of  the  reputation  given  them  by  that  search,  their  number  grew  and 
multiplied,  every  one  bringing  forth  whatsoever  prophetic  writings  he  had  by 
him,  and  published  them  for  the  most  part  under  the  name  of  some  Sibyl  or 
other,  the  better  to  recommend  them  to  acceptance,  and  by  these  means,  for 
about  eighty  years  before  the  birth  of  Christ,  the  world  became  filled  with  pro- 
phecies of  all  sorts.^ 

VII.  Among  these  prophecies  which  then  went  about,  there  were  several 
which  foretold  the  coming  of  the  Messiah,  and  the  greatness,  bliss,  and  righ- 
teousness, of  his  kingdom.  Two  of  these  have  been  already  mentioned,  that  is. 
that  of  Virgil's  fourth  eclogue;  and  the  other  spoken  of  by  Julius  Marathus, 
neither  of  which  can  admit  a  rational  interpretation  any  otherwise  than  when 
applied  to  the  Messiah.  And  it  is  particularly  to  be  observed  of  the  prophecy 
spoken  of  by  Julius  Marathus,  that  the  words  whereby  it  is  related  are,  Regcm 
populo  Romano  naturnm  partwire,"  i.  e.  "That  nature  was  about  to  bring  forth 
a  son  that  should  be  king  of  the  Romans;"  which  phrase  expresseth  something 
more  than  ordinary,  both  in  the  cause  and  the  effect.  For  here  nature  itself, 
that  is,  the  God  of  nature,  is  made  the  immediate  cause  of  the  birth;  and  he 
must  be  more  than  an  ordinary  person  that  was  to  be  produced  by  so  extraor- 
dinary a  generation.  But  both  these  prophecies  speak  of  the  birth  of  the  Mes- 
siah in  general,  without  naming  in  particular  the  people  of  whom  he  should  be 
descended,  or  the  country  where  he  should  be  born.  But  there  were  other  pro- 
phecies which  determined  both,  and  declared  that  he  should  come  out  of  Judea: 
and  for  this  we  have  the  testimonies  of  Tacitus  and  Suetonius,  two  eminent 
Roman  historians;  the  first  of  which,  speaking  of  the  time  when  Vespasian 
waged  war  with  the  Jews,  hath  these  words;^  "  A  firm  persuasion  had  prevailed 
among  a  great  many,  that  it  was  contained  in  the  ancient  sacerdotal  books,  that 
about  this  time  it  should  come  to  pass  that  the  east  should  prevail;  and  that 
those  who  should  come  out  of  Judea  should  obtain  the  empire  of  the  world." 
And  Suetonius,  speaking  of  the  same  time,  saith  as  followeth;^  "  There  had  pre- 
vailed all  over  the  east  an  ancient  and  constant  notion,  that  the  fates  had  de- 
creed, that  about  that  time  there  should  come  out  of  Judea  those  who  should 
obtain  the  empire  of  the  world."  The  completion  of  those  prophecies  is  by 
both  these  ancient  writers  referred  to  the  coming  of  Vespasian  out  of  Judea  to 
the  empire;  which  happened  but  a  few  years  after  the  death  of  Christ,  and  the 
beginning  of  his  kingdom  here  on  earth,  to  which  they  truly  belonged. 

VIII.  God  having  ordained  that  the  coming  of  his  Son  should  hj  these  pro- 
phecies be  foreshown  to  the  heathens,  and  for  some  time  before  his  appearing 
to  be  proclaimed  among  them;  this  was  accomplished  by  a  twofold  means;  1st, 
by  the  dispersion  of  the  Jews  among  them;  and,  2dly,  by  the  heathen  oracles 
themselves  which  they  used  to  consult.     For, 

IX.  First,  for  several  years  before   the  birth  of  Christ,  not  only  Simeon  and 

1  DeDivinatione,  lib.  2.  c.  54. 

2  They  were  collected  from  the  papers  of  private  persons:  so  sailli  Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus,  and  so  say 
others.  u        ^  i. 

3  This  appears  by  the  two  thousand  volumes  of  them  that  Augustus  burned,  and  the  many  others  of  them 
that  Tiberius  destroyed  the  same  way. 

4  Sueton.  in  Octavio,  c.  94.  5  Tacit.  Hist.  lib.  5.  c.  13.  6  Sueton.  in  Vespasiano,  c.  4. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT,  405 

Anna  the  prophetess,'  but  the  whole  nation  of  the  Jews,  were  in  earnest  ex- 
pectation of  his  coming,  and  of  the  redemption  of  Israel  by  him.  And  this 
not  only  the  history  of  the  gospel  in  many  places  tells  us,  but  Josephus  the 
Jewish  historian  doth  also  attest  the  same.''  For  he  tells  us,  that  the  expecta- 
tion which  the  Jews  for  some  years  before  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  had  of 
the  arising  of  a  great  king  from  among  them,  who  should  have  the  empire  of 
the  whole  world,  was  the  true  cause  which  then  excited  them  to  that  war 
against  the  Romans,  in  which  that  city  and  the  temple  in  it  were  utterly  de- 
stroyed: and  Suetonius  saith  the  same  thing.^  The  prophecies  of  Daniel  and 
other  prophets  of  the  Old  Testament  having  not  only  spoken  of  the  righteous- 
ness, glory,  and  bliss,  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Messiah,  but  determined  his  ap- 
pearance to  the  very  time  when  it  happened,  gave  just  reason  for  this  expecta- 
tion; and,  for  above  eight  years  before  Christ's  birth,  the  whole  house  of  Israel 
were  big  hereof.  For  so  long  Anna  the  prophetess  being  actuated  by  it,''  had 
attended  at  the  temple  in  fasting  and  prayer  to  wait  his  appearance;  and  there- 
fore for  so  long  time  these  prophecies,  and  the  received  interpretations  of  them, 
being  much  talked  of  through  all  Judea,  with  a  view  to  the  speedy  completion 
of  them,  especially  after  Pompey  had  subjected  that  country  to  the  Roman 
yoke,  from  thence  the  same  manner  of  discoursing  of  them,  and  the  same  ex- 
pectations of  their  being  speedily  accomplished,  became  diffused  to  all  the  Jews 
of  the  dispersions,  wherever  they  were,  all  the  world  over;  and  great  numbers 
of  them  being  then  settled  in  Rome,  and  in  the  cities  of  Greece  and  the  Lesser 
Asia,  as  well  as  in  other  parts  of  the  world,  they  there  frequently  spoke  among 
their  heathen  neighbours  of  these  prophecies,  and  the  expectations  they  then 
had  of  their  speedy  completion;  which  being  often  rumoured  about  among  the 
heathen  people  in  those  places  of  the  Jewish  dispersions,  at  length  insensibly 
grew  into  reputation,  and  were  received  among  them  as  if  they  had  been  pro- 
phecies from  their  own  oracles;  and  the  most  of  them  became  ingrafted  among 
the  oracles  of  the  Sibyls,  as  if  they  had  come  from  them.  And  from  hence 
most  of  those  prophecies  among  the  heathens,  which,  in  the  times  above  men- 
tioned, predicted  the  coming  of  a  great  king  out  of  Judea,  who  should  in  great 
power  and  glory  reign  over  the  whole  world,  seem  chiefly  to  have  had  their 
original;  for  this  notion  the  Jews  then  had  of  the  Messiah,  and  it  still  continues 
among  them. 

X.  But  secondly,  another  way  of  their  being  declared  among  the  heathen, 
seems  to  be  from  the  heathen  oracles  themselves.  Thus  God  forced  Balaam  to 
prophesy  of  the  coming  of  his  Son  out  of  Jacob;^  thus  he  made  the  magians 
to  come  from  the  east  to  acknowledge  and  adore  him,**  and  thus  he  forced  the 
devils  themselves,'  when  cast  forth  by  him,  to  own  him  to  be  the  Son  of  God 
most  high:  and  thus  also  most  probably  the  diabolical  spirits  which  presided  in 
the  heathen  oracles,  were,  before  their  leaving  those  their  habitations  (which 
they  were  compelled  to  do  before  the  coming  of  our  Saviour,)  in  Hke  manner 
forced  to  proclaim  him.  And  by  these  two  means  most  probably  was  it,  that 
all  the  prophecies,  which  before  our  Saviour's  birth  were  spread  abroad  among 
the  heathens  concerning  him  and  his  kingdom,  whether  they  were  those  called 
Sibylline  or  others,  were  all  introduced  among  them,  there  not  being  a  third 
way  whereby  it  could  be  done. 

XI.  A  collection  being  made  of  the  predictions  which  had  been  received 
among  the  heathens  for  oracles  of  the  Sibyls,  and  by  some  heathen  Greek  di- 
gested into  a  book  of  Greek  verses  about  the  time  of  our  Saviour,  or  a  little 
before,  and  all  those  prophecies  above  mentioned  relating  to  him,  having  been 
found  therein,  this  operated  much  to  the  advantage  of  Christianity  in  its  earliest 
times,  so  as  to  prove  of  great  efficacy  for  the  converting  of  many  thereto:  and 
therefore.  Christians,  in  their  disputes  with  the  heathens,  often  out  of  this  book 

J  Luke  H.  25—38.  2  De  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  7.  c.  12.  3  In  Vespasiano.  4  Luke  ii.  37. 

■5  Numi).  xxiv.  17.  6  Matt.  ii.  1—12.  7  Matt.  viii.  29.    Mark  v.  7.    Luke  viii.  28. 


406  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

making  use  of  those  oracles,  and  frequently  appealing  to  them  for  the  proof  of 
what  they  professed,  they  were  from  hence  called  Sibyllists.'  This  book  was 
afterward,  about  the  time  of  Antoninus  Pius,  the  Roman  emperor,  interpolated 
with  many  additions  by  some  Christian,  who  was  more  zealous  than  either 
honest  or  wise  therein:  for  by  thus  adulterating  the  oracles  truly  received  as 
Sibylline,  with  those  of  his  own  invention,  which  were  never  heard  of  among 
the  heathen  before,  he  destroyed  the  authority  of  the  whole,  and  the  Christian 
cause  was  much  damaged  thereby.  The  book  made  up  of  this  mixture,  I 
reckon,  is  that  which  we  now  have:  several,  for  the  sake  of  the  many  spurious 
particulars,  which  are  manifestly  in  it,  think  all  the  rest  to  be  of  the  same  sort, 
and  would  therefore  reject  the  whole.  That  the  major  part  is  justly  thus  con- 
demned, I  i-eadily  acknowledge,  but  cannot  yield  it  for  all  the  book.^  Celsus, 
the  greatest  enemy  that  Christianity  had  among  the  ancients,  chargeth  the  im- 
posture no  further  than  upon  the  interpolations,  neither  will  I.  But  to  return 
to  our  history. 

An.  13.  Herod  25.] — Alexander  and  Aristobulus,  Herod's  sons  by  Mariamne, 
having  on  their  return  from  Rome  lived  three  years  at  home  with  their  father,' 
at  length  fell  grievously  under  his  displeasure.  The  young  men  in  the  heat  of 
their  youth  let  fall  many  rash  words,  which  expressed  their  resentments  for  the 
death  of  their  mother,  with  threats  of  revenge  upon  those  who  had  been  the 
authors  of  it;  at  which  Salome  and  Pheroras,  who  were  the  chief  advisers  of 
her  execution,  being  alarmed,  laid  plots  for  the  ruin  of  the  two  young  men,  to 
prevent  their  ow^n.  In  order  whereto,  they  took  care  that  all  the  rash  words 
which  these  young  men  had  at  any  time  indiscreetly  bolted  out  on  the  subject 
of  their  mother's  death,  were  all  represented  to  Herod,  as  including  threats 
against  himself;  and,  the  more  to  ensnare  them,  frequent  occasions  w'ere  taken 
to  provoke  them  to  speak  out  all  the  anger  and  indignation  which  they  had  con- 
ceived in  their  minds  concerning  this  matter;  which  being  carried  to  Herod, 
with  all  the  malicious  glosses  and  aggravations  which  the  words  could  admit, 
had  all  the  effect  which  was  intended,  in  exciting  in  him  jealousies  against  these 
his  two  sons,  as  if  they  were  hatching  ill  designs  against  his  person.  And 
therefore,  whereas  hitherto  they  had  held  the  first  place  among  his  sons,  as  those 
who  were  designed  next  to  succeed  in  the  kingdom  on  their  father's  death,  he 
brought  Antipater,  another  son  of  his,  to  court,  and  placed  him  over  their  heads. 
This  he  did  in  order  to  humble  the  two  brothers,  and  bring  them  to  a  better 
temper;  but  it  worked  the  quite  contrary  way,  in  provoking  them  to  greater  dis- 
contents, and  more  intemperate  language  than  before;  of  all  which  notice  being 
constantly  carried  to  Herod,  it  farther  exasperated  him  against  them;  and  Anti- 
pater, who  was  a  very  crafty,  as  well  as  a  very  malicious  man,  was  not  wanting 
to  make  the  advantage  of  all  this  for  his  o"\vn  interest.  This  Antipater  was 
Herod's  eldest  son  by  Doris  his  first  wife;  but  she  being  divorced  on  his  mar- 
riage with  Mariamne,  her  son  was  bred  up  in  private,  till  he  was  brought  to 
court  on  this  occasion;  and,  when  fixed  there,  he  soon  brought  his  mother  thither 
also;  and,  from  this  time  having  the  crown  in  his  constant  view,  he  became  the 
chief  instrument  in  procuring  the  destruction  of  the  two  brothers,  the  better  to 
secure  his  succession  to  it  on  his  father's  death. 

Agrippa'*  being  called  to  Rome,^  Sentius  Saturninus  and  Titus  Volumnius 
succeeded  him  in  the  government  of  Syria  and  Phoenicia;  some  would  have 
Saturninus  only  to  have  been  president  of  the  province,  and  Volumnius  no 
other  than  as  legate,  or  else  as  Csesar's  procurator  under  him;  but  Josephus 
speaks  of  him  as  in  joint  commission.  But  before  Agrippa  departed, '^  Herod 
waited  on  him  in  Asia,  carrying  Antipater  thither  with   him,  whom  he  intro- 

1  Origenes  contra  Celsum,  lib.  7. 

2  Ibid.  This  Celsus  wh.s  an  Epicurean  philosopher,  who  lived  in  the  second  century;  and  wrote  a  book 
against  Christianitv,  which  Origen  answered. 

3  Joseph.  Antifi.  lib.  i6.  c.  6.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  C.  17. 

4  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  16  c.  6.  5  Ibid.  c.  12,  13.  6  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  16.  c.  6, 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  407 

duced  to  Agrippa's  favour,  and  sent  him  to  Rome  with  him,'  where,  by  virtue 
of  recommendatory  letters  from  his  father,  he  got  into  the  good  grace  of  Augus- 
tus, and  many  of  the  great  men  of  Rome.  But,  while  thus  absent,  he  ceased 
not  to  carry  on  his  plot  against  the  two  brothers,  often  exciting  Herod  against 
them  by  his  letters,'  which  he  craftily  wrote  in  a  style,  that,  concealing  all 
manner  of  malice  against  the  accused,  expressed  only  a  concern  for  his  father's 
safety. 

All.  12.  Herod  26.] — Agrippa,  on  his  return  to  Rome,  was  sent  against  the 
Pannonians,'^  who  had  revolted;  but,  on  his  coming  against  them,  the  rebels 
being  frightened  by  the  terror  of  his  name,  submitted  to  such  terms  of  peace 
as  were  required;  whereupon  Agrippa  returning,  fell  sick  in  Campania,  and 
there  died.  He  was  the  chief  favourite  of  Augustus,  and  having  married  Julia, 
Augustus's  only  daughter,  shared  with  him  in  the  government,  and  bore  a  great 
part  of  the  burden  of  it.  On  his  death,  Augustus  standing  in  need  of  another 
assistant,^  made  choice  of  Tiberius,  the  son  of  Livia  by  her  former  husband, 
but  very  unwillingly,  as  knowing  the  man;  but  for  want  of  a  better,  being  ne- 
cessitated to  fix  on  him,  he  gave  him  his  daughter  Julia,  the  widow  of  the  de- 
ceased, to  wife,  causing  him  to  divorce  his  former  wife  to  make  room  for  her. 

An.  11.  Herod  "Ql.] — The  breach  between  Herod  and  his  sons  by  Mariamne 
still  growing  wider  and  wider,  by  the  means  of  those  that  did  ill  offices  between 
them,  it  at  length  came  to  that  pass,  that  Herod  being  no  longer  able  to  bear 
them,''  took  them  along  with  him  into  Italy,  and  made  this  voyage  thither  on 
purpose  to  accuse  them  before  Augustus;  and  having  found  him  at  Aquileia, 
he  there  brought  the  cause  before  him.  His  charge  against  them  was,  that  they 
carried  themselves  undutifully  and  insolently  toward  him,  and  had  formed  de- 
signs, by  poison,  to  take  away  his  life.  But  of  this  last  charge,  wherein  lay 
the  main  of  the  accusation,  nothing  appearing  but  jealousies  and  groundless 
suspicions,  Augustus  acquitted  the  young  men;  and  having  reconciled  their 
father  to  them,  sent  them  all  home  made  fully  friends.  Herod  on  his  return  to 
Jerusalem,  having  called  the  people  together  in  the  temple,  related  to  them  the 
event  of  his  journey,  and  according  to  the  power  given  to  him  by  Augustus,  he 
named  Antipater  in  the  first  place  to  succeed  him  in  the  kingdom,  and  next  after 
him  the  sons  of  Mariamne. 

All.  10.  Herod  28.] — Herod,  after  twelve  years'  time,^  having  finished  his 
works  at  Straton's  Tower,  and  brought  them  all  to  thorough  perfection,  he  dedi- 
cated the  place  with  great  solemnity,  and  in  compliment  to  Augustus,  from  his 
name  of  Cassar,  called  it  Caesarea.  He  there  made,  by  an  artificial  mole  of 
great  expense,  an  excellent  port,  large  enough  for  a  great  number  of  ships  to 
ride  safely  in;  and  the  city  which  he  there  built  was,  next  to  Jerusalem,  the 
largest,  the  best,  and  most  magnificent,  of  all  in  that  country;  and  when  Judea 
fell  under  the  Roman  yoke,  this  was  mostly  made  the  seat  of  the  procurator 
who  governed  that  province."  After  this  he  built  several  other  cities,^  as  Anti- 
patris,  Cypron,  and  Phasaelis:  the  first  he  named  from  his  father,  the  second 
from  his  mother,  and  the  third  from  Phasael  his  brother:  and  from  him  also  he 
named  a  lai'ge  tower,  which  he  built  at  Jerusalem,  of  equal  size  with  that  of 
Pharus  near  Alexandria,  calling  it  the  Tower  of  Phasael,  of  which  mention 
hath  been  already  made.^ 

An.  9.  Herod  29.] — The  Jews  of  Asia  and  Cyrene,  being  oppressed  by  the 
heathen  inhabitants  among  whom  they  dwelt,  and  not  permitted  to  live  accord- 
ing to  their  own  laws  and  religion,  and  the  privileges  formerly  granted  them,  in 
order  hereto,^  addressed  themselves  to  Augustus  for  relief  in  this  grievance, 
and  obtained  from  him  an  edict  in  their  favour,  whereby  all  was  decreed  for 
them  that  they  desired. 

1  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  16.  c.  7.  2  DionCassius,  lib.  .M.  p.  541.    Livii  Epitome,  lib.  136. 

3  Dion  Cassiiis,  lib.  54.  p.  543.    Suet,  in  Octavio,  c.  63.    Tiberio,  c.  7. 

4  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  16.  c.  7,  8.  5  Ibid.  c.  9.  6  Acts  xxiii.  23,  24.  33.  xxv.  6.  13. 
7  Joseph,  ibid.                 8  Part  2,  book  2.                  9  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  16.  c.  10. 


408  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

Salome,  Pheroras,  and  Antipater,'  pursuing  their  plot  against  the  sons  of  Ma» 
riamne,  took  care  that  so  many  false  stories  were  carried  to  Herod  concerning 
them,  and  such  ill  representations  of  their  conduct,  were  from  time  to  time, 
partly  by  their  agents,  and  partly  by  themselves,  continually  made  unto  him, 
that  at  length  this  caused  another  open  breach  between  him  and  the  two  young 
princes. 

For  they  had,  by  these  malicious  artifices,  so  filled  the  old  king's  head  with 
jealousies  and  suspicions,  that  he  could  neither  sleep  by  night,  nor  enjoy  any 
quiet  by  day,  for  fear  of  those  plots  and  designs  which  hereby  he  was  made 
believe  these  two  brothers  were  framing  against  him.  To  make  discovery  of 
the  imagined  treason,  he  put  all  the  confidants  of  the  young  princes  upon  the 
rack,  thereby  to  extort  a  confession  from  them  of  what  they  knew  nothing  of. 
And  the  torments  making  some  of  them  for  the  gaining  of  ease  say  any  thing 
that  might  obtain  it,  false  stories  were  delivered  instead  of  true  confessions, 
some  of  which  bearing  hard  upon  Alexander,  he  was  hereon  cast  into  prison 
and  loaded  with  chains,  and  more  persons  were  put  to  the  question  to  draw 
from  them  accusations  against  him.  Alexander,  by  these  practices  against  him, 
being  made  desperate,  sent  four  papers  to  his  father,  wherein,  to  create  the  old 
tyrant  all  the  vexation  and  disturbance  he  was  able,  he  made  a  confession  of 
plots  and  treasonable  conspiracies  which  were  never  so  much  as  thought  of,  and 
named  Pheroras  and  Salome,  his  brother  and  sister,  with  Ptolemy  and  Sapin- 
nius,  his  two  prime  ministers,  and  many  other  of  his  chief  confidants,  as  ac- 
complices herein.  This  had  the  designed  effect,  by  creating  the  old  tyrant 
more  perplexity  and  vexation  than  ever  any  thing  had  before:  for  being  natu- 
rally of  a  very  suspicious  temper,  and  the  consciousness  of  his  tyrannical  and 
oppressive  conduct  in  the  government  making  him  more  so,  he  swallowed  for 
truth  all  that  Alexander's  papers  had  represented  to  him;  whereon,  suspecting 
every  body,  and  trusting  nobody,  he  raged  like  a  madman  against  all,  condemn- 
ing some  to  death,  and  tormenting  others,  till  they  expired  on  the  rack,  because 
they  would  not  confess  what  they  knew  nothing  of;  whereby  having  turned  his 
palace  into  a  slaughter-house,  and  filled  it  all  over  with  confusion  and  horror, 
he  seemed  to  act  as  a  madman,  and  one  truly  bereaved  of  his  senses. 

^n.  8.  Herod  30.] — While  he  was  in  this  case  vexing  and  tormenting  himself 
and  others,^  Archelaus  king  of  Cappadocia,  whose  daughter  Alexander  had  mar- 
ried, came  to  his  court,  and  by  the  interposal  of  his  good  offices  brought  all 
things  there  again  to  rights.  At  his  first  hearing  of  the  charge  against  Alexan- 
der, he  put  on  a  seeming  rage  against  him,  that  outdid  that  of  Herod,  threaten- 
ing to  take  his  daughter  from  him,  and  vented  himself  in  such  other  bitter  ex- 
pressions against  him,  as  at  length  brought  Herod  to  be  his  advocate,  and  with 
tears  to  plead  with  him  for  his  son,  that  his  wife  might  not  be  taken  from  him. 
As  soon  as  Archelaus  found  Herod  in  this  temper,  he  came  seriously  to  the 
matter,  and  by  his  wisdom  and  good  address  managed  it  so,  as  to  procure  ano-' 
ther  reconciliation  between  Herod  and  his  sons;  and  hereon  all  jealousies  and 
suspicions  being  laid  aside  on  one  part,  and  all  resentment  and  discontent  on 
the  other,  peace  was  again  restored  to  that  distracted  family.  Herod  was  very 
sensible  of  the  CTeat  kindness  Archelaus  did  him  in  extricating:  him  out  of  such 
great  difficulties;  and  therefore  made  him  great  presents  in  acknowledgment  of 
it,  and  on  his  return  accompanied  him  in  the  journey  as  far  as  Antioch,  where 
he  reconciled  him  to  Titus  Volumnius,  the  Roman  governor  of  Syria,  between 
whom  and  Archelaus  there  had  been  before  some  difference.  This  Archelaus^ 
was  grandson  to  that  Archelaus  who  reigned  in  Egypt,  and  great  grandson  to 
him  of  the  same  name  that  was  general  of  Mithridates's  army  in  his  wars  with 
Sylla.  Antony,^  from  high-priest  of  Comana  in  Pontus,  made  him  king  of 
Cappadocia,  on  the  account  of  a  criminal  conversation  he  had  with  Glaphyra 
his  mother. 

1  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  16.  c.  11.  12.  2  Ibid.  lib.  16.  c.  12. 

3  Dion  Cassius,  Jib,  49.  p.  411.    Strabo,  lib.  12.  p.  540. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  409 

After  this  Herod  went  to  Rome  to  acquaint  Augustus  with  what  was  done  in 
this  affair;  for  he  having  written  to  him  of  this  second  breach  with  his  sons, 
and  in  his  letters  accused  them  of  many  high  crimes  and  treasonable  practices 
against  him,  and  pressed  hard  to  have  them  brought  to  justice,  it  was  thought 
proper  he  should  make  this  journey  to  give  him  an  account  of  the  reconcilia- 
tion he  had  made  with  them. 

While  he  was  thus  absent,'  the  thieves  of  Trachonitis,  taking  the  advantage 
of  it,  returned  to  their  old  trade,  and  ravaged  with  their  depredations  all  the 
parts  of  Judea  and  Coele-Syria  that  lay  within  their  reach;  which  created  Herod 
great  trouble,  and  at  length  involved  him  in  those  difBculties  with  Augustus,  as 
had  like  utterly  to  have  excluded  him  his  favour,  as  will  be  hereafter  related. 
It  hath  been  above  mentioned,  how  Herod,  having  received  from  Augustus  the 
provinces  of  Auranitis,  Trachonitis,  and  Batansea,  set  himself  to  suppress  those 
thieves,  which  from  the  mountains  and  caves  of  Trachonitis  infested  all  that 
country.  This  having  fully  effected,  he  forced  those  freebooters  to  betake  them- 
selves to  the  culture  of  their  land  for  their  subsistence;  but  being  soon  weary  of 
this  course  of  life,  on  Herod's  former  going  into  Italy  with  his  two  sons  to  ac- 
cuse them  before  Augustus,  they  took  that  opportunity  to  revolt  from  him,  and 
return  again  to  their  old  trade;  but  being  quickly  broken,  and  reduced  by  the 
king's  forces,  forty  of  the  ringleaders  of  them  fled  into  Arabia  Petrsea,  where 
Syllaeus,  who  governed  all  under  Obodas  king  of  that  country,  not  only  received 
them  under  his  protection,  but  gave  them  also  a  strong  fortress  in  that  country, 
called  Repta,  for  their  retreat  and  safe  habitation:  from  whence,  on  Herod's  last 
going  to  Rome,  they  made  inroads  into  Judea  and  Ccele-Syria,  and  miserably 
ravaged  all  those  countries;  and  Syllaeus,  out  of  the  hatred  he  bore  to  Herod, 
countenanced  and  protected  them  herein.  The  reason  of  Syllseus's  hatred  to 
Herod  was,^  Syllfeus  would  have  married  Salome,  Herod's  sister,  and  he  had 
gained  her  consent  hereto;  but  Herod  requiring  that  he  should  first  turn  Jew, 
and  Syllfeus  not  daring  so  to  do,  for  fear,  as  he  said,  lest  the  Arabians  should 
stone  him  to  death  for  it  on  his  return,  this  broke  off  the  match,  and  Herod 
forced  Salome  to  marry  Alexas,  a  confidant  of  his;^  at  which  Sylljeus  contract- 
ing a  great  hatred  against  Herod,  expressed  it  on  all  occasions,  till  at  length,  in 
the  pursuit  of  it,  he  procured  his  own  ruin,  as  will  be  hereafter  related.  This 
was  the  same  Syllajus,  who  having  undertaken  to  be  guide  to  iElius  Gallus,  in 
his  march  into  the  southern  parts  of  Arabia,  betrayed  him  in  all  that  expedition, 
and  made  it  wholly  miscarry  thereby,  as  hath  been  above  related. 

Herod  on  his  return,  finding  his  country  much  disturbed  and  damaged  by 
these  Trachonite  thieves,*  applied  himself  immediately  to  redress  the  mischief, 
by  punishing  the  authors  of  it.  But  not  being  able  to  come  at  them,  by  reason 
of  the  protection  given  them  in  Arabia  by  Syllaeus,  he  resolved  to  revenge  the 
wrong  on  those  that  were  related  to  them.  And  therefore  passing  into  Tracho- 
nitis, and  searching  through  the  Vv'hole  country,  he  put  all  to  death  whom  he 
found  there  of  the  families  and  kindred  of  any  of  those  who  were  at  Repta;  by 
which  those  thieves  being  exceedingly  exasperated,  they,  in  revenge  hereof, 
renewed  their  inroads  in  a  desperate  manner,  and  damaged  the  country  more 
than  ever  before. 

The  pontifices  at  Rome  having  for  thirty-six  years, ^  from  the  time  that  Julius 
Csesar  reformed  the  Roman  calendar,  made  every  third  year  a  leap  year,  in- 
stead of  every  fourth,  by  this  error  three  days  were  now  added  to  the  Roman 
year  more  than  should  be:  which  being  observed,  Augustus  this  year,  as  high- 
priest,  rectified  the  mistake;  and  for  the  bringing  of  all  to  rights,  ordered,  first, 
that  for  the  twelve  ensuing  years  no  leap  years  should  be  at  all;  and,  2ndly,  that 
after  the  expiration  of  the  said  twelve  years,  the  leap  years  should  thenceforth 
be  made  every  fourth  year;  by  the  first  part  of  which  order  the  three  superadded 
days  being  flung  out,  and  by  the  second  the  leap  years  fixed  to  their  true  times, 

1  Joseph.  Anfiq.  lib.  16.  c.  13.  2  Ibid.  c.  11.  3  Ibid.  lib.  17.  c.  1.  4  Ibid.  lib.  IG.  c.13. 

5  Sueton.  in  Octavio,  c.  31.    3Iacrob.  Saturnal.  lib.  1.  c.  14.    Solin.  c.  3.    Plin.  lib.  18.  c.  25. 

Vol.  11.-52 


410  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

according  to  Julius  Cajsar's  institution,  the  form  of  this  year  hath  ever  since 
regularly  proceeded,  and  is,  under  the  name  of  the  old  style,  still  in  use  among 
us  even  to  this  day,  as  hath  been  already'  above  mentioned.  At  the  same  time 
that  Augustus  made  this  reformation,'^  a  decree  passed  the  senate  and  people  of 
Rome,  that  the  month  hitherto  called  Sextilis  should  thenceforth  from  his  name 
be  called  Augustus,  and  so  it  hath  been  ever  since  in  the  Roman  calendar,  and 
all  others  that  are  formed  from  it. 

The  re-edifying  of  the  temple  of  Jerusalem  by  Herod  being  finished  at  the 
end  of  nine  years  and  a  half  from  his  first  beginning  of  the  building,''  he  cele- 
brated w^ith  great  pomp  and  expense  the  dedication  of  it;  and  the  day  appointed 
for  it  faUing  in  with  the  day  of  the  year  when  he  first  received  the  crown,  this 
augmented  the  solemnity.  And  it  was  very  proper  and  requisite  that  this  house 
should  be  thus  repaired  and  fitted  up  in  its  best  dress,  when  he  that  was  Lord 
thereof  was  coming  to  it:  for  within  less  than  four  years  after  this  Christ  was  born. 

This  year  died  Horace  the  poet,'*  and  Maecenas  his  great  patron,^  who,  next 
Agrippa,  was  the  greatest  favourite  of  Augustus,  and  was  always  a  true  and 
faithful  coimsellor  to  him. 

An.  7.  i/e;-OG?  31.] — Herod  being  still  vexed  by  the  Trachonite  thieves,  who 
had  taken  shelter  in  Arabia,**  applied  to  Saturninus  and  Volumnius,  the  Roman 
governors  of  Syria,  with  complaint  against  SyUaeus  for  his  protecting  of  them; 
and  at  the  same  time  commenced  a  suit  against  him  before  the  said  governors 
for  a  debt  of  sixty  talents,  which  Syllaeus  had  borrowed  of  him  for  the  service 
of  king  Obodas.  To  make  answer  to  all  this,  Sylleeus  was  forced  to  appear  at 
Berytus  before  the  said  governors;  and  there,  on  Herod's  having  made  good  his 
allegations  against  him,  to  stave  off  farther  proceedings  at  that  time,  he  bound 
himself  by  oath  within  thirty  days  to  pay  the  said  debt,  and  deliver  up  all  fugi- 
tives to  Herod  that  were  within  the  dominions  of  Obodas.  But  when  the  day 
came,'  he  performed  neither  of  these  engagements,  but  went  away  to  Rome. 
Whereon  Herod  applied  again  to  Saturninus  and  Volumnius,  and  having  ob- 
tained their  license  to  right  himself  by  arms,  marched  into  Arabia  with  an  army, 
and  destroyed  Repta,  the  nest  of  those  thieves,  and  slew  as  many  of  them  as 
there  fell  into  his  hands.  While  he  was  doing  this,  one  Nacebus,  an  Arabian 
captain,  coming  to  the  assistance  of  those  thieves,  Herod  gave  him  battle,  and 
in  the  conflict  slew  him,  with  twenty-five  of  his  men,  and  put  the  rest  to  flight. 
And  after  having  thus  revenged  himself  on  those  thieves  and  their  abettors,  he 
marched  back  again  without  doing  any  hurt  to  the  country;  and  on  his  return 
placed  three  thousand  Idumseans  in  Trachonitis,  to  keep  the  thieves  of  that  coun- 
try from  any  more  exercising  their  usual  depredations.  Sylljeus  at  Rome,  having 
received  an  account  of  all  this,^  immediately  went  to  Augustus  with  a  lamenta- 
ble account,  exceedingly  magnifying  the  matter,  as  setting  forth,  beyond  all 
truth,  that  Herod  had  invaded  Arabia  with  a  great  army,  ravaged  and  ruined 
the  country,  pillaged  Repta  of  a  vast  treasure  there  laid  up,  and  slain  two  thou- 
sand five  hundred  Arabians  of  the  first  rank,  and  with  them  Nacebus  their 
general,  his  friend  and  kinsman;  at  which  Augustus  being  exceedingly  offended, 
wrote  Herod  a  very  sharp  letter,  and  for  some  time,  on  this  account,  Herod  was 
absolutely  out  of  his  favour,  till  at  length  he  became  informed  of  the  exact  truth 
of  the  matter. 

In  the  interim  died  Obodas,  king  of  the  Nabathsean  Arabs,^  being  poisoned 
by  SyUaeus.  He  had  laid  the  plot  for  his  death  before  he  left  Arabia,  and  his 
whole  business  at  Rome  was  to  make  an  interest  with  Augustus  for  the  succes- 
sion, when  the  avoidance  should  happen.  But  the  Nabathaeans,  without  making 
any  application  to  Augustus  for  a  new  king,  or  waiting  his  pleasure  at  all  about 
it,  immediately  placed  on  the  throne  of  the  deceased  one  ^Eneas,  who  after- 
ward, by  a  name  very  common  among  the  Arabian  kings,  was  called  Hareth, 

1  Part  2,  book  7,  under  the  year  4G. 

2  Suetoii.  ibid.    Macrob.  Saturnal.  lib.  1.  c.  12.     Dion  Cassias,  lib.  54.  p.  552. 

3  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  15.  c.  14.  4  Sueton.  in  Vita  Horatii.  5  Dion  Cassiiis,  lib.  55.  p.  552,. 
6  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  16.  c.  \%                7  Ibid.  lib.  16.  c.  14.  8  Ibid.  lib.  16.  c.  15. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  411 

in  Greek  Aretas.  The  country  where  he  reigned  was  Arabia  Petraea,  so  called 
from  Petra,  the  metropolis;  and  the  inhabitants  being  descended  from  Nebaioth,' 
one  of  the  sons  of  Ishmael,  were  from  him  called  Nabathseans. 

Dionysius  of  Halicarnassus  this  year  began  to  write  his  Roman  history.*  He 
continued  it  down,  in  twenty  books,  to  the  time  of  the  first  Punic  war,  and 
there  ended  it  w^here  Polybius  begun.  But  of  these  twenty  books,  only  eleven 
now  remain,  the  rest  being  lost.  It  is  w^ritten  in  Greek,  and  is  the  fullest  and 
most  accurate  of  all  that  have  been  written  of  the  Roman  affairs.  He  came  to 
Rome  twenty-two  years  before  he  began  the  composure  of  this  book,  a  great 
part  of  which  time  he  spent  in  collecting  materials  for  it. 

An.  G.  Herod  3'2.] — Tiberius,  the  son-in-law  of  Augustus,  on  some  discon- 
tent, for  which  various  causes  are  given  by  historians,^  left  Rome  and  retired  to 
Rhodes,  on  pretence  of  improving  himself  in  that  place  by  his  studies;  where 
he  continued  about  seven  years  in  a  private  life.  He  had  a  great  difficulty  in 
the  obtaining  of  Augustus's  consent  for  this  retirement,  but  greater  afterward  to 
gain  his  permission  to  return. 

Herod  at  this  time  was  involved  in  great  perplexities:'*  his  quarrel  with  the 
sons  of  Mariamne  again  revived,  and  at  the  same  time  being  out  of  favour  with 
Augustus  on  the  account  of  Syllaeus's  information,  the  Trachonites  taking  the 
advantage  hereof,  in  conjunction  with  the  Arabians,  overpowered  Herod's  Idu- 
maean  guards  which  he  had  placed  in  that  countr}'',  and  began  again  their  usual 
depredations;  and  Herod  durst  not  right  himself  on  them,  for  fear  of  farther 
displeasing  Augustus.  To  remove  the  prejudices  which  Augustus  had  con- 
'ceived  against  him,  he  had  sent  two  embassies  to  Rome;  but  neither  of  them 
could  obtain  an  audience  from  him.  Of  which  these  thieves  having  an  account, 
were  encouraged  thereby  to  carry  farther  on  their  ravages  against  him;  which 
at  length  growing  to  that  height  of  oppression,  as  to  be  no  longer  borne,  he  re- 
solved to  make  trial  of  a  third  embassy,  and  employed  Nicolaus  Damascenus 
herein.  On  his  arrival  at  Rome,  being  informed  how  much  Augustus  was  pre- 
possessed with  Syllaeus's  information  against  Herod,  he  durst  not  directly  apply 
to  him  about  that  matter.  But  finding  there  ambassadors  from  the  Nabathseans, 
he  joined  with  them  as  their  advocate,  purposing  in  the  pleading  of  their 
cause,  to  bring  in  that  of  Herod's  by  the  by,  and  thus,  by  a  side  wind  to  come 
at  the  clearing  of  what  was  alleged  against  him.  These  ambassadors  were  then 
at  Rome  on  a  tw^o-fold  account;  the  first,  to  compliment  Augustus  fl-om  their 
new  king;  and  the  second  to  accuse  Syllseus  of  the  poisoning  of  Obodas,  and 
many  other  crimes  which  the}^  had  to  object  against  him.  As  to  the  first  part 
of  their  com^mission,  Augustus  would  give  them  no  audience,  though  they 
brought  very  submissive  letters  from  Aretas,  and  very  valuable  presents,  being 
much  displeased  with  him,  in  that  he  had  entered  on  the  government  without 
his  consent.  But  as  to  the  other  part,  that  is,  their  accusation  against  Syllseus, 
he  appointed  them  a  day  for  the  hearing  of  it.  In  the  management  of  which 
cause,  Nicolaus  being  the  chief  speaker,  after  having  laid  open  his  other  crimes, 
which  were  very  many,  he  at  length  charged  him  with  being  guilty  of  a  great 
affront  upon  Augustus  himself,  by  audaciously  imposing  on  him  lies  and  calum- 
nies; and  instanced  in  the  account  which  he  had  given  of  the  action  of  Herod 
against  the  Trachonite  thieves  at  Repta,  which  he  averred  was  all  false  from 
one  end  to  the  other:  at  which  Augustus  being  startled,  bid  him  make  out  that, 
W'aiving  all  other  particulars;  which  Nicolaus  having  done,  by  laying  before  him 
the  whole  truth  of  the  matter  as  above  related;  and  Syllseus,  then  present  and 
confronted,  not  being  able  to  contradict  any  one  point  hereof,  Augustus  gave 
sentence  against  him,  that  he  should  be  carried  back  into  Arabia,  and  made 
pay  his  debt  due  to  Herod, ^  and  after  that  be  put  to  death;  which  was  accord- 

1  Gen.  XXV.  13.  x.Kviii.O. 

2  Videas  Vossium  de  Hist.  Grtecis,  lib.  2.  c.  3.  et  Pra?fationem  ipsius  Dionysii  ad  Historiam  suam. 

3  Stieton.  in  Tiberio,  c.  10.  4  Joseph,  Antiq.  lib.  16.  c.  15,  16. 

5  This  debt  Josephus(lib.  16.  c.  13,)  saith,  was  no  more  than  sixty  talents.  Nicolaus,  in  his  speech  to  Au- 
gustus, lays  it  at  live  hundred  talents;  the  first  perchance  was  the  debt,  and  the  other  the  forfeiture  of  the 
obligation. 


412  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

ingly  executed  upon  him,  he  being  beheaded  at  Rome,  as  S,trabo,  who  lived  In 
those  times,  assures  us.'  Josephus  tells  us,*  that  when  he  was  carried  back  into 
Arabia,  he  there  refused  to  do  any  thing  of  what  he  had  been  enjoined  by  Au- 
gustus; and  therefore  being  hereof  accused  by  Antipater  in  the  behalf  of  Herod 
his  father,  he  was  ordered  to  be  again  brought  to  Rome;  and  then  most  likely 
was  it  that  he  was  put  to  death  in  the  manner  as  Strabo  relates. 

Augustus  being  hereby  again  reconciled  to  Herod, ^  was  grieved  that  he  had 
given  so  much  of  his  ear  to  Syllaeus's  false  accusations  against  him;  and  there- 
fore, to  make  him  amends,  he  had  thought  of  expelling  Aretas  out  of  the  king- 
dom of  the  Nabathncans,  Avhich  he  had  taken  possession  of  without  his  consent, 
and  giving  it  to  Herod:  but,  while  he  was  thinking  of  it,  letters  were  delivered 
to  him  from  Herod,  which  made  him  alter  his  purpose.  For  Antipater,  Salome, 
and  Pheroras,  continuing  still  to  carry  on  their  former  plot  against  the  sons  of 
Mariamne,  for  the  reasons  already  mentioned,^  they  filled  the  old  king's  head 
so  full  of  jealousies,  suspicions,  and  false  accusations  against  them,  and  thereby 
so  thoroughly  possessed  him  of  their  being  in  a  conspiracy  against  his  life,  that, 
although  nothing  was  proved  against  them  but  their  intention  of  making  their 
escape  from  him  into  some  other  countr}',  where  they  might  live  out  of  the 
reach  of  his  tyrannical  cruelty,  yet,  on  the  proof  of  this  one  particular  only,  be- 
lieving all  the  rest,  he  resolved  on  their  destruction,  and  wrote  to  Augustus  for 
the  obtaining  of  his  leave  accordingly  to  proceed  against  them,  setting  forth  to 
him  all  that  he  had  to  lay  to  their  charge:  and  he  sent  Volumnius  his  marshal 
de  camp,  and  Olympus  another  of  his  friends,  to  Rome,  with  his  letters  wherein 
all  this  was  contained,  giving  them  in  direction,  that  in  case  they  found  Augus- 
tus, by  the  means  of  Nicolaus's  embassy,  reconciled  to  him,  then  to  deliver  the 
letters,  but  not  otherwise.  And  therefore,  on  their  arrival,  finding  that  all  was 
again  set  right  with  Augustus,  they  presented  him  the  letters,  which  being  full 
of  invectives  and  bitter  expressions  against  his  sons,  Augustus,  on  the  perusal 
of  them,  considering  his  age,  and  present  misfortunes  about  his  children, 
thought  it  not  proper  in  these  circumstances,  to  burden  him  with  the  care  of 
another  kingdom;  and  therefore,  retracting  his  resolutions  as  to  this  matter,  he 
sent  for  the  Nabathasan  ambassadors,  accepted  their  presents,  and  confirmed 
Aretas  in  his  kingdom.  However,  he  wrote  a  kind  letter  to  Herod,  wherein, 
having  condoled  his  misfortune  as  to  his  sons,  he  gave  him  full  liberty  and 
power  to  proceed  against  them  according  as  their  crime  should  be  found  to  de- 
serve, advising  him  to  call  a  council  at  Berytus,  and  there,  with  the  assistance 
of  the  governors  of  the  neighbouring  provinces,  together  with  Archelaus  king 
of  Cappadocia,  and  other  friends  and  persons  of  honour,  to  hear  and  finally  de- 
termine the  whole  matter.  Herod  being  much  pleased  with  this  letter,  imme- 
diately summoned  a  council  to  meet  at  the  place  mentioned,'*  calling  thither  to 
it  Saturninus  and  Volumnius,  governors  of  Syria,  and  all  others  whom  Au- 
gustus's letter  directed  him  to,  excepting  only  Archelaus,  king  of  Cappadocia, 
who  being  father-in-law  to  Alexander,  was  thought  by  Herod  too  much  engaged 
by  that  relation  to  be  an  impartial  judge  in  this  matter.  The  council  being  sat, 
Herod  accused  his  sons  before  them  with  that  vehemence,  and  laid  so  many 
things  to  their  charge,  that  the  majority,  being  overborne  thereby,  passed  sen- 
tence of  condemnation  against  them,  and  left  it  to  Herod  to  execute  it  as  he 
should  think  fit.  Whereon  sending  them  to  Sebaste,  he  caused  them  there 
both  to  be  strangled.  And  thus  ended  the  life  of  these  unfortunate  brothers, 
who,  by  too  much  expressing  their  resentments  for  their  mother's  death,  pro- 
voked those  who  had  been  the  chief  authors  of  it,  at  length  by  like  artifices  to 
procure  theirs.  In  which  tragedy,  Salome  the  sister  of  Herod  acted  the  chiefest 
part;  who  being  a  very  crafty  and  malicious  woman,  seldom  stood  out  where 
any  mischief  was  to  be  done.  She  governed  herself  chiefly  by  Herod's  inchna- 
tions;  and  v/hatsocver  wicked  purposes  she  found  him  intent  upon,  she  hu- 
moured him,   and  always  concurred  with  him  therein;  and  by  these  wicked 

}  Strabo,  lib.  IC.  p.  78'2.        2  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  17.  c.  4.  3  n)ij.  lib.  IG.  c.  16.        4  Ibid.  lib.  16.  c.  17. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  413 

means  she  constantly  maintained  her  interest  with  that  bloody  tyrant,  and  had 
the  first  place  in  his  favour  and  confidence  as  long  as  he  lived. 

At  this  time  Zecharias  saw  the  vision  in  the  temple,  of  which  we  have  an 
account  in  the  first  chapter  of  St.  Luke,  as  he  there  officiated  in  his  course. 
For  the  fuller  understanding  hereof,  it  is  to  be  observed,  that  the  priests,  ac- 
cording to  David's  institution,'  being  divided  into  twenty-four  courses,^  each 
course  attended  at  Jerusalem  its  week;  and  every  course  being  divided  into 
seven  classes,  each  class  served  its  day  at  the  temple;  and  each  priest  of  that 
class  had  his  part  in  the  service  appointed  him"  by  lot;  and  therefore  Zecharias, 
being  of  the  course  of  Abiah,  came  up  to  Jerusalem  in  the  week  of  his  course, 
there  to  officiate  with  the  others  of  it  in  his  office;  and  when  the  day  of  his  ser- 
vice came,  his  lot  was  to  offer  incense  upon  the  altar  of  incense  in  the  holy 
place;  and  while  he  was  officiating  in  that  service,  the  angel  Gabriel  appeared 
to  him,  and  foretold  to  him  the  birth  of  his  son  John  the  Baptist,  and  the  minis- 
try on  which  he  should  be  sent,  whereof  we  have  the  history  in  the  said  first 
chapter  of  St.  Luke. 

An.  5.  He)-od  ^3^3.] — The  sons  of  Mariamne  being  dead,  and  Antipater  having 
nothing  now  that  stood  in  his  way  to  the  crown  but  the  life  of  Herod,  to  get  rid 
of  him  Avas  the  thing  next  in  design;^  in  order  whereunto,  Antipater  entered 
into  a  conspiracy  with  Pheroras  and  others,^  for  the  despatching  of  him  by  poi- 
son. For  Pheroras,  though  he  had  always  found  Herod  a  kind  brother  to  him, 
was  at  this  time  very  much  out  with  him  on  the  account  of  his  wife  whom  he 
.  had  lately  married.  On  the  death  of  his  former  wife,  Herod  offered  him  one 
of  his  daughters,^  which  he  had  by  Mariamne;  but  he  being  deeply  smitten 
with  the  love  of  a  maid-servant  in  his  house,  married  her,  and  rejected  for  her 
sake  the  king's  daughter;  whereon  she  was  given  to  Phasael,  the  son  of  Phasael, 
Herod's  elder  brother.  However,  Herod  after  some  time,  to  make  up  the  dif- 
ference,* offered  him  the  other  daughter  which  he  had  by  Mariamne,  and  Phe- 
roras, to  avoid  absolutely  breaking  with  him,  consented  hereto,  and  bound  him- 
self by  an  oath,  to  solemnize  the  marriage  within  a  month;  but  at  the  month's 
end  he  refused  to  perform  his  engagement,  not  finding  in  his  heart  to  put  away 
the  wife  he  had  lately  married,  so  much  he  doated  upon  her.  This  widening 
the  breach  between  the  two  brothers,  Antipater  took  the  advantage  hereof  to 
engage  Pheroras  in  his  designs.  And  there  was  another  occasion  which  did 
set  them  farther  at  difference.  About  this  time  the  whole  nation  of  the  Jews 
being  called  upon  to  swear  allegiance  to  Augustus  and  the  king,®  the  Pharisees, 
to  the  number  of  above  seven  thousand  persons,  refused  the  oath  in  the  same 
manner  as  they  had  done  before,"  upon  a  notion  that  it  was  against  their  law  to 
yield  allegiance  to  any  prince  that  was  not  of  the  stock  of  Israel.*  Hereon 
Herod  imposed  a  fine  upon  them,*  for  the  punishment  of  the  contumacy:  this 
Pheroras's  wife,  out  of  the  zeal  she  had  for  that  sect,"  paid  all  down  for  them; 
in  requital  hereof,  those  men  (who  by  false  pretences  had  gotten  among  the  vul- 
gar, the  opinion  of  a  prophetic  spirit)  gave  out,  that  God  had  determined  the 
transferring  of  the  kingdom  from  the  line  of  Herod  to  Pheroras  and  his  issue 
by  this  woman,  which  occasioned  some  seditious  discourses  and  practices  among 
the  people:  of  which  Herod  having  gotten  information,  chiefly  by  the  means 
of  Salome,  several  of  the  Pharisees  were  taken  up  upon  it,  and  put  to  death. 
Herod  hereon  calling  a  council  of  his  friends,  did  therein  set  forth  all  this  mat- 
ter, and  charging  the  original  of  the  whole  of  it  upon  Pheroras's  Avife,  com- 
manded him  to  put  her  away,  telling  him,  that  he  must  either  disown  that  wo- 
man for  a  wife,  or  never  more  expect  to  be  owned  by  him  as  a  brother.  To 
this  Pheroras  answered,  that  nothing  should  ever  make  him  renounce  his  belov- 
ed wife;  that  he  would  rather  die  than  live  without  her.  Herod  grievously  re- 
senting this  answer,  forbade  Pheroras  his  house,  and  commanded  Antipater, 

1  2Chron.  xxiv.  2  See  Lightfoot's  Temple  Service,  chap.  6.  9.  3  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  17.  c.  1. 

4  Ibid.  Ub.  17.  c.  3.  6.  5  Ibid.  lib.  10.  c.  J 1.  6  Ibid.  lib.  17.  c.  3. 

7  Ibid.  lib.  15.  c.  13.    See  above,  under  the  year  20.  8  Deut.  xsvji.  15.  9  Joseph,  ibid. 


414  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

Doris  his  mother,  and  all  the  rest  of  his  family,  to  have  no  more  conversation 
or  correspondence  with  him  or  his  wife;  which  as  much  angering  Pheroras  as 
Herod  was  angered  against  him,  he  struck  in  the  closer  with  Antipater  in  his 
worst  designs,  and  made  himself  a  party  Avith  him  in  the  plot  to  poison  the  old 
king;'  and  that  both  of  them  might  be  out  of  the  way  when  it  should  be  exe- 
cuted, thereby  the  better  to  avoid  being  suspected  of  it,  Antipater  procured  to 
be  called  to  Rome,'^  there  to  attend  upon  Augustus,  and  Pheroras^  gladly  laid 
hold  of  the  commands  laid  upon  him  by  Herod,  to  retire  to  his  tetrarchy,  swear- 
ing never  more  to  return  as  long  as  Herod  should  live,  and  he  made  his  oath 
good.  For  although  Herod  in  a  sickness,  which  a  little  after  befel  him,  sent 
earnestly  to  speak  with  him,  he  would  not  come.  But  notwithstanding  a  little 
after,  Pheroras  falling  sick,  Herod  made  him  a  kind  visit,  and  with  great  tender- 
ness lamented  his  case,  which  soon  after  grew  so  bad  that  he  died  of  it.  After 
his  death,"*  two  of  his  freedmen  made  heavy  complaints  to  Herod,  that  he  had 
been  poisoned  by  his  wife.  Herod  on  this  making  strict  inquiry,  and  putting 
several  to  the  torture,  at  length  came  hereby  to  the  discovery  of  the  plot  which 
was  laid  against  himself  by  Antipater,  Pheroras,  and  others,  to  take  him  off  by 
poison.  This  poison  one  Antiphilus,  a  friend  of  Antipater's,  had  got  prepared 
at  Alexandria,  by  a  brother  of  his  that  there  practised  physic,  and  from  thence 
brought  it  to  Jerusalem,  and  there  deUvered  it  to  Theudion,  the  brother  of  Do- 
ris, Antipater's  mother,  who  sent  it  by  a  freedman  of  Antipater's  to  Pheroras, 
who  had  undertaken  to  get  it  to  be  given  to  Herod,  and  he  delivered  it  to  his 
wife  to  lay  up,  till  there  should  be  an  opportunity  of  executing  what  was  in- 
tended by  it.  All  which  being  made  out  by  clear  evidence,  Herod  sent  for 
Pheroras's  wife,  who  confessed  the  whole,  acknowledging  that  she  had  the  poi- 
son delivered  to  her  to  keep,  but  that  Pheroras  repenting  of  the  plot,  on  Herod's 
kind  visiting  of  him  in  his  last  sickness,  ordered  her  to  fetch  the  poison  and 
cast  it  into  the  fire  before  his  face,  and  that  she  accordingly  did  so,  except- 
ing only  that  she  reserved  a  small  part  for  herself  to  make  use  of  it,  if 
there  should  be  an  occasion.  Hereby  it  was  clearly  made  out,  that  Anti- 
pater having  procured  the  death  of  his  two  brothers  to  make  his  way  to 
the  crown,  had  now,  for  the  same  end,  laid  a  most  wicked  plot  for  the 
poisoning  of  his  father. 

While  this  was  doing  in  Judea,  the  temple  of  Janus  was  shut  up  at  Rome. 
Their  usage  was  to  lay  open  its  gates  in  the  time  of  war,  and  to  shut  them  up 
in  times  of  peace.  They  had  been  shut  only  five  times  since  the  first  building 
of  Rome.  The  first  time  was  in  the  reign  of  Numa;^  the  second,  after  the  end 
of  the  first  Punic  war;**  the  third,  after  Augustus  had  vanquished  Antony  and 
Cleopatra,'  and  reduced  thereby  the  whole  Roman  empire  to  a  quiet  submission 
to  him,  which  happened  in  the  year  before  Christ  ^9;  the  fourth  time,®  four 
years  after,  that  is,  in  the  twenty-fifth  year  before  Christ,  on  Augustus's  return 
from  the  war  which  he  had  with  the  Cantabrians  in  Spain;  and  the  fifth  time,' 
was  in  this  year,  under  the  reign  of  the  same  Augustus.  For  at  this  time  there 
was  a  general  peace  all  over  the  world,  and  it  continued  for  twelve  years  to- 
gether; which  was  a  proper  prelude  for  ushering  in  his  coming,  who  was  the 
Prince  of  Peace,  Christ  our  Lord. 

For  in  the  sixth  month  after  the  angel  Gabriel  had  appeared  to  Zecharias  in 
the  temple,^"  he  was  sent  to  Nazareth,  a  city  of  Galilee,  to  Mary,  a  virgin  of 
the  house  of  David,  lately  espoused  to  Joseph  of  the  same  hneage,  to  declare 
to  her  the  good  tidings,  that  of  her  was  to  be  born  the  Son  of  God;  whereon, 
being  overshadowed  by  the  Holy  Ghost,"  she  conceived  thereby;  and  at  the 
end  of  this  year,  Christ  the  Saviour  of  the  World  was  born  of  her. 

Augustus  having  issued  out  a  decree  for  the  taking  of  a  description  or  survey 

1  Joseph.  Autiq.  lib.  17.  c.  6.  2  Ibid.  lib.  17.  c.  4.  3  Ibid.  lib.  17.  c.  5.  4  Ibid.  lib.  17.  c.  6. 

5  Liviiis,.lib.  1.     Plularih.  in  Niima. 

6  Livius  et  Pint.  ibid.    Vcl.  Pntor.  lib.  2.  c.  38.     Florus.  lib.  2.  c.  3. 

7  Velleius  Pater,  lib.  2.  c. 'Ja.     Dion  Cassiins,  lib.  51.  p.  457.     Plut.  in  Numa.  8  Oiosius,  lib.  6.  c.  20. 
0  Ibid.  lib.  6.  c.  22.                     10  Luke  i.  26.  36.                     11  Lukei.  35. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT  415 

of  the  whole  Roman  empire,'  such  as  should  contain  an  account  of  all  the  per- 
sons, possessions,  and  estates  therein,  and  the  taxes  issuable  from  them,  it  was 
this  year  executed  in  Judea,  in  the  manner  as  St.  Luke  in  his  Gospel  relates. 
Such  an  account  used  to  be  taken  of  the  citizens  of  Rome  every  fifth  year,  and 
they  had  officers  on  purpose  appointed  for  it,  called  censors.  Their  business 
was  to  take  an  account,'  and  make  a  registration  of  all  the  Roman  citizens,  their 
wives  and  children,  with  the  age,  qualities,  trades,  offices,  and  estates  real  and 
personal,  of  all  of  them.  Augustus  first  extended  this  to  the  provinces;  and 
three  times  during  his  reign  he  caused  the  like  description  to  be  made  of  all  the 
provinces  of  the  Roman  empire.''  The  first  was  in  the  year  when  Octavianus 
Augustus  himself  was  the  sixth  time,  and  M.  Agrippa  the  second  time,  consuls, 
that  is,  in  the  year  before  the  Christian  era  28;  the  second  time  in  the  consul- 
ship of  C.  Marcius  Censorinus  and  C.  Asinius  Gallus,  that  is,  in  the  year  before 
the  Christian  era  8.  And  the  last  time,  in  the  consulship  of  Sextus  Pompeius 
Nepos  and  Sextus  Apuleius  Nepos,  that  is,  in  the  year  of  the  Christian  era  11. 
In  the  first  and  last  time,''  he  executed  this  with  the  assistance  of  a  colleague. 
But  the  second  time  he  did  it  by  himself  alone;  and  this  is  the  description 
which  St.  Luke  refers  to.  The  decree  concerning  it  was  issued  out  the  year  I 
have  mentioned,  that  is,  in  the  eighth  year  before  the  Christian  era,  which  was 
three  years  before  that  in  which  Christ  was  born.  So  long  had  the  taking  of 
this  description  or  survey  been  carrying  on  through  Syria,  Ccele-Syria,  Phceni- 
cia,  and  Judea,  before  it  came  to  Bethlehem.  And  when  it  came  thither,  Jo- 
seph, and  Mary  his  wife,  were  called  from  Nazareth  in  Galilee,^  the  place  of 
their  habitation,  to  this  city  of  Bethlehem,  the  city  of  David,  to  which,  as  being 
of  the  house  and  lineage  of  David,  they  did  originally  belong,  that  there,  as 
citizens  of  that  place,  they,  their  circumstances  and  estates,  might  be  described 
and  registered  among  those  who  were  of  the  same  house  and  family  with  them; 
.and  while  on  this  occasion  they  tarried  there,  was  it  that  INIary  was  delivered, 
and  the  promised  seed,  Christ  our  Lord,  by  whom  the  world  was  to  be  saved, 
was  then  born  of  her  in  that  place,  in  the  manner  as  in  the  Gospels  is  related. 
That  we  allow  three  years  for  the  execution  of  this  decree,  can  give  no  just 
reason  for  exception;  for  supposing  the  execution  of  it  in  every  province  of  the 
Roman  empire  to  have  been  committed  to  the  governor  of  it  (and  that  it  was 
so  in  Syria,  to  Sentius  Saturninus  the  Roman  president  of  it,®  Tertullian  doth 
attest,)  to  carry  this  work  through  all  the  countries  that  made  up  the  province 
of  Syria,  that  is,  through  Syria,  Ccele-Syria,  Phoenicia,  and  Judea;  three  years 
time  was  little  enough  for  it.  Joab''  was  nine  months  and  twenty  days  in  taking 
an  account  only  of  ten  of  the  tribes  of  Israel,®  and  of  no  more  in  them  than 
of  the  men  that  were  fit  for  the  wars.^  But  the  account  taken  by  the  decree 
of  Augustus  at  the  time  of  our  Saviour's  birth  extended  to  all  manner  of  per-i 
sons,  and  also  to  their  possessions,  estates,  qualities,  and  other  circumstances.  I 
And  when  a  description  and  survey  like  this  last  mentioned  was  ordered  by ' 
William  the  Conqueror  to  be  taken  for  England  only,  (I  mean  that  of  the 
Doomsday  Book,)  it  was  six  years  in  making;'"  and  the  Roman  province  of 
Syria  was  much  more  than  twice  as  big  as  all  England.  But  although  this  de- 
scription or  survey  was  at  this  time  made  for  Judea,  and  every  man's  estate  es- 
timated and  valued  according  as  used  to  be  done  by  the  Romans  for  the  laying 
of  their  taxes,  yet  no  payment  of  any  tax  was  there  made  upon  it  till  the 
twelfth  year  after.  Till  then  Herod,  and  after  him  Archelaus  his  son,  reigning 
in  Judea,  no  taxes  were   then  jiaid  by  the  Jews  of  that  country,  but  to  these 

1  Luke  ii,  1,  2. 

2  Censoris  officiiini  erat  omnia  patrimonii,  dignitatis,  statis,  artium,  officiornmqiie  discrimina  in  tabulas 
referre.  L.  Floras,  lib.  1.  c.  6.  Censores  populi,  iEvitates,  soboles,  familias,  pecuiiiasque  censento.  Cicero 
de  Legibus,  lib.  3. 

3  Sueton.  in  Octavio,  c.  27.  Moniimentiim  Ancyraniim,  <iuod  extat  in  notis  Casauboni  ad  Suetoniumin 
Grutero,  et  in  Leunclavii  pandectis  Turcicis. 

4  Sueton.  ibid.  5  Luke  ii.  4.  6  Adversus  iMarcioiiem,  lib.  4.  c.  10.  7  2  Satn.  xxiv.  8. 

8  For  Levi  and  Benjamin  were  not  numbered,  1  Cliron.  xxi.  (i.  0  2  Sam.  xxiv.  9.     I  Clirnn.  xxi.  5. 

10  It  was  begun  in  the  fourteenth  year  of  king  William  the  Conqueror,  and  not  finished  till  the  twentieth. 
See  Spelman's  Glossary,  under  the  word  Domesdei. 


416  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

princes  only:  but  when  in  the  said  twelfth  year,  Archelaus  was  deposed,  and 
Judea  put  under  the  command  and  government  of  a  Roman  procurator,  then 
first  were  taxes  paid  the  Romans  for  that  country,  Publius  Sulpitius  Quirinius, 
who  in  Greek  is  called  Cyrenius,  being  at  that  time  governor,  that  is,  president 
of  Syria.  If  it  be  asked  for  what  reason  then  was  this  survey  or  description 
of  Judea  made,  if  no  taxes  were  then  to  be  paid  upon  it?  the  answer  is,  Auo-us- 
tus  was  then  at  work  in  the  composure  of  a  book  containing  such  a  survey  and 
description  of  the  whole  Roman  empire,  as  that  which  our  Doomsday  Book 
doth  for  England.  In  order  whereto,  his  decree  for  this  survey  or  description 
we  now  treat  of  was  made  to  extend  to  the  depending  kingdoms,  as  well  as  to 
the  provinces  of  the  empire,  that  so  he  might  have  a  full  account  of  both  for  the 
thorough  completing  of  this  work.  However,  taxes  were  by  the  people  of  the 
provinces  only  paid  to  the  Romans,  and  those  of  the  dependant  kingdoms  to 
their  own  proper  princes.  What  tributes  the  Roman  emperors  had  from  these 
dependant  kingdoms  were  from  the  princes  of  them,  not  from  the  people.  The 
people  paid  their  taxes  to  their  princes,  and  the  princes  their  tribute  to  the  Ro- 
man emperors.  Of  the  book  which  Augustus  made  out  of  the  surveys  and  de- 
scriptions which  were  at  this  time  returned  to  him  out  of  every  province  and 
depending  kingdom  of  the  Roman  empire,  Tacitus,'  Suetonius,^  and  Dion  Cas- 
sius,^  make  mention,  and  represent  it  to  be  very  near  of  the  same  nature  with 
our  Doomsday  Book  above  mentioned.  Putting  all  this  together,  the  sum  and 
series  of  this  matter  appear  to  be  as  followeth:  Augustus,  three  years  before  the 
birth  of  Christ,  issued  out  a  decree  for  the  making  of  a  general  survey  or  de- 
scription of  the  whole  Roman  empire,  and  of  every  province  and  depending 
state  and  kingdom  in  it,  and  committed  it  to  the  care  of  the  governor  of  each 
province  to  have  it  executed;  and  Sentius  Saturninus,  being  then  president  of 
Syria,  was  charged  with  it  for  that  province,  and  the  depending  kingdoms, 
states,  and  tetrarchies,  that  were  within  it:  who  having  carried  it  on  through  all 
the  other  parts  of  his  province,  three  years  after  the  date  of  the  said  decree, 
executed  it  at  Bethlehem,  at  the  time  when  Christ  was  there  born.  But  then, 
though  the  survey  or  description  was  made  for  Judea,  as  well  as  for  all  other 
parts  of  that  province,  and  every  man's  possessions  there  were  estimated  and 
valued,  yet  no  tax  was  there  laid  or  levied  according  to  that  valuation,  till  the 
deposing  of  Archelaus,  and  the  reducing  of  Judea  under  the  Roman  govern- 
ment, in  the  twelfth  year  after,  when  Cyrenius  was  governor  of  Syria.  So  that 
there  were  two  distinct  particular  actions  in  this  matter,  done  at  two  distinct  and 
different  times;  the  first,  the  making  the  description  or  survey;  and  the  second, 
the  laying  and  levying  the  tax  thereupon.  And  what  is  in  the  first  verse  of  the 
second  chapter  of  St.  Luke,  is  to  be  understood  of  the  former  of  these:  and 
what  is  in  the  second  verse,  only  of  the  latter.  And  this  reconciles  that  evan- 
gelist with  Josephus;  for  it  is  manifest  from  that  author,  that  Cyrenius''  was  not 
governor  of  Syria,  or  any  tax  levied  upon  Judea,  till  Archelaus  was  deposed, 
and  that  country  brought  under  a  Roman  procurator;  which  was  above  eleven 
years  after  Augustus's  decree  for  making  of  the  description  above  mentioned 
was  executed  at  Bethlehem.  And  therefore,  the  making  of  this  description 
canrot  be  that  which  was  done  while  Cyrenius  was  governor  of  Syria;  but  the 
other  particular,  that  is,  the  laying  and  levying  the  tax  thereupon,  certainly  was: 
for  then  first  was  a  Roman  governor,  under  the  name  and  style  of  procurator  of 
Judea,  put  over  that  nation,  and  then  first  were  they  forced  to  pay  taxes  to  the 
Roman  emperor;  of  which  a  full  account  is  given  in  Josephus.^  And  therefore, 
if  the  second  verse  of  the  second  chapter  of  St.  Luke  be  so  rendered,  as  to  im- 

1  Hist.  lib.  ].  c.  11.  ibi  dicit  in  hoc  libello.  Opes  publics;  continebantur,  quantum  civium  sociorumque  in 
armis,  quot  classes,  regna,  provincise,  tributaaut  vectipalia,  et  necessitatfis,  et  largitiones. 

2  In  Octavio,  c.  101.  ubi  liaec  habet.  Augustus  de  tribus  voluminibus  post  se  lelictis  tertio  cnmplexus  est 
breviariurn  totius  imperii,  quantum  milituni  sub  signis  ubique  esset,  quantum  pecunjje  in  ferario,  et  fiscis, 
et  vectigalinm  residuis. 

3  Lib^  5G.  p.  591.  ubi  dicit.  Tertius  liber  summam  milituni,  redituum,  impendiorum  publicorum  pecuniffi  ia 
Thesauris,  aliaque  id  cenus  ad  principatum  pertinentia  indicabat. 

4  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  18.  c.  1. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  417 

ply  that  the  levying  of  the  tax,  according  to  the  description  mentioned  in  the 
former  verse,  was  first  executed  while  Cyrenius  was  governor  of  Syria,  this 
will  remove  all  difficulties,  and  the  text  can  well  bear  this  interpretation. 

This  year,  in  which  Christ  was  born,  is,  according  to  the  exactest  computa- 
tion (that  of  archbishop  Usher,)  the  four  thousandth  from  the  creation;  which 
falls  in  exactly  with  the  time,  where  an  old  tradition  of  the  Jews  placeth  the 
beginning  of  the  days  of  the  Messiah:  for  it  saith,'  that  the  world  was  to  last 
six  thousand  years,  of  which  two  thousand  years  were  before  the  law,  and  two 
thousand  years  under  the  law,  and  the  last  two  thousand  years  were  to  be  un- 
der the  Messiah.  This  tradition  is  said  to  be  of  great  antiquity,  and  is  still  re- 
tained with  great  veneration  among  that  people,  as  one  of  the  most  authentical 
of  this  sort.  But  its  pretending  to  foretel  when  the  world  shall  end,  which  the 
scriptures  tell  us'-*  God  hath  reserved  as  a  secret  to  himself,  suthciently  proves 
the  vanity  of  it.  However,  since  the  Jews  give  such  credit  thereto,  as  to  place 
it  among  the  most  authentic  of  their  traditions,  it  serves  against  them,  1st,  to 
prove  the  time  when,  according  to  their  own  doctrine,  the  Messiah  was  to  come; 
Sdly,  to  convict  them  of  their  gross  and  most  perverse  infidelity,  in  that  where- 
as, Christ  having  been  born  in  the  four  thousandth  year  of  the  creation,  from 
which,  according  to  their  tradition,  the  time  of  his  appearance  was  to  begin, 
they  have  now  suffered  about  one  thousand  seven  hundred  years  to  pass,  and. 
have  not  yet  acknowledged  him.  In  answer  hereto,^  they  confess  that  the  four 
thousandth  year  of  the  creation  was  the  time  from  whence  the  days  of  the 
Messiah  were  to  begin,  and  that  this  was  the  very  time  which  was  pointed  out 
by  the  prophecies  of  the  Old  Testament  for  the  time  of  his  coming;  but  say,* 
that  the  fulfilling  of  them  hath  been  delayed  by  reason  of  their  iniquities.  But 
this  is  contrary  to  a  general  received  doctrine  among  them;  for  they  hold,"*  that 
when  God  foretels  them  of  evil  to  come,  he  doth  not  always  bring  it  to  pass; 
for  on  the  repentance  of  sinners,  he  often  repents  of  the  evil  denounced  against 
them,^  as  in  the  case  of  the  Ninevites,  and  remits  his  threats,  and  pardons  the 
offenders.  But  then,  when  he  foretels  good  things  to  come,  he  never  fails  of 
their  performance.  And  for  this  reason,"  in  the  trial  of  a  prophet,  they  make 
it  a  certain  sign  of  a  false  prophet,  if  the  good  which  he  foretels  be  not  exactly 
accomplished,  but  not  so  in  a  prophecy  of  evil  things:  for  they  say,  that  God 
often  abates  of  his  threats,  but  never  of  his  promises.  And,  indeed,  there  is  this 
reason  for  it,  that  promises  transfer  a  right  to  them  to  whom  they  are  made  to 
expect  their  performance;  but  threats  give  no  right  to  any  one  to  demand  their 
execution,  but  leave  it  still  in  the  power  of  the  threatener  to  drop  or  abate  what- 
soever he  had  threatened,  according  as  he  shall  see  cause  for  the  same. 

An.  4.  Herod  .^34.] — Wise  men  from  the  east,^  of  the  sect  of  the  Magians, 
following  the  guidance  of  a  star,  came  and  worshipped  Christ  at  Bethlehem; 
and  thereon  followed  Herod's  design  to  destroy  him,  the  flight  of  Joseph  and 
Mary  with  him  into  Egypt  to  prevent  it,  and  the  murder  of  the  innocents  at 
Bethlehem,  in  the  manner  as  related  by  St.  Matthew  in  his  gospel.  Macrobius, 
a  writer  of  the  fifth  century,  tells  us,'^  that,  among  those  innocents,  Herod  slew 
a  young  son  of  his  own;  and  that  thereon  Augustus  made  this  reflection,  That 
it  was  better  to  be  Herod's  hog  than  his  son.  But  it  is  not  likely  that  Herod 
should  have  a  child  so  young  as  those  innocents  at  the  age  he  was  then  of;  the 
death  of  Antipater,  which  happened  about  that  time,  considered  with  that  of 
Alexander  and  Aristobulus,  formerly  put  to  death  by  him,  may  rather  be  thought 
to  have  given  the  occasion  for  that  sarcasm. 

For  Antipater  being  returned  from  Rome  into  Judea,^  without  knowing  what 

1  Talmud,  in  Tract.  Sanhedrin.  c.  11.  2  Matt.  xxiv.  36. 

3  Videas  Hiilsiiim  de  Tempore  Adventus  Messife,  lib.  I,  part  2. 

4  Malmonides  in  Prsefatione  ad  Seder  Zeraim,  quam  videas  Latine  versam  in  Pocockii  porta  Mosis. 

5  Jonali  iii.  10.  6  Maimonides,  ibid.  p.  17—27. 

7  Matt.  ii.  1,  2.    The  country  of  the  Magians  being  Persia,  it  is  most  likely  ihey  came  from  thence,  and 
ftom  those  parts  of  it  which  lie  about  Balsora,  that  place  lying  directly  east  from  Jerusalem. 

8  Saturnal.  lib.  2.  c.  4.  9  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  17.  c.  7.  9.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  20,  21. 

Vol.  n.— 53 


418  CX3NNEXI0N  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

had  been  discovered  against  him,  was,  on  his  arrival,  arrested  and  taken  intO' 
custody;  and  being  before  Quintilius  Varus,  then  newly  arrived  in  those  parts 
to  succeed  Sentius  Saturninus  in  the  presidency  of  Syria,  convicted  of  his  trea- 
sonable designs  for  the  poisoning  his  father,  had  sentence  of  condemnation  pass- 
ed upon  him;  which  being  confirmed  by  Augustus,  he  was  accordingly  put  to 
death  upon  it;  and,  five  days  after  that  execution,  died  Herod  himself,  in  the 
seventieth  year  of  his  age,  after  he  had  reigned,  from  the  time  of  his  being 
declared  king  at  Rome,  thirty-seven  years,  and  from  the  death  of  Antigonus, 
thirty-four.  His  death  happened  toward  the  end  of  this  year,  or  else  in  the  be- 
ginning of  the  next:  for  it  appears  from  Josephus,'  that  the  paschal  feast,  which 
was  always  celebrated  in  the  beginning  of  the  spring,  followed  soon  after. 

Knowing  the  hatred  the  Jews  bad  for  him,  he  concluded  aright,  that  there 
would  be  no  lamentation  at  his  death,  but  rather  gladness  and  rejoicing  for  it 
all  the  country  over.  To  prevent  this,  he  framed  a  project  and  resolution  in 
his  mind,^  which  was  one  of  the  most  horrid  and  most  wicked,  perchance,  that 
ever  entered  into  the  heart  of  man.  For  having  issued  out  a  summons  to  all 
the  principal  and  most  eminent  Jews  of  his  kingdom,  ccanmanding  their  appear- 
ance at  Jericho  (where  he  then  lay,)  on  pain  of  death,  at  a  day  appointed;  on 
their  arrival  thither,  he  shut  them  all  up  in  the  Circus,  and  then  sending  for 
Salome  his  sister,  and  Alexas  her  husband,  commanded  them,  that  as  soon  as 
he  was  dead,  they  should  send  in  the  soldiers  upon  them,  and  put  them  all  to 
the  sword:  for  this,  said  he,  will  provide  mourning  for  my  funeral  all  over  the 
land,  and  make  the  Jews,  in  every  family  thereof,  lament  at  my  death,  whether 
they  will  or  no;  and  when  he  had  adjured  them  hereto,  some  hours  after  he 
gave  up  the  ghost  and  died.  But  Salome  and  Alexas  not  being  wicked  enough 
to  do  what  they  had  been  made  solemnly  to  promise,  rather  chose  to  break  their 
obligation,  than  make  themselves  the  executioners  of  so  bloody  and  horrid  a  de- 
sign. And  therefore,  as  soon  as  Herod  was  dead,  they  opened  the  Circus,  and 
permitted  all  that  were  shut  up  in  it  to  return  again,  every  man  to  his  own  home, 
without  any  wrong  done  to  any  of  them.  The  history  of  this  his  most  wicked 
design  takes  off  all  objection  against  the  truth  of  his  murdering  the  innocents, 
which  may  be  made  from  the  incredibility  of  so  barbarous  and  horrid  an  act. 
For  this  thoroughly  shows,  that  there  can  nothing  be  imagined  so  cruel,  barba- 
rous, and  horrid  which  this  man  was  not  capable  of  doing.  In  most  of  his  ac- 
tions, as  described  in  this  history,  may  be  read  the  character  of  a  most  bloody, 
cruel,  and  wicked  tyrant,  but  in  none  more  than  these  two.  And  the  disease 
of  which  he  died,  and  the  misery  which  he  suffered  under  it,  plainly  show, 
that  the  hand  of  God  was  then  in  a  very  signal  manner  upon  him  for  the  pun- 
ishment of  them.  The  account  which  Josephus,^  and  from  him  Eusebius, 
gives  us  of  it  as  followeth: — 

"  Herod's  disease  grew  yet  more  and  more  bitterly  violent;  God  exacting  this 
vengeance  upon  him  for  the  punishment  of  the  many  great  enormities  he  had 
been  guilty  of.  He  had  a  slow  fever,  not  showing  itself  so  much  to  the  outward 
touch  and  feeling,  as  more  grievously  burning  him  within.  Moreover,  he  had 
a  strong  canine  appetite  for  meat,  which  nothing  could  satisfy.  His  bowels  were 
ulcerated,  especially  the  colon  gut,  from  whence  he  suffered  ^ievous  pains.  His 
feet  being  swollen,  from  thence  issued  forth  a  phlegmatic  and  shining  humour. 
Moreover,  the  disease  had  seized  the  lower  part  of  his  belly,  and  an  ulcer  broke 
out  in  his  genitals,  breeding  worms  and  lice;  besides  he  had  a  shortness  of 
breath,  and  that  very  stinking  and  unsavoury.  And  he  had  also  a  troublesome 
flux  and  rheum  with  it,  and  an  asthmatic  difficulty  of  breathing.  And  the  pa- 
tient not  having  strength  to  bear  all  this,  there  followed  a  convulsion  of  all  the 
parts  of  his  body.  And  thus  he  died,  in  horrible  pain  and  torment,  smitten  of 
God  in  this  signal  and  grievous  manner  for  his  many  enormous  iniquities." 

1  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  17.  c.  11.  2  Ibid.  lib.  17.  c.  8.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  21. 

3  Joseph.  Aniiq.  lib.  17.  c.  8.    Euseb.  Hist.  Ecclesiast.  lib.  1.  c.  8.    See  also  a  like  description  of  Herod's 
disease  in  Joseph,  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  21. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  419 

And  that  most  others  of  the  great  persecutors  of  Good's  people  have  died  the  like 
manner  of  death,  hath  been  already  observed.' 

Herod  had  nine  wives, ^  and  by  them  many  children.  Three  of  his  sons  he 
•put  to  death.  Of  the  rest  of  his  posterity  I  shall  mention  only  such  as  are  named 
in  the  scriptures;  and  they  are  these  following: — Of  Malthace,  one  of  his  wives, 
he  had  Archelaus^  and  Herod  Antipas;^  by  Cleopatra,  another  of  his  wives,  he 
had  Philip;*  and  by  Mariamne,  the  daughter  of  Simon,  the  high-priest,  Herod 
Philip.®  Aristobulus,  whom  Herod  put  to  death,  had  by  Berenice  his  wife,  king 
Agrippa  (who  slew  James,  the  brother  of  John,^  and  afterward  was  smitten  of 
God  at  Cfesarea,)^  and  Herodias  his  sister:"  she  first  married  Herod  Philip  her 
uncle,'"  and  afterward  eloped  from  him  to  marry  Herod  Antipas  his  brother.  By 
her  first  husband  she  had  Salome"  who  danced  off"  John  Baptist's  head,  for  re- 
proving Herod  Antipas  for  his  incestuous  adultery  with  her  mother.  To  this 
King  Agrippa  I.  was  born  King  Agrippa  H.'*  (before  whom  Paul  pleaded  his 
<:ause,)  and  his  two  sisters  DrusiUa  and  Berenice;  the  first  of  which  was  wife  to 
Felix,  the  procurator  or  governor  of  Judea,'^  and  the  other  was  present  with  her 
brother  at  Caesarea,'^  when  Paul's  case  was  there  heard  before  him.  Herod's 
kingdom,  after  his  death,  was  divided  between  Archelaus,  Herod  Antipas,  and 
Philip,  his  aboA'^-mentioned  sons.  Archelaus  had  Judea,  Idumsea,  and  Samaria;'* 
Philip,  Auronitis,  Trachonitis,  Paneas,  and  Batanaea;  and  Herod  Antipas,  Galilee 
and  Peraea. 

An.  3.  Archelaus  1.] — After  Herod's  death, ^^  Joseph,  being  warned  by  an 
•angel  in  a  dream,  arose,  and  took  the  young  child  and  his  mother,  and  returned 
out  of  Egypt  into  the  land  of  Israel;  and  there  he  and  Mary  his  wife  settled 
■again  at  Nazareth  in  Galilee,  the  place  of  their  former  habitation;  and  there 
Jesus  grew  up  and  dwelt  with  them,  till  the  time  that  he  entered  on  his  public 
ministration. 

And  having  thus  brought  down  this  work  to  the  birth  of  our  Saviour,  and 
here  given  a  full  account  of  it,  I  should  leave  what  henceforth  ensues  to  the 
Christian  ecclesiastical  historian,  to  whom  it  properly  belongs;  but  that  the  con- 
nexion of  the  Old  Testament  with  the  New,  not  seeming  fully  to  be  made, 
but  where  the  grand  prophecies  concerning  the  Messiah,  which  we  have  in  the 
Old  Testament,  are  completed  in  the  New,  I  am  necessitated,  so  far  as  this  re- 
quires, to  go  into  the  times  of  the  gospel;  but  shall  treat  of  them  only  in  respect 
to  the  events  in  which  these  prophecies  are  fulfilled,  and  such  particulars  as 
lead  to  the  explication  of  them,  and  that  in  so  short  a  manner  as  I  can.  For  a 
fuller  histor}''  of  those  times,  I  refer  the  learned  reader  to  the  centuriators  of  Mag- 
deburgh  and  Boronius's  Annals;  and  the  English  reader  to  the  Ecclesiastical 
History  of  Mr.  Laurence  Echard,  which  is  the  best  of  its  kind  in  the  English 
tongue  for  the  times  which  it  treats  of. 

An.  i2.  Archelaus  2.] — The  Armenians  rebelling,  and  the  Parthians  confedera- 
ting with  them  for  their  support,  Augustus""  sent  Caius  Csesar,  his  grandson,  a 
youth  only  nineteen  years  old,  into  the  east  against  them. 

An.  1.  Archelaus  3.] — Who,  from  Egypt  (where  he  first  went,)  passing 
through  Judea  in  his  way  toward  Armenia,'^  would  not  offer  any  sacrifice  at  Je- 
rusalem, expressing  by  this  refusal,  the  contempt  which  he  had  for  the  Jewish 
religion;  which  Augustus  approving  of,  commended  him  for  it. 

An.  post  Christum  Dionysiano  1.  Archelaus  4.] — The  Christian  era  begun  four 
years  after  the  birth  of  Christ.  How  this  era  was  first  brought  into  use  by  Dio- 
nysius  Exiguus  in  the  sixth  century,  and  how  he  mistook  in  the  wrong  placing 
the  beginning  of  it,  hath  been  already  shown  in  the  preface  to  the  first  part  of 

1  Part  2,  book  3.  2  Joseph,  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  1.  c.  18.  et  Antiq.  lib.  18.  c.  7.  3  Matt,  ii.22. 

4  Matt.  xiv.  1.  3.  t).    Mark  vi.     Luke  iii.  viii.  ix.  xiii.  sxiii.    Acts  iv.  27.  5  Luke  iii.  1. 

6  Matt.  xiv.  3.     Mark  vi.  17.  7  Acts  xii.  1,  2.  8  Acts  xii.  20—23. 

9Matt.  xiv.  3.    Mark.  vi.  17.  10  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  J8.  c,  7.  11  Matt.  xiv.  6—1.  Mark  vi.  21—28, 

12  Acts  XXV.  xxvi.  13  Acts  xxiv.  24.  14  Acts  xxv.  23. 

15  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  17.  c.  13.    See  also  Matt.  ii.  22.  Luke  iii.  16  Matt.  ii.  19—23. 

17  Zonarus  ex  Dione.  18  Sueton.  in  Octavio,  c.93.    Orosius,  lib.  7.  c.  3. 


420  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

this  History.  As  I  have  hitherto  reckoned  by  the  years  before  the  beginning 
of  this  era,  so  henceforth  I  shall  reckon  by  the  years  after  it. 

Jin.  2.  Jlrchelaus  5.] — Tiberius'  was  recalled  from  Rhodes  in  the  eighth  year 
of  his  retreat  thither,  and  returned  again  to  Rome. 

Jin.  3.  Jlrchelaus  6.] — Caius  Caesar  having  received  a  wound  in  Armenia,^  on 
his  return  from  thence,  died  of  it  at  Limyra,  a  city  of  Lycia,  Lucius  his  brother 
having  been  sent  into  Spain, ^  died  at  Marseilles  in  his  way  thither  the  year  be- 
fore. They  were  the  sons  of  M.  Agrippa,  by  Julia,  Augustus's  daughter:  and 
therefore,  being  his  grandsons,  were  adopted  by  him,  and  intended  for  his  suc- 
cessors in  the  empire.  For  which  reason,  it  is  supposed,  their  death^  was  pro- 
cured by  the  fraud  of  Livia;  the  wife  of  Augustus,  to  make  way  for  Tiberius, 
her  son  by  her  former  husband,  to  be  his  successor  in  their  stead. 

^n.  4.  Jlrchelaus  7.] — The  Julian  calendar,  on  the  leaving  out  of  the  third 
superfluous  year,  in  manner  as  hath  been  above  related,^  Avas  again  brought 
into  due  order,  and  hath  so  continued  ever  since  in  the  countries  where  it  is 
observed. 

Augustus,  on  the  death  of  Caius  and  Lucius  his  grandsons,  adopted'^  Tibe- 
rius, and  thereby  pointed  him  out  for  his  successor  in  the  empire.  Livia  had 
another  son  by  her  former  husband  called  Drusus,  who  died  ten  years  before, 
while,  in  the  time  of  his  second  consulship,  he  was  following  the  German  wars, 
He  having  left  behind  him  a  son  of  great  worth,  named  Germanicus,"  Augus- 
tus, when  he  adopted  Tiberius,  at  the  same  time  forced  him  to  adopt  this  Ger- 
manicus. 

An.  7.  Archelaus  10.] — Archelaus  having  committed  many  great  and  tyran- 
nical maleadministrations  in  his  governm.ent,'^  ambassadors  came  to  Rome,  both 
from  the  Jews  and  the  Samiiritans,  to  accuse  him  hereof  before  Augustus; 
whereon  he  Avas  called  to  Rome  to  answer  for  them. 

An.  8.  Augustus  38.] — On  his  appearing  there,  not  being  able  to  justify  him- 
self before  the  emperor,  but  being  found  guilty  of  all  that  was  charged  upon 
him,"  he  was  deposed  from  his  principality,  had  all  his  goods  condemned  to  be 
confiscated,  and  he  himself  was  banished  to  Vienna  in  Gallia,  after  he  had 
reigned  in  Judea  ten  years. 

Hereon  Augustus,^"  having  appointed  Publius  Sulpitius  Quirinius  (who  ac- 
cording to"  the  Greek  way  of  writing  that  name,  is  by  St.  Luke  called  Cyrenius) 
to  be  president  of  Syria,''  sent  him  into  the  east  to  seize  the  country  which  Ar- 
chelaus had  hitherto  reigned  over,  and  reduce  it  to  the  form  of  a  Roman  pro- 
vince; and  Coponius,  a  Roman  of  the  equestrian  order,  was  sent  with  him  to 
take  on  him  the  government  of  it,  under  the  title  of  procurator  of  Judea.  On 
their  arrival  at  Jerusalem,  they  seized  all  Archelaus's  goods,  according  to  the 
sentence  of  confiscation  passed  against  him  by  Augustus,  and  having  in  a  great 
part  abolished  the  Jewish  polity,  established  the  Roman  in  its  stead,  and  Copo- 
nius took  on  him,  in  the  name  of  Augustus,  the  administration  of  it,  but  still  in 
subordination  to  the  president  of  Syria,  Judea  being  made  a  part  of  that  pro- 
vince. After  this,'^  the  power  of  hfe  and  death  was  taken  out  of  the  hands  of 
the  Jews, , and  placed  wholly  in  the  Roman  procurator,  and  his  subordinate  offi- 
cers; and  taxes  were  thenceforth  paid  immediately  to  the  Roman  emperor. 
The  description  and  registration  of  every  man's  possession  was  made  eleven 
years  before  by  Sentius  Saturninus:  but  the  laying  and  levying  of  the  taxes 
according  thereto  was  not  put  in  execution  till  that  country  was  reduced  into 
the  form  of  a  Roman  province  by  Cyrenius,  then  governor  of  Syria  in  the  man- 
ner I  have  mentioned.    The  raising  of  these  taxes'*  caused  great  disturbancea 

1  Sueton.  ill  Tiberio,  c.  13.  2  Velleius  Paterculus,  lib.  2.  c.  102.    Tacitus  Annal.  lib.  1.  c.  3. 

3  Velleiiis  ibid.    Tacitus  lb.  lib.  1.  c.  .3.    Suetonius  in  Octavio,  c.  65.  4  Tacitus  Annal.  lib.  1.  c.  3. 

5  Macrob.  Saturnal.  lib.  1.  c.  14.     Solinus,  c.  3. 

C  Velleius  Paterculus,  lib.  2.  c.  103.    Sueton.  in  Tiberio,  c.  21. 

7  Suetonius  in  Tiberio,  c.  15.    Tacitus  Annal.  lib.  1.  c.  8.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  55. 

8  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  17.  c.  15.  et  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  2.  9  Ibid.  10  Joseph  Ibid.  lib.  18.  c.  1. 
n  Strabo  writes  it  Kufiv.o;,  lib.  12.  p.  569.             12  John  xviii.  31.    See  Lightfoot  on  tliis  place. 

13  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  18.  c.  1.  et  2.  de  Bello  Judaico,  lib.  2.  c.  12, 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  421 

among  the  Jews,  many  opposing  it,  some  under  the  notion  of  a  universal  liberty 
that  they  were  to  have  no  king  but  God;  and  others,  that  they  were  not  to  own 
a  king,  by  paying  taxes  to  him,  that  was  of  a  foreign  nation,  because  the  law 
commanded'  not  to  set  a  stranger,  which  is  not  of  their  brethren,  to  be  king 
over  them.  The  first  was  headed  by  one^  Judas  of  Galilee,  a  turbulent  and  sedi- 
tious man,  of  whom  mention  is  made  in  the  Acts  of  the  Apostles  (chap.  v. 
ver.  37;)  but  he  was  soon  cut  off,  and  all  his  followers  suppressed.  But  the 
other  notion  of  not  owning  a  foreigner  to  be  their  king  still  remained:  for  it  was 
a  doctrine  held  and  taught  by  the  Pharisees,  the  predominant  sect  of  the  Jews, 
and  from  them  imbibed  by  the  generality  of  that  people.  And  hence  it  was, 
that  in  the  time  of  our  Saviour's  ministration,  they  had  made  it  a  question, 
Whether  they  were  to  pay  tribute  to  Caesar  or  no?  For  though  they  were  forced 
to  submit  hereto,  yet,  as  to  the  legality  of  the  thing,  they  generally  held  it  in 
the  negative.  And  this  was  the  reason  that  the  publicans,  that  is,  those  of  that 
nation  who  were  employed  under  the  Romans  for  the  gathering  of  those  taxes, 
were  in  so  great  odium  and  detestation  among  them;  for  they  looked  on  their 
employment  as  a  constant  breach  of  their  law%  and  them  for  their  acting  therein 
as  apostates  from  it,  and  the  worst  of  men,  such  as  were  not  to  be  drunk  or 
eaten  with,  or  admitted  to  common  conversation.  And  hence  it  is,  that  in  the 
gospels  we  find  publicans  and  sinners  so  often  joined  together,  and  our  Saviour 
so  often  reproached  for  conversing  with  them. 

At  the  same  time  that  Cyrenius  was  in  Judea,  on  the  settling  of  this  matter 
of  the  tax,^  he  deposed  Joazar,  the  son  of  Boethus,  from  being  high-priest,  and 
appointed  Annas,  the  son  of  Seth,  to  succeed  him  in  that  ofHce;  in  which  he 
continued  several  years. 

In  the  same  year  while  this  was  a-doing,''  our  Saviour  being  then  in  the 
twelfth  year  of  his  age,  went  up  to  Jerusalem  with  Joseph  and  Mary  to  the 
passover,  and  there  first  appeared  in  the  prophetic  office,  and  the  business  of 
his  father,  on  which  he  was  sent,  in  sitting  among  the  doctors  in  the  temple, 
and  there  declaring  the  truth  of  God  unto  them.  This  was  his  first  signal 
coming  to  his  temple,^  foretold  by  the  prophet  Malachi,  whereby,  according  to 
the  prophet  Haggai,'^  the  glory  of  this  latter  house  was  made  to  be  much  greater 
than  that  of  the  former.  He  had  been  personally  there  before,  but  now  first 
ministerially,  as  the  messenger  of  the  covenant,  whereby  the  messages  of  life 
and  salvation  were  revealed  unto  men.  And  on  this  his  coming  began  to  be 
fulfilled  that  signal  prophecy  of  Jacob,''  "  The  sceptre  shall  not  depart  from 
Judah,  nor  a  lawgiver  from  between  his  feet,  until  Shiloh  come."  That  by 
Shiloh  is  here  meant  the  Messiah,  is  on  all  hands  agreed:  and  at  the  time  of  this 
his  coming,  Cyrenius  having  reduced  Judea  into  the  form  of  a  Roman  province, 
and  instead  of  their  former  governors  of  their  own  nation,  placed  a  Roman  pro- 
curator over  them;  then  began  the  fulfilling  of  this  prophecy,  which  sixty-two 
years  after  was  fully  completed  in  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem;  for  then,  that 
is,  at  the  time  of  this  reduction  of  Judea  to  a  Roman  province,  the  sceptre  and 
the  lawgiver  from  betw^een  their  feet  began  to  be  taken  from  them;  of  which,  in 
the  destruction  of  the  temple  and  city  of  Jerusalem  by  Titus,  they  were  wholly 
deprived,  and  have  never  since  had  them  again  restored. 

For  the  fuller  explication  of  this  prophecy,  and  of  the  manner  of  its  comple- 
tion, these  following  particulars  are  to  be  observed,  1st,  By  the  sceptre  in  Judah 
is  meant  the  sovereignty  in  it,  and  by  a  lawgiver  from  between  his  feet,  the  ad- 
ministration of  justice  by  those  of  that  same  nation,  and  according  to  their  own 
laws:  and  both  put  together,  imply  such  a  political  constitution  of  government, 
as  that  whereby  a  nation  is  governed  by  its  own  princes;  and  this  was  that  which 
was  not  to  depart  from  Judah  till  Shiloh  should  come,  iidly.  This  constitution 
of  government  all  Israel  was  possessed  of,  from  their  coming  out  of  Egypt  to 
the  time  of  the  prevaiUng  of  the  Assyrian  empire,  they  being  till  then  under 

1  Dent.  xvii.  15.  2  Joseph,  ibid.  3  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  18.  c.  3.  4  Luke  ii.  41 — 19. 

5  Malachi  iii.  1.  6  Ilaggai  ii.  9.  7  Gen.  xlix.  10. 


422  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

their  own  princes  (that  is,  first  judges,  and  afterward  kings,)  and  governed  by 
their  own  laws.  But,  3dly,  When  the  kings  of  Assyria  had  extended  their  em- 
pire on  this  side  the  Euphrates,  as  far  as  Palestine,  ten  of  the  tribes  of  Israel 
being  carried  into  captivity,  the  sceptre  then  departed  from  those  tribes,  and  the 
lawgiver  from  between  their  feet:  for  their  princes  and  their  laws  being  then 
taken  away  from  them,  they  were  never  after  that  any  more  a  people;  but,  being 
scattered  among  the  heathen  nations  of  the  east,  their  name  and  their  nation 
were  absorbed  and  lost  in  them,  and  they  have  never  since  been  any  more 
heard  of.  But,  4thly,  The  tribe  of  Judah,  though  they  fell  under  the  like  cap- 
tivity, yet  afterward  returned  from  it  into  their  own  land,  and  had  there  their 
sceptre  and  lawgiver  again  restored  to  them:  for  being  there  embodied  again 
under  the  same  constitution  of  government,  they  had  again  princes  of  their  own 
to  be  rulers  over  them,  and'  the  administration  of  justice  under  them  by  their 
own  laws,  in  the  same  manner  as  before;  and  so  they  continued  to  have  with- 
out interruption  (excepting  only  the  three  years  and  a  half  of  Antiochus's  per- 
secution,) till  the  time  that  Coponius  Avas  made  procurator  of  Judea.  But 
then^  the  power  of  life  and  death  being  taken  from  them,  and  placed  in  a 
foreign  governor,  and  justice  being  thenceforth  administered  by  the  laws  of 
Rome,  instead  of  those  of  their  own  nation,  then  truly  began  the  sceptre  to  de- 
part from  Judah,  and  the  lawgiver  from  between  his  feet;  and  this  departure  was 
fully  completed  in  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem  sixty-two  years  after,  and  therein 
this  prophecy  had  its  entire  accomplishment.  Till  then,  some  few  remains  of 
their  power  were  still  left  among  them:  for  they  had  still  their  sanhedrin  or  na- 
tional council,  and  they  had  still  their  high-priest,  with  some  shadow  of  au- 
thority still  lodged  in  both;  and,  in  the  administration  of  justice,  some  regard 
was  still  had  by  the  Roman  governors  to  their  old  national  law.  But  after  the 
temple  and  city  of  Jerusalem  were  destroyed  by  Titus,  all  this  was  absolutely 
and  wholly  abolished;  and  from  that  time  neither  the  sceptre  nor  the  lawgiver 
hath  been  any  more  found  among  them.  For  although  near  one  thousand  six 
hundred  and  fifty  years  are  now  passed  since  that  destruction,  and  great  num- 
bers of  this  people  swarm  all  over  the  world,  yet  they  have  never  been  able  to 
embody  again  into  a  nation,  either  in  their  own  or  any  other  land;  or  have  they 
to  this  day  ever  found  a  place  where  they  could  re-establish  their  old  constitu- 
tion of  law,  or  have  a  prince  of  their  own  to  govern  them  by  it.  As  to  their^ 
iEchmalotarcha  at  Babylon,  if  that  officer  be  still  there  in  being,  he  is  no  more 
than  what  their  Alabarcha  was  at  Alexandria,  their  Ethnarcha  at  Antioch,  or 
their  Episcopus  Judeeorum  in  England,  that  is,  the  head  of  that  sect  in  that 
place,  without  sword  or  sceptre,  or  any  power  of  coercion,  or  authority  of  juris- 
diction, but  what  he  hath  by  the  voluntary  submission  of  the  Jews  of  that  coun- 
try, which  was  the  old  Babylonian  province.  And  therefore  nothing  can  be 
more  vain  than  what  the  Jews  urge  as  to  this  matter,  that  is,  that  in  this  ^ch- 
malotarcha  is  still  preserved  both  the  sceptre  and  the  lawgiver  in  the  tribe  of 
Judah;  and  that  therefore  the  prophecy  of  Jacob  above  mentioned  is  not  yet  ful- 
filled, nor  the  Messiah  as  yet  come. 

But  against  what  I  have  here  said  of  the  explication  and  fulfilling  of  this  pro- 
phecy it  may  be  objected,  that  after  the  Babylonish  captivity  we  find  none,  ex- 
cepting Zerubbabel  to  have  had  the  government  of  the  Jewish  nation  that  were 
of  the  tribe  of  Judah;  that  the  high-priests  had  mostly  the  regency  of  the  land, 
who  were  of  the  tribe  of  Levi;  and  that  after  the  Asmonean  princes,  Herod  and 
Archelaus  his  son  reigned  in  Judea,  who  were  descendants  of  the  Idumeans, 
and  not  of  any  of  the  tribes  of  Israel.  To  this  I  answer,  that  after  the  captivity, 
the  tribe  of  Judah  swallowed  all  else  that  were  left  of  the  other  tribes  of  Israel, 
and  all  from  that  time  were  called  Jews,  and  reckoned  as  one  of  the  sons  of  Ju- 

1  See  the  charter  they  had  for  this  from  Artaxerxes  Longimanus,  king  of  Persia,  Ezra  vii. 

2  John  xviii.  31. 

3  i.  e.  The  head  of  the  captivity.  Such  an  officer  the  Babylonish  Jews  had,  to  whom  they  paid  a  volun- 
tary submission.  He  was  always  chosen  by  them  out  of  the  house  of  David.  But  this  office  hath  been  long 
since  antiquated,  tliough  some  of  the  Jews  pretend,  that  it  is  there  still  in  being  even  to  this  day. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  423 

dah.  And  as  to  Herod,'  Nicolas  of  Damascus,  who  lived  in  his  court,  attests 
him  to  have  been  descended  from  one  of  those  Jewish  famihes  which  returned 
from  the  Babylonish  captivity.  But  whether  this  were  so  or  not,  it  is  no  where 
denied  but  that  he  Avas  descended  from  ancestors  who  had  by  proselytism  been 
long  engrafted  into  the  name  and  nation  of  the  Jews,  and  thereby  been  made  at 
least  adopted  sons  of  the  tribe  of  Judah;  and  therefore,  he  cannot  be  reckoned 
as  a  stranger  to  it. 

The  sum  therefore  is:  the  sceptre  and  the  lawgiver  remained  among  the 
Jews  till  both  began  to  be  taken  from  them  by  the  Romans,  on  their  reducing 
Judea  into  the  form  of  a  Roman  province;  and  then  Christ,  the  Shiloh  pro- 
mised, began  his  coming,  as  the  Messiah,  by  then  first  entering  on  his  father's 
business  for  which  he  was  sent.  And  that  this  exactly  fell  in  with  the  time  of 
this  change,  plainly  appears:  for  Christ  was  then  in  the  twelfth  year  of  his  age;* 
and  the  twelfth  year  from  Christ's  birth  was  that  whereon  Coponius  entered  on 
his  government:  for  Herod  lived  one  year  after  the  birth  of  Christ;  and  after 
the  death  of  Herod, ^  Archelaus  reigned  ten  years,  and  the  next  year  after  the 
Romans  seized  Judea,  and  made  it  a  province  of  their  empire.  Christ  therefore 
first  appeared  in  the  temple  as  the  Messiah  at  that  very  time  when  the  sceptre 
and  the  lawgiver  first  began  to  depart  from  Judah;  and  the  sixty-two  years  after 
that,  this  departure  was  fully  completed  in  the  destruction  of  the  temple  and 
city  of  Jerusalem,  and  the  utter  abolishing  of  the  whole  Jewish  policy  and  con- 
stitution of  government  in  that  land,  which  hath  never  since,  either  there  or 
any  where  else,  been  again  revived. 

An.  10.  Augustus  40.] — Marcus  Ambivius"  was  sent  by  Augustus  to  be  pro- 
curator of  Judea,  in  the  place  of  Coponius.  And  this  same  year  died  Salome 
the  sister  of  Herod,  a  woman  who,  by  her  crafty  and  malicious  intrigues,  had 
caused  great  mischief  in  her  brother's  family. 

An.  1'2.  Augustus  42.  Tiberius  1.] — Tiberius^  was  admitted  into  co-partner- 
ship of  command  and  sovereignty  with  Augustus  in  all  the  provinces  and  armies 
of  the  Roman  empire,  and  a  decree  passed  both  the  senate  and  the  people  of 
Rome  to  confirm  him  in  it.  And  from  hence  the  fifteenth  year  of  Tiberius, 
mentioned  in  the  Gospel  of  St.  Luke,  is  to  be  reckoned. 

An.  13.  Augustus  43.  Tiberius  2.] — Augustus  having  called  Ambivius  from 
Judea,  sent  thither  Annius  Rufus  to  be  procurator  of  that  province  in  his  stead. 

An.  14.  Augustus  44.  Tiberius  3.] — Augustus  Caesar''  died  at  Nola  in  Campa- 
nia, on  the  19th  of  August,  after  he  had  lived  seventy-six  years  wanting  thirty- 
five  days;  for  he  was  born  on  the  23rd  of  September,  in  the  sixty -third  year  before 
the  Christian  era,  and  died  on  the  19th  of  August  in  the  fourteenth  year  of  that  era. 
The  time  of  his  reign  was  just  fifty-six  years,  reckoning  it  from  the  time  of  his 
entering  on  his  first  consulship,  which  was  on  the  same  day  of  the  year  in 
which  he  died:  but  if  we  reckon  it  from  the  Actiac  victory,  his  reign  will  then 
be  forty-four  years,  wanting  fourteen  days;  for  that  victory  was  gained  on  the 
2nd  of  September,  and  the  day  of  his  death  was  the  19th  of  August,  as  hath 
been  already  here  mentioned.  And  the  Actiac  victory  being  that  which  gave 
him  the  whole  Roman  empire,  and  absolute  sovereignty  over  it,  by  that  we 
here  reckon  the  years  of  his  reign  after  the  deposition  of  Archelaus,  and  the 
making  Judea  a  province  of  the  Roman  empire.  On  his  death,"  he  was  suc- 
ceeded by  Tiberius,  the  son  of  Livia  his  wife  by  her  former  husband.  He  had 
been  made  his  partner  before  in  the  supreme  command  of  the  provinces  and 
armies,  but  now  the  whole  empire  devolved  on  him,  and  that  not  only  in  the 
provinces  and  armies,  but  also  in  the  sovereign  city  of  Rome  itself,  and  thereby 
he  became,  in  the  same  manner,  as  Augustus  had  been  before,  lord  of  all.  He 
was  fifty-five  years  old  when  he  first  entered  on  this  succession,  and  reigned 

1  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  14.  c.  2.  2    Luke  ii.  42.  3  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  17.  e.  15. 

4  Ibid.  lib.  18.  c  3.  5  Velleius  Patercul.  lib.  2.  c.  121.    Sueton.  in  Tiberio,  o.  21. 

6  Ibid.  lib.  2.  c.  123.     Sueton.  in  Octavio.  c.  100.     Tacitus,  lib.  1.  c.  5.  7.     Dion  Cassius,  lib.  .W.  p.  589,  590. 

7  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  18.  c.  3.  Velleius  Patercul.  lib.  2.  c.  124.  Tacit  Annal.  lib.  1.  c.  7.  Sueton.  in  Tibe- 
rio, c.  24.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  57. 


424  CONNEXION"  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF 

from  this  time  over  the  whole  Roman  empire'  twenty-two  years,  seven  months^ 
and  seven  days. 

An.  15.  Tiberius  4. — 1.] — Tiberius'  sent  Valerius  Gratus  into  Judea,  to  be 
procurator  of  that  province  in  the  place  of  Annius  Rufus;  in  which  government 
he  continued  eleven  years. 

An.  17.  Tiberius  (3. — 3.] — The  death  of  Archelaus  king  of  Cappadocia,  and 
of  Antiochus  king  of  Commagena,  and  Philopater  king  of  Cilicia,  which  all 
happened  the  same  year,  causing  some  disturbances  in  those  countries,^  Tibe- 
rius laid  hold  on  this  occasion  to  recall  Germanicus  from  his  Germanic  legions 
(where  he  feared  his  power  and  interest  with  the  soldiery,)  to, send  him  into 
the  east,  pretending  that  those  disturbances  could  no  otherwise  be  removed  than 
by  the  wisdom  of  Germanicus;  and  therefore  caused  a  decree  to  pass  the  se- 
nate, whereby  was  committed  to  his  charge  the  government  of  all  the  provinces 
of  the  east  beyond  the  vEgean  sea. 

All.  18.  Tiberius  7. — 4.] — Germanicus,'*  passing  into  the  east,  reduced  Cap- 
padocia and  Commagena  into  the  form  of  Roman  provinces;  and  having  quieted 
the  disturbances  that  were  in  Armenia,  made  Zeno,  the  son  of  Polemon  king 
of  Pontus,  king  of  that  country,  to  the  great  satisfaction  both  of  the  nobility  and 
populacy  of  it,  he  having  been  bred  among  them,  and  made  himself  always  ac- 
ceptable to  them.  After  this  he  marched  into  Syria,  and  there  took  up  his 
winter-quarters.  C.  Piso  was  then  president  of  that  province.  °  He  was  sent 
thither  at  the  same  time  that  Germanicus  went  into  the  east;  and  his  private 
commission  from  Tiberius  was,  to  be  a  curb  and  a  check  upon  Germanicus,  and 
to  create  him  all  the  trouble  and  vexation  he  was  able;  and  he  failed  not  exe- 
cuting to  the  utmost  all  that  was  given  him  in  charge  as  to  this  matter. 

An.  19.  Tiberius  8. — 5.] — Germanicus  in  the*'  spring  passed  from  Syria  into 
Egypt,  and  there  took  a  view  of  all  the  curiosities  of  that  country,  sailing  up 
the  Nile  from  Canopus,  as  far  as  the  borders  of  Ethiopia.  On  his  return  into 
Syria,'  he  fell  sick,  and  died  at  Antioch  of  poison,  administered  to  him  by  the 
fraud  of  Piso  and  Blancina  his  wife;  so  Germanicus  complained  in  his  sick- 
ness, and  so  it  was  generally  thought;  and  it  was  not  doubted,  but  that  it  was 
by  secret*  instruction  from  Tiberius  himself  that  this  villanous  act  was  done. 
Germanicus  had  by  many  eminent  qualifications  gained  the  esteem  and  affec- 
tion of  all  men  to  a  high  degree:  this  produced  such  an  envy  and  jealousy  in 
Tiberius,  that  he  could  not  rest  till  by  these  treacherous  means  he  had  pro- 
cured his  death.  This^  caused  a  general  grief  and  mourning  all  over  the  em- 
pire, especially  at  Rome,  and  also  a  rage  and  wrath  equal  thereto,  against  Piso 
and  his  wife,  the  supposed  authors  of  his  death. 

An.  20.  Tiberius  9. — 6.] — And  therefore,  as  soon  as  they  returned  to  Rome,"^ 
they  M^ere  both  arraigned  for  it  before  the  senate.  But  Piso  there  finding  his 
condemnation  unavoidable,  fell  on  his  own  sword  to  prevent  the  sentence,  and 
so  died  by  his  own  hands. 

An.  23.  Tiberius  12. — 9.] — Valerius  Gratus^'  having  removed  Annas  from  be- 
ing high-priest,  after  he  had  been  fifteen  years  in  the  office,  substituted  Ishraael, 
the  son  of  Fabus,  in  his  place. 

An.  24.  Tiberius  13. — 10.] — But  in  the  next  year  after,  being  displeased  with 
his  choice,  he  again  removed  Ishmael,"  and  promoted  to  this  office  Eleazar  the 
son  of  that  Annas  Avhom  he  had  lately  deposed  from  it. 

An.  25.  Tiberius  14. — 11.] — But  after  a  year's  time,"  he  removed  him  also, 
and  made  Simon,  the  son  of  Camith,  high-priest  in  his  stead,  who  continued  in 
this  office  no  longer  than  his  predecessor. 

An.  2G.  Tiberius  15. — 12.] — For  the  next  year  after  was  appointed  to  suc- 

1  Dion  Cassius,  lib.  58.  p.  039.  2  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  18.  c.  3. 

3  Tacitus  Annal.  lib.  2.  c.  5.  42, 43.    Joseph,  ibid.  4  Ibid.  lib.  2.  c.  54.  56.    Sueton.  in  Caligula,  c.  1. 

5  Ibid.  lib.  2.  c,  55.  6  Ibid.  Ub.  2.  c.  59—61. 

7  Tacitus  Annal.  lib.  2.  c.  69—72.    Sueton.  in  Caligula,  c.  1.  8  Sueton.  in  Caligula,  c.  2. 

9  Tacitus  Annal.  lib.  2.  r.  71,  72.    Sueton.  in  Caligula,  c.  5,  6. 

10  Tacitus  Annal.  lib.  3.  c.  10—15.    Dion  Cassius,  lib.  57.  p.  615.  11  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  18. c.  3. 


THE  OLD  AND  NEW  TESTAMENT.  425 

ceed  him,'  by  the  same  Gratus,  Joseph,  surnamed  Caiaphas,"  the  son-in-law  of 
Annas  above  mentioned;  which  two  were  the  high-priests  that  are  spoken  of 
in  the  gospels  to  have  had  the  chief  hand  in  the  prosecuting  of  our  Saviour  to 
his  crucifixion.'  And  this  same  year  Valerius  Gratus  being  recalled,*  Pontius 
Pilate  was  sent  by  Tiberius  to  be  procurator  of  Judea  in  his  stead,  a  man  tho- 
roughly prepared  for  all  manner  of  iniquity;  which  he  accordingly  executed 
through  his  whole  government.  Philo  Judaeus  chargeth  him  to  have  been  guilty 
therein  of  selling  justice,*  and  giving  any  sentence  for  money,  of  rapines,  of  in- 
juries, of  murders,  of  unjust  tormentings,  of  putting  men  arbitrarily  to  death, 
without  process  or  sentence  of  law,  and  of  excessive  cruelty  through  his  whole  ad- 
ministration; and  by  such  a  hardened  temper  of  iniquity  he  was  thoroughly  fitted 
for  the  giving  of  that  unjust  sentence,  whereby  he  condemned  to  death  Him  that 
is  the  Lord  of  Life. 

This  year  was  the  fifteenth  of  Tiberius,  from  the  time  that  he  was  admitted 
to  reign  in  copartnership  with  Augustus.-  And  this  was  that  fifteenth  year  of 
the  reign  of  Tiberius  mentioned  by  St.  Luke,^  in  which  St.  John  the  Baptist 
first  preached  the  baptism  of  repentance  for  the  remission  of  sins.^  And  there- 
in the  gospel  of  Jesus  Christ  had  its  beginning:^  for  Christ  appeared  for  the  re- 
veaUng  of  this  gospel  first  by  this  his  messenger  sent  before  his  face,  to  prepare 
the  way  for  his  personal  appearance;  which  was  accordingly  made  by  him  three 
years  and  a  half  after.  First,  therefore,  John  the  Baptist  begun  the  ministry 
of  the  gospel  in  this  fifteenth  year  of  Tiberius,  and  continued  in  it  for  three 
years  and  a  half;  that  is,  he  begun  it  about  the  time  of  the  paschal  feast,  and 
continued  it  till  the  feast  of  tabernacles  in  the  fourth  year  after.  And  then, 
John  being  cast  into  prison,"  Christ  appeared  to  take  it  on  him  in  person,  and 
personally  carried  it  on  three  years  and  a  half  more.  So  that  the  whole  term 
of  Christ's  ministry,  whUe  he  was  here  on  earth,  as  executed  first  vicariously 
by  John,  his  forerunner,  and  afterward  personally  by  himself,  was  exactly  seven 
years;  and  these  seven  years  constituted  the  last  of  the  seventy  weeks  in  Dan- 
iel's prophecy.'"  How  at  the  beginning  of  this  week  ended  the  sixty-two  weeks 
of  this  prophecy,  which  pointed  out  the  time  of  the  coming  of  Christ  in  the 
ministry  of  his  gospel,  and  how  this  last  week  then  begun,  and  how  in  that 
week  the  covenant  was  confirmed  with  many,  and  how  in  the  last  half  of  it  the 
Levitical  sacrifices  and  oblations  were  made  to  cease,  and  in  the  conclusion  of 
the  said  weeks  the  Messiah  was  cut  off,  hath  been  already  shown  in  the  first 
part  of  this  history;  and  therefore  I  need  not  here  again  repeat  it. 

An.  33.  Tiberius  19.] — At  the  time  appointed  by  this  prophecy,  Christ  be- 
came a  sacrifice  for  us,  to  make  reconciliation  for  our  iniquities,  and  died  upon 
the  cross  for  the  expiation  of  them;  and  thereby  having  purchased  his  spiritual 
kingdom  over  us,  he  took  possession  of  it  on  his  resurrection  from  the  dead. 
For  then  his  church,  which  is  his  kingdom,  had  its  beginning;  and  therein 
were  fulfilled  two  other  of  Daniel's  prophecies  relating  to  this  his  kingdom,  the 
first  contained  in  the  second  chapter  of  that  prophet,  and  the  other  in  the  se- 
venth; both  which  foretold,  that  the  kingdom  of  the  Messiah  should  come  on, 
and  grow  upon  the  decay  of  that  of  the  Romans.  For  by  the  four  kingdoms, 
set  forth  by  the  four  metals  of  Nebuchadnezzar's  image  in  the  first  of  those 
prophecies,  and  by  the  four  beasts  in  the  other,  are  meant  the  four  monarchies 
of  the  Babylonians,  the  Persians,  the  Macedonians,  and  the  Romans:  and  that, 
after  the  decay  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Romans,  the  kingdom  of  the  Messiah 
should  commence,  is  plainly  expressed  in  both  these  prophecies.  For  what  is 
said  of  the  king  of  the  next  succeeding  kingdom,  in  the  first  of  these  prophe- 
cies, that  "his  kingdom  should  never  be  destroyed,  but  should  stand  for  ever;"" 
and,  in  the  second  of  them,  that  "there  was  given  to  him  dominion  and  glory 
and  a  kingdom,  that  aU  people,  nations,  and  languages,  should  serve  him,  and 

1  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  18.  c.  3.  2  John  xviii.  1.  3.  3  Luke  iii.  2.    John  xviii.  13.  24.    Acts  iv.  6. 

4  Joseph.  Antiq.  lib.  18.  c.  3.  5  In  Libro  de  Legatione  adCaium.  6  Luke  iii-  1. 

7  Mark  i.  4.    Luke  iii.  3.  8  Mark  i.  1  9  Matt.  iv.  12.  17.  10  Dan.  is.  11  Dan.  ii.  44. 

Vol.  II.— M 


426  CONNEXION  OF  THE  HISTORY  OF,  &c, 

that  his  dominion  is  an  everlasting  dominion,  which  shall  not  pass  away,  and 
his  kingdom  that  which  shall  not  be  destroyed,"'  can  be  understood  of  none 
other  than  of  Christ  and  his  kingdom.  And  therefore  the  strength  of  the  Ro- 
man empire  beginning  to  decay  in  the  reign  of  Tiberius,  then  accordingly  com- 
menced the  beginning  of  the  kingdom  of  the  Messiah  in  the  erection  of  his 
church  here  on  earth.  In  the  first  of  these  prophecies, °  the  Roman  empire  is 
set  forth  by  legs  of  iron,  and  feet  of  iron  and  clay  mingled  together:  this  im- 
plies the  two  sorts  of  governments  which  the  Romans  were  under;  first,  the 
legal  government  under  their  old  constitution,  and  the  other  the  arbitrary  and 
tyrannical  government  under  their  emperors.  As  long  as  the  first  remained,  the 
empire  of  Rome  stood  firm  and  strong  upon  it,  as  upon  legs  of  iron.  But  when 
the  second  commenced,  and  in  the  place  of  legal  government  succeeded  arbi- 
trary will  and  pleasure,  then  clay  was  mingled  with  iron  in  the  feet;  and  there- 
by the  basis  was  made  weak,  on  which  the  whole  structure  was  founded.  As 
long  as  Augustus  lived,  who  was  a  prince,  wise,  just,  and  clement,  the  clay  in 
the  foundation  of  his  government  was  as  strong  and  as  firm  as  the  iron.  But 
when  Tiberius  succeeded,'  who  had  more  of  the  beast  in  him  than  of  the  man, 
and  governed  for  the  most  part  without  reason  or  justice,  by  a  most  barbarous 
and  cruel  will  and  pleasure,  the  clay  began  to  moulder,  and  the  foundations  of 
this  kingdom  to  grow  weak  and  decay.  And  at  this  very  time,  when  it  began 
so  to  do,  Christ's  kingdom  commenced,  in  the  erection  of  his  church;  and  where 
that  begun,  there  the  Jewish  church,  with  the  whole  Mosaic  economy,  ended. 
And  this  being  the  utmost  term  to  which  I  proposed  to  bring  down  this  work,  I 
shall  here  put  a  conclusion  to  it,  with  my  most  humble  and  hearty  thanksgiving 
and  praise  to  Almighty  God,  that  he  hath  of  his  great  mercy  and  goodness  given 
me  life  and  strength  to  enable  me  thus  to  complete  it. 

1  Dan.  Tii.  14.  2  Dan.  ii.  33. 40.  3  See  his  life  in  Suetonius. 


CHRONOLOGICAL   TABLE 


FOREGOING  HISTORY. 


k! 

o  X 

9^ 

srs- 

n-- 

a  -■ 
5=  ?n 

" 

•       IS 

?=5 

•<  5' 


291 

H  1 

214 

22 

ai22 

c 

s> 

3 

r* 

"< 

Cfl 

290 

2 

1.5 

23 

1^3 

289 

3 

516 

24 

S24 

2^ 

4 

■  17 

25 

525 

287 

5 

18 

26 

26 

286 

6 

19 

27 

27 

285 

7 

20 

28 

28 

284 

8 

3  1 

29 

29 

283 

9 

(0  o 
1  3 

30 

30 

282 

10 

31 

31 

281 

11 

'n  4 

32 

32 

280 

12 

?.  5 

33 

33 

279 

13 

■a 

B 

34 

>  1 

3 

S' 

278 

14 

?  7 

35 

S-  2 

c 

277 

15 

8 

36 

|3 

276 

9 

37 

r  4 

275 

3  n 

a    2 
1 

3- 

10 

38 

5 

274 

■  3 

11 

39 

6 

273 

4 

12 

40 

-. 

272 

5 

13 

41 

8 

271 

6 

14 

42 

9 

270 

7 

15 

43 

10 

269 

8 

16 

44 

11 

268 

9 

17 

45 

12 

267 

10 

18 

46 

13 

266 

11 

19 

47 

14 

265 

12 

20 

48 

15 

264 

13 

21 

49 

16 

263 

14 

22 

50 

17 

262 

15 

23 

51 

18 

Eteazar,  the  brother  of  Simon  the  Just,  succeeds  him  in  the  high  priesthood 
at  Jerusalem. 


Demetrius  makes  great  preparations  to  recover  his  father's  dominions  in 
Asia  and  the  east. 

His  army  revolting  from  him,  he  is  driven  out  of  Macedon,  and  makes  a 
desperate  attempt  upon  Asia;  wherein  failing  of  success,  he  is  brought 
into  great  distress. 

Demetrius  is  forced  to  yield  himself  prisoner  to  Seleucus. 

Ptolemy  Soter  resigns  his  kingdom  to  Philadelphus  his  younger  son;  where- 
on Ceraunus  the  elder  flies  out  of  Egypt,  first  to  Lysimachus,  and  after- 
ward to  Seleucus. 

The  watch-tower  of  Pharus  finished,  and  the  worship  of  Serapis  first  brought 
into  Egypt.     Ptolemy  Soter  dies. 

Seleucus  and  Lysimachus  prepare  for  a  war  against  each  other. 

Seleucus  takes  Sardis,  and  makes  himself  master  of  Lesser  Asia. 

Lysimachus  is  slain  in  battle  by  Seleucus. 

Seleucus  is  slain  treacherously  by  Ptolemy  Ceraunus,  who  thereon  becomes 
king  of  Macedon. 

Antiochus  Soter  succeeds  Seleucus.  The  Gauls  make  an  irruption  into 
Greece,  vanquish  and  slay  Ptolemy  Ceraunus;  are  vanquished  and  ex- 
pelled by  Sosthenes. 

The  Gauls  make  a  second  irruption  into  Greece  under  the  command  of 
Brennus.    They  are  vanquished  and  ruined. 

The  remains  of  the  Gauls  pass  into  Lesser  Asia,  and  there  settle  in  Galatia. 
The  Hebrew  scriptures  first  translated  into  Greek. 

Antigonus  Gonatas  the  son  of  Demetrius  succeeds  Sosthenes  in  the  king- 
dom of  Macedon. 

Antiochus  vanquisheth  the  Gauls,  and  thereby  frees  Lesser  Asia  from  their 
ravages;  hence  he  is  called  Soter,  i.  e.  the  Saviour. 

The  Romans  having  after  a  six  years'  war  driven  Pyrrhus  out  of  Italy,  be- 
gan to  be  of  great  renown  in  the  east,  whereon  Ptolemy  sent  an  embassy 
to  them  to  pray  their  alliance. 

The  Romans  send  an  embassy  to  Ptolemy,  and  make  an  alliance  with  him. 

Pyrrhus  slain  at  Argos. 


Philadelphus,  and  the  Athenians  and  Lacedemonians  make  war  upon  An 
tigonus  Gonatas  king  of  Macedon,  now  grown  powerful  since  the  death 
of  Pyrrhus,  but  without  success. 

Sotades  the  lewd  poet  put  to  death. 

Magas,  governor  of  Lybia  and  Cyrene  for  Ptolemy  Philadelphus  his  brother, 
rebels,  and  makes  himself  king  of  those  countries. 

Antiochus  king  of  Syria,  and  Ptolemy  king  of  Egypt,  make  war  upon  each 
other. 

Philetaerus,  the  first  founder  of  the  Pergamenian  kingdom,  dies,  and  is  suc- 
ceeded by  Eumenes  his  brother's  son.  Antigonus  of  Socho,  president  of 
the  Sanliedrin  at  Jerusalem,  dies. 

Nicomedia  in  Bithynia,  built  by  Nicomedes  the  king  of  that  country.  Eu- 
menes overthrows  Antiochus,  and  thereby  establisheth  himself  at  Ferga- 
mus. 


428 


A  CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE 


261 
260 
259 

258 

257 

256 


255 
254 


253 

252 
251 


250 


248 
247 


245 


243 
242 


16   24 


238 
237 
236 

235 
234 
233 
232 
231 
230 

229 
228 
227 
226 


3 
"-< 

M  - 

r5 

f^    „ 

Z  3 

4 
5 


19 

>  1 

I  - 
H3 


69 


72 


c  2 

Is 

=■  4 


Antiochus  Soter  dies  at  Antioch,  and  is  succeeded  by  Antiochus  Theus  his 
son. 

Antiochus  vanquished  and  slew  Timarchus  tyrant  of  Ephesus.  Berosus  the 
famous  Babylonian  historian  flourished. 

Ptolemy  Philadelphus  built  Berenice,  a  port  on  the  western  shore  of  the  Red 
Sea,  and  thereby  drew  all  the  trade  of  the  east  into  Egypt,  and  Alexan- 
dria thenceforth  became  its  principal  mart. 

Magas  king  of  Lybia  and  Cyrene,  made  peace  with  Ptolemy  on  terms  of 
marrying  his  daughter,  who  was  his  only  child,  to  Ptolemy's  eldest  son, 
and  thereby  uniting  Lybia  and  Cyrene  again  to  Egypt. 

Magas  died;  whereon  Apame  his  widow  would,  contrary  to  the  late  con- 
tract, have  married  her  daughter  to  Demetrius  the  son  of  Demetrius,  late 
king  of  Macedon,  but  Demetrius  being  slain,  the  lady  was  sent  into 
Egypt. 

And  Apame  retiring  into  Syria  to  Antiochus  her  brother,  there  excited  him 
to  a  war  against  Ptolemy,  which  lasted  several  years,  to  his  great  da- 
mage. 

Ptolemy  carries  on  his  war  against  Antiochus  by  his  lieutenants. 

Philadelphus  is  very  diligent  in  gathering  together  books,  pictures,  and  sta- 
tues, for  the  adorning  and  replenishing  of  his  museum  and  library,  for 
which  Aratus  the  Sicyonian  was  one  of  his  agents  in  Greece. 

Manasseh  the  high  priest  of  the  Jews  dying  toward  the  end  of  this  year, 
was  succeeded  by  Onias,  the  second  of  that  name,  the  son  of  Siiuou  the 
Just. 

While  Antiochus  was  pursuing  his  war  against  Ptolemy,  the  Parthians  re- 
belled in  the  east,  under  the  leading  of  Arsaces,  who  on  this  occasion 
first  founded  the  Parthian  empire.  The  fiactrians  revolted  at  the  same 
time. 

Peace  was  made  between  Ptolemy  and  Antiochus,  on  the  terms  that  Anti- 
ochus divorced  Laodice  his  former  wife,  and  married  Berenice  the  daugh- 
ter of  Ptolemy. 

Arsinoe,  the  sister  and  beloved  wife  of  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  dies. 

Ptolemy  Philadelphus  dies  in  the  end  of  the  year,  and  is  succeeded  by  Pto- 
lemy Euergetes  his  son. 

Antiochus  puts  away  Berenice,  and  recalls  Laodice,  who  poisons  him,  cuts 
oft"  Berenice  and  her  son,  and  makes  Seleucus  Callinicus  her  son  king. 
Euergetes,  for  revenge  hereof,  marcheth  into  Syria,  slays  Laodice,  and 
reduceth  under  him  a  great  part  of  the  Syrian  empire. 

Callinicus,  having  provided  a  great  fleet  for  the  reducing  of  the  revolted  ci- 
ties of  Asia,  loseth  it  all  in  a  storm,  whereon  those  cities,  out  of  compas- 
sion to  his  case,  returned  again  to  him. 

Callinicus,  being  overthrown  in  a  great  battle  by  Ptolemy,  calls  in  Antio- 
chus Hierax  his  brother  to  his  assistance. 

Ptolemy  maketh  peace  with  Seleucus  Callinicus. 

Hierax  maketh  war  upon  Callinicus  his  brother,  and  overthrows  him  in  a 
battle  near  Ancyra;  and  is  immediately  after,  while  sore  of  that  battle, 
fallen  upon  and  overthrown  by  Eumenes  of  Pergamus. 

Eumenes  of  Pergamus  dies,  and  is  succeeded  by  Attains  liis  uncle's  son, 
who  first  took  the  style  of  king.  While  the  two  brothers  in  Syria  war 
against  each  other,  Arsaces  seizeth  Hyrcania,  and  adds  it  to  Parthia. 

Hierax  being  overcome  by  Callinicus,  flees  first  into  Cappadocia,  and  from 
thence  into  Egypt,  where  he  is  made  a  prisoner  by  Ptolemy. 

Ptolemy  applies  himself  to  augment  his  library  ^t  Alexandria,  and  makes 
Aratosthenes  his  library  keeper. 

Seleucus  Callinicus  marcheth  into  the  east  to  reduce  the  Parthians,  but  re- 
turns without  success,  being  recalled  by  some  commotions  in  Syria. 


Seleucus  makes  a  second  expedition  against  Arsaces,  and  is  vanquished, 
and  taken  pVisoner. 


Onias  sends  Joseph  his  nephew  on  an  embassy  to  king  Ptolemy.    Joseph 
farms  of  that  king  all  his  revenues  of  Coele-Syria,  Phoenicia,  and  Judea. 


TO  THE  FOREGOING  HISTORY. 


429 


225 
224 
223 


321 

220 

219 
218 


215 
214 
213 
212 


210 
209 

208 

207 

206 

205 
204 

203 

202 


25 


201 

17 

200 

18 

199 

19 

198 

20 

197 

21 

■<  5' 


>  1 


Seleucus  Calliiiicus  being  dead  in  Partliia  of  a  fall  from  his  horse,  is  suc- 
ceeded in  Syria  by  Seleucus  Ceraunus  his  eldest  son. 

Seleucus  marchelh  into  Lesser  Asia,  to  make  war  upon  Attalus  king  of 
Pergamus. 

He  is  there  poisoned  by  those  about  him.  AchsBus  revengeth  his  death  upon 
the  authors  of  it. 


Antiochus,  brother  of  Seleucus,  succeeds  him.  Makes  Hermias  his  chief  mi- 
nister, Achsus  governor  of  Lesser  Asia,  and  Alexander  and  Molon,  two 
brothers,  governors  of  Persia  and  Media.  The  Colossus  at  Khodes  over- 
thrown. 

Euergetes  being  dead,  is  succeeded  by  Philopator  his  son.  Alexander  and 
Molon  rebel.  Antiochus  sends  an  army  against  them,  and  marcheth  with 
another  into  Coele-Syria.  His  former  army  is  beaten,  and  the  other  re- 
turns without  success. 

Antiochus  goes  in  person  against  Ale.xander  and  Molon,  vanquisheth  and 
destroys  them  both.  Achaeus  rebels,  and  usurps  Lesser  Asia.  Hermias  put 
to  death. 

Antiochus  takes  Seleucia,  Tyre,  Ptolemais,  and  Damascus,  and  thereby 
makes  himself  master  of  almost  all  CceleSyria  and  Phcenicia. 

Antiochus  vanquisheth  Nicolas,  Ptolemy's  lieutenant  in  Ceele-Syria  and 
Phoenicia,  and  makes  himself  master  of  all  Galilee,  Samaria,  and  the  land 
beyond  Jordan  as  far  as  Kabbah  of  the  children  of  Ammon. 

Ptolemy  overthrows  Antiochus  in  a  great  battle  at  Raphia,  and  recovers 
again  all  Crele-Syria  and  Phoenicia.  Ptolemy  comes  to  Jerusalem,  and 
would  have  entered  into  the  inner  temple;  is  forbid  by  Simon  the  high 
priest. 

Peace  being  made  with  Antiochus,  and  Ptolemy  again  returned  into  Alex- 
andria, he  would  have  destroyed  all  the  Jews  of  Egypt.  He  is  providen- 
tially hindered.  Antiochus  var  [uisheth  Achaeus,  and  shuts  Mm  up  in 
Sardis. 

Antiochus  takes  Sardis,  puts  AchEUs  to  death,  and  recovers  all  Lesser  Asia. 

A  rebellion  in  Egypt.    It  was  mastered  by  Ptolemy. 

Antiochus  marcheth  into  the  east  to  reduce  the  Farthians,  and  other  re- 
volted provinces.  He  recovers  Media,  and  drives  Arsaces  thence,  who 
had  lately  seized  that  province. 

Antiochus  pursues  Arsaces  into  Parthia,  and  drives  him  thence  into  Hyr- 
cania. 

Pursues  him  into  Hyrcania,  and  there  besiegeth,  and  takes  Syringis. 

Antiochus  and  Arsaces  waste  each  other  in  divers  conflicts,  neither  gaining 
any  considerable  advantage  over  the  other. 

Antiochus  growing  weary  of  the  war  with  Arsaces,  makes  peace  with  him, 
and  yields  to  him  Parthia  and  Hyrcania. 

Antiochus  makes  war  with  Euthydemus  king  of  Bactria.  Ptolemy  Philo- 
pator gives  himself  wholly  up  to  a  most  profligate  course  of  life  at  Alex- 
andria. 

Antiochus  makes  peace  with  Euthydemus,  marcheth  into  India,  rcneweth 
there  his  league  with  Sophagasenus,  the  king  of  that  country,  and  win- 
ters in  Carmania. 

He  returns  through  Persia,  Babylonia,  and  Mesopotamia,  unto  Antioch,  and 
there  takes  the  name  of  the  Great,  from  his  success  in  this  expedition. 

Ptolemy  Philopator  being  dead,  is  succeeded  by  Ptolemy  Epiphanes,  an  in- 
fant of  five  years  old.  Agathoclea  the  concubine,  and  Agathocles  the  fa- 
vourite of  the  late  king,  are  slain  in  a  tumult. 

Antiochus  and  Philip  king  of  Macedon  make  a  league  to  seize  all  Ptolemy's 
dominions,  and  divide  them  between  them,  and  Antiochus  accordingly 
seized  Palestine  and  Coele-Syria. 

Scipio  vanquished  Hannibal  in  Africa.  Hereon  the  Alexandrians,  finding 
the  power  of  the  Romans  to  be  great,  implore  their  protection  for  their 
infant  king,  and  offer  them  the  tuition  of  him,  which  the  Romans  ac- 
cept of. 

The  Romans  send  M.  .(Emilius  Lepidus  into  Egypt,  to  take  care  of  the  af- 
fairs of  the  infant  king,  vvho  having  settled  them  under  the  ministry  of 
Aristomenes  an  Acarnanian,  returns  to  Rome. 

23  Aristomenes  sends  Scopas  into  Greece  to  hire  mercenaries,  who  brought 
thence  six  thousand  stout  ./Etolians  into  Ptolemy's  service. 

24  Antiochus  waging  war  with  Attalus  king  of  Perganms,  Aristomenes  took 
the  advantage  of  it  to  send  Scopas  into  Palestine  and  Coele-Syria,  who 
recovers  Jerusalem,  Judea,  and  many  other  places,  to  king  Ptolemy. 

25  Antiochus  having  made  peace  with  Attalus,  returns  into  Coele-Syria,  van- 
quisheth Scopas  in  a  great  battle  at  Paneas,  near  the  fountains  of  Jor- 
dan, and  recovers  all  that  was  lost  the  former  year. 

26  Antiochus  goes  with  a  great  fleet  and  army  into  Lesser  Asia,  in  order  to 
make  war  upon  the  Romans.  Attains  king  of  Pergamus  dies,  and  is  suc- 
ceeded by  Eumenes,  the  eldest  of  his  four  sons. 


430 


A  CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE 


•5    =^ 

=  K 


194 
193 
192 
191 

190 

189 


188 
187 


186 


185 
184 
183 

182 
181 


179 
178 
177 

176 


175 


H  3 

?■  4 

5 


174 
173 


172 
171 


169 


167 


19 


3  1 

o 

-TJ    4 


2.22 
3.23 


1.24 

2  2 


117 

118 

119 
120 
121 
122 

123 


125 

126 


127 


128 
129 
130 

131 
132 


134 
135 
136 


138 


139 
140 


SP  1 


c   2 

3 

=■  4 


H  - 

i'3 


141 
142 


146 


Antinchus  passeth  the  Hellespont,  seizeth  the  Thracian  Chersonesus,  and 
rebuilds  Lysimachia.  Scopas  lays  a  dangerous  plot  against  king  Ptolemy: 
he  is  discovered,  and  put  to  death. 

Hannibal  comes  to  Antiochus,  and  confirms  him  in  his  resolution  of  making 
war  upon  the  Romans.  Simon  the  high  priest  of  the  Jews  being  dead,  is 
succeeded  by  Onias  the  Third,  his  son. 

Eratosthenes,  the  library  keeper  at  Alexandria,  being  dead,  is  succeeded  la 
that  office  by  Apolloiiius  Rhodius. 

AnLiochus  marries  his  daughter  Cleopatra  to  Ptolemy  Epiphanes,  king  of 
Egypt. 

Antiochus,  king  Antiochus's  eldest  son,  dieth  at  Antiocb.  Antiochus  pass- 
eth into  Greece,  to  make  war  upon  the  Romans. 

Antiochus  marries  his  host's  daughter  at  Chalcis,  is  beaten  by  Acilius  the 
Roman  consul,  at  Thermopylie,  and  forced  to  a  precipitate  flight  by  sea 
into  Asia.     His  fleet  beaten  near  Mount  Corycus. 

Antiochus's  fleet  beaten  near  Myonnesus.  Lucius  Scipio  passeth  the  Hel- 
lespont, vanquislieth  Antiochus  near  Mount  Sipylus,  and  forceth  him  to 
an  ignominious  peace. 

The  Romans  give  the  provinces  of  Caria  and  Lycia  to  the  Rhodians,  and 
all  the  rest  of  Lesser  Asia  to  Eumenes  king  of  Pergamus.  Manlius  suc- 
ceeds L.  Scipio  in  Lesser  Asia. 

Manlius  vanquisheth  the  Gauls  of  Lesser  Asia,  and  reduceth  them  into  order. 

Hyrcanus  is  sent  by  Joseph  his  father  on  an  embassy  to  king  Ptolemy  on 
the  birth  of  his  eldest  son.  Antiochus  is  slain  while  he  attempted  to  rob 
the  temple  of  Jupiter  in  Elymais. 

Seleucus  Philopator  succeeds  him  in  Syria.  Ptolemy  poisons  Aristomenes, 
and  makes  Polycrates  his  chief  minister  in  his  stead,  and  gives  himself  up 
to  all  manner  of  looseness. 

Ptolemy  by  his  maleadministrations  drives  the  Egyptians  into  a  rebellion. 

Masters  it  by  the  wisdom  and  valour  of  Polycrates. 

Ptolemy,  after  having  granted  the  revolted  nobility  terms  of  peace,  and 
thereby  gotten  them  within  his  power,  perfidiously  puts  them  all  to  death. 

Ptolemy,  as  he  was  preparing  for  war  against  Seleucus  king  of  Syria,  is 

poisoned  by  those  about  him,  and  dies. 
Ptolemy  Philometor  his  eldest  son,  an  infant  of  six  years  old,  succeeds  him 

under  the  tuition  of  Cleopatra  his  mother. 
Philip  king  of  Macedon  dying,  is  succeeded  by  Perseus  his  son. 

Perseus  king  of  Macedon  marries  Laodice,  the  daughter  of  Seleucus  king  of 
'yria. 

Simon,  the  protector  of  the  temple,  quarrels  with  Onias  the  high  priest;  is 
driven  out  of  Judea;  flies  into  Syria;  and  brings  Heliodorus  to  rob  the 
temple.  Antiochus,  the  brother  of  Seleucus,  a  hostage  at  Rome,  ex- 
changed for  Demetrius,  the  son  of  Seleucus. 

Seleucus  king  of  Syria  being  dead,  is  succeeded  by  Antiochus  Epiphanes  his 
brother,  newly  returned  from  Rome.  Jason  buys  the  high  priesthood  of 
him,  and  supplants  Onias  his  brother. 

Jason  introduceth  heathen  rites  into  Jerusalem,  and  sends  ofl'erings  to 
Hercules  of  Tyre. 

Cleopatra,  queen  of  Egypt,  dies.  The  tuition  of  the  young  king  falls  into 
the  hands  of  Lennjeus  and  Eulaeus;  they  demand  of  Antiochus  the  resti- 
tution of  CoeleSyria  and  Palestine,  and  thereby  cause  a  long  war  between 
the  two  kings. 

Menelaus,  another  brother  of  Onias's,  supplants  Jason,  and  buys  of  Antio- 
chus the  high  priesthood.    Whereon  Jason  flies  to  the  Ammonites. 

Onias  is  put  to  death  at  Antioch.  Lysimachus,  Menelaus's  deputy  at  Je- 
rusalem, slain  in  a  tumult.  Antiochus  makes  his  first  expedition  into 
Egypt,  and  gains  a  great  victory  near  Pelusium. 

Antiochus  makes  his  second  expedition  into  Egypt,  gains  another  victory, 
and  makes  himself  master  of  all  Egypt,  except  Alexandria.  Philometor 
being  fallen  into  the  handsof  Antiochus,  the  Alexandrians  make  Physcon 
king.     Antiochus  in  his  return  takes  and  miserably  destroys  Jerusalem. 

Antiochus  makes  his  third  expedition  into  Egypt.  Attempts  the  siege  of 
Alexandria  without  success.  Philometor  being  left  in  Egypt  to  make  war 
with  Physcon,  comes  to  an  agreement  with  him,  upon  terms  that  they 
should  jointly  reign  together. 

Antiochus  makes  his  fourth  and  last  expedition  into  Egypt;  is  forced  by  the 
Romans  to  return.  ApoUonius  sent  by  him  to  complete  the  ruin  of  Jeru- 
salem, built  the  fortress  on  Mount  Acra.  Antiochus  begins  his  persecu- 
tion of  the  Jewish  religion.  Mattathias  and  his  sons  take  arms  against 
him. 

The  seven  Maccabeean  brothers  and  their  mother  martyred,  and  the  perse- 
cution against  the  Jews  is  violently  carried  on. 


TO  THE  FOREGOING  HISTORY. 


431 


1G6 
165 
164 

163 
162 
161 

160 
159 

158 

157 
156 
155 

154 

153 
152 


150 
149 
148 


145 


142 
141 


140 
139 


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15 

147 

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S2 

16 

148 

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S-3 

17 

149 

B 

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4 

18 

150 

5 

19 

151 

6 

20 

152 

^1 

21 

153 

22 

154 

3 

3 

23 

155 

4 

24 

156 

5 

25 

157 

6 

26 

158 

7 

27 

159 

8 

28 

160 

9 

29 

161 

10 

30 

162 

11 

31 

163 

12 

32 

164 

13 

33 

165 

14 

34 

166 

15 

35 

167 

16 

3  1 

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3 

168 

17 

-82 

=• 

169 

2?  1 

?  3 

170 

3 

o 

3 

•  2 

4 

171 

3 

5 

172 

4 

6 

173 

5 

7 

174 

>  1 


O  1 


Mattathias  being  dead,  Judas  is  made  captain  of  the  Jews  in  his  stead.  He 
vanquisheth  Apollonius  and  Seron.  Antiochus  went  into  the  east.  Nica- 
nor  and  Tiinotheus,  two  of  his  captains,  vanquished  by  Judas. 

Judas  vanquisheth  Lysias;  recovers  Jerusalem  and  the  sanctuary;  restores 
the  daily  worship;  institutes  the  feast  of  the  dedication,  and  furUtietti 
Bethsura  against  the  Edoniites. 

Antiochus  Epiphanes  being  dead  in  the  east,  is  succeeded  by  Antiochus  Eu- 
pator  his  son,  under  the  tuition  of  Lysias.  Judas  vanquisheth  the  Edom- 
iles  and  Ammonites;  overthrows  and  slays  Timotheus,  and  relieves  the 
Jews  in  Gilead. 

Judas  vanquisheth  Lysias  the  second  time,  overthrows  another  Timotheus 
in  Gilead,  and  forceth  Lysias,  in  his  third  expedition  against  him,  to  terms 
of  peace.  Menelaus  is  slain,  and  Alciinua  made  high  priest  in  his  stead. 

Demetrius  returns  from  Rome;  seizelh  the  kingdom  of  Syria,  slays  Eupator 
and  Lysias;  sends  first  Baccliides,  and  after  that  Nicanor,  against  the 
Jews. 

Nicanor  vanquished  and  slain  by  Judas,  and  all  his  army  cut  off  to  a  man. 
Bacchides,  being  sent  to  revenge  this  blow,  slays  Judas  in  battle,  and 
miserably  oppresseth  the  Jews.  Jonathan  made  their  captain  instead  of 
Judas. 

Alcymus  dying,  Bacchides  returns,  and  the  Jews  thereon  enjoy  peace  for  two 
years. 

Demetrius  drives  Ariaratheg  king  of  Cappadocia  out  of  his  kingdom,  and 
makes  Holophernes  king  in  his  stead.  Eumenes  king  of  Pergamus  dies, 
and  is  succeeded  by  Attains  his  brother. 

Bacchides  came  again  into  Judea;  being  worsted  by  Jonathan  and  Simon  at 
the  siege  of  Bethbasi,  makes  peace  with  the  Jews,  and  returns. 

Ariarathes  is  restored  by  Attains,  and  Holophernes  flees  to  Antioch. 

Physcon  obtains  a  decree  from  the  senate  of  Rome  against  his  brother. 

By  virtue  whereof  he  lands  with  an  army  in  Cyprus,  is  there  vanquished 
and  taken  prisoner;  but  is  restored  to  Libya  and  Cyrene  by  the  kindness 
of  his  brother. 

Demetrius  giving  himself  wholly  up  to  sloth  and  luxury,  and  neglecting  the 
government,  loseth  the  affection  of  his  people,  whereon  Alexander  Balas, 
an  impostor,  sets  up  against  him. 

He  being  owned  by  the  Romans,  lands  at  Ptolemais,  and  great  numbers  re- 
volt to  him.    Jonathan  declares  for  liim,  and  is  made  high  priest. 

Demetrius,  in  the  first  conflict,  gets  the  better  of  Alexander;  but  Alexander 
having  the  kings  of  Pergamus,  Cappadocia,  and  Egypt,  on  his  side,  is  soon 
again  recruited  by  them. 

Andriscus,  another  impostor,  sets  up  in  Macedon,  pretending  to  be  the  son 
of  Perseus.  Tlie  war  is  carried  on  in  Syria  between  Demetrius  and  Alex- 
ander. 

Demetrius  vanquished  and  slain  in  battle;  whereon  Alexander,  being  settled 
in  the  kingdom  of  Syria,  marries  Cleopatra,  the  daughter  of  king  Ptoleray. 

Onias,  the  son  of  Onias,  builds  a  temple  in  Egypt  like  that  at  Jerusalem. 
A  sedition  at  Alexandria  between  the  Jews  and  the  Samaritans. 

Demetrius,  the  son  of  Demetrius,  lands  in  Cilicia  for  the  recovery  of  his  fa- 
ther's kingdom.  Apollonius,  one  of  his  generals,  vanquished  by  Jonathan 
in  Phoenicia. 

Hipparchns  of  Nicsea  in  Bithynia,  the  famous  astronomer,  flourisheth. 

Ptolemy  comes  to  the  assistance  of  Alexander,  finding  a  plot  laid  for  his 
life,  is  alienated  from  him,  and  joins  with  Demetrius.  Alexander  being 
vanquished,  flees  into  Arabia,  and  is  there  slain,  and  Ptolemy  dies  of  his 
wounds. 

Physcon  succeeds  in  Egypt,  and  reigns  cruelly.  Demetrius  doth  the  same 
in  Syria;  the  Antiochans  mutiny  against  him,  are  quelled  by  three  thou- 
sand Jews  sent  to  Demetrius's  a.ssistance.  Jonathan  besiegeth  the  fortress 
at  Jerusalem,  but  cannot  take  it. 

Tryphon  brings  Antiochus  the  infant  son  of  Alexander  into  Syria,  and 
claims  for  him  his  father's  crown.  Multitudes  revolt  to  him.  Jonathan 
declares  against  Demetrius,  and  twice  defeats  his  generals;  is  treache- 
rously murdered  by  Tryphon. 

Simon  succeeds  Jonathan.  Tryphon  having  made  away  Antiochus,  declares 
himself  king.  Simon  defeats  his  designs  upon  Judea,  and  declaring  for 
Demetrius,  hath  a  grant  from  him  of  the  sovereignty  of  Judea. 

Simon  takes  the  fortress  of  Jerusalem,  utterly  demolishes  it,  and  digs  down 
the  hill  on  which  it  stood. 

Demetrius  goes  into  the  east,  and  is  there  taken  prisoner  by  the  Parthians. 
The  sovereignty  of  Judea  confirmed  to  Simon  and  his  posterity  by  the 
unanimous  consent  of  all  the  people  of  the  Jews  in  a  general  congrega- 
tion met  at  Jerusalem. 

Gueen  Cleopatra,  on  Demetrius's  being  taken  prisoner,  sent  to  Antiochus 
Sidetes,  the  brother  of  the  captive  king,  and  offers  to  him  herself  in  mar- 
riage, and  the  crown  of  Syria  with  her. 

Antiochus  accepting  of  the  offer,  lands  in  Syria,  marries  Cleopatra,  and 
having  vanquished  Tryphon,  takes  him  and  puts  him  to  death.  Cende- 
baeus  is  sent  by  him  against  Simon,  and  is  vanquished  by  Judas  and  John, 
Simon's  sons. 


432 


A  CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE 


Ob 


137 
136 

135 

134 

133 
132 
131 
130 

129 
128 


126 
125 
124 

123 

122 

121 
120 

119 
118 
117 


116 
115 
114 


112 


110 
109 


108 
107 


3 


P 


20 
21 
22 

23 

24 

25 
26 

2; 

28 
29 

>n  1 

2.  2 
rT 
3 
•< 

5 

2.  6 


=  a 


17G 
17 


179 

180 
181 
J  82 
183 

184 
185 

186 

187 
188 
189 

190 

191 

192 
193 

194 

195 
196 

197 

198 
199 

200 

201 


8 
9 
10 

a  1 

3 
I  3 


5 

N  1 
a- 
s   2 

9 

>    1 

3 

I  2 
j 

;  5 

6 

8 
9 
10 

11 

12 


203 
204 


205 
206 


>  1 


Attains,  king  of  Perganiug,  being  dead,  is  succeeded  by  Attalus,  the 

son  of  his  brother  Euirienes.     He  was  a  monster  of  cruelty,  and 

Physcon  continued  to  be  the  like  monster  in  Egypt. 
Aiitiochus  Sidetes,  with  great  wisdom  and  temper,  restores  the  nfTairs 

of  Syria,  and  makes  tliat  kingdom  again  to  flourish. 
The  Alexandrians,  to  avoid  the  cruelty  of  Physcon,  most  of  them  de- 
sert the  place.     Whereon  other  inhabitants  are  invited  to  repeople 

it.     An  embassy  from  Kome  came  thither  to  him  at  the  same  time 
Simon  is  basely  murdered  with  two  of  his  sons  by  Ptolemy  his  son-in 

law.     John  succeeds  his  father,  and  defeats  the  murderer  of  his  de 

sign  of  usurping  the  government.   Antiochus  Sidetes  besiegeth  Jeru 

salem,  and  maketh  peace  with  John.   This  John  is  called  Hyrcanus 
Ambassadors  from  Antiochus  Sidetes  address  themselves  with  presents 

to  Scipio  Africunus,  junior,  being  then  at  the  siege  of  Numantium 

which  he  puts  into  the  public  treasury. 
Attalus,  king  of  Pergamus,  dies,  and  makes  the  people  of  Rome  his 

heirs. 
Jesus,  the  son  of  Sirach,  translates  out  of  Hebrew  into  Greek  the  book 

called  Ecclesiasticus,  written  by  Jesus  his  grandfather. 
Antiochus  Sidetes  marcheth  into  the  east  against  the  Farthians,  and 

at  first  gets  several  victories  over  them. 
Antiochus  Sidetes  is  vanquished  and  slain  in  the  east.    Demetrius 

Nicator  returns  and  recovers  his  kingdom.     John  Hyrcanus  shakes 

off  the  Syrian  yoke,  and  makes  himself  indeiiendent.    Takes  Se- 

chem,  and  destroys  the  temple  on  Mount  Gerizim.  Physcon  expelled 

out  of  Egypt  for  his  cruelly. 
Hyrcanus  conquers  the  Edomites,  and  makes  them  all  embrace  the 

Jewish  religion.  Phrahates,  king  of  Parthia,  slain  by  the  Scythians. 
Ptolemy  Physcon  vanquishes  the  Egyptians,  and  recovers  his  kingdom. 

Demetrius  marcheth  into  Egypt,  and  besiegeth  Pelusium.   Hyrcanus 

renews  his  league  with  the  Romans. 
Physcon  sets  up  Alexander  Zebina,  an  impostor,  against  Demetrius,  to 

claim  the  crown  of  Syria.    Whereby  Demetrius  is  recalled  from  the 

siege  of  Pelusium  to  defend  his  own  kingdom. 
Demetrius,  vanquished  by  Zebina  in  battle,  flees  to  Tyre,  and  is  there 

slain.    Zebina  thereon  becomes  king  of  Syria. 
A  great  plague  in  Libya,  Cyrene,  and  adjacent  countries,  caused  by  a 

multitude  of  locusts. 
Seleucus,  the  eldest  son  of  Demetrius,  succeeding  his  father,  is  slain 

by  Cleopatra  his  own  mother.     Mithridates  Eupator  succeeds  Mith- 

ridates  Eucrgetes  in  the  kingdom  of  Pontiis. 
Antiochus  Grypus,  second  son  of  Demetrius,  is  set  up  to  be  king  of 

Syria  against  Zebina. 
Antiochus  Grypus  vanquisheth  Zebina,  and  recovers  all  Syria.  Zebina 

taken  in  his  flight  and  slain. 
In  this  year  was  made  the  famous  Opimian  wine. 
Cleopatra,  preparing  poison  for  her  son  Grypus,  was  forced  to  drink  it 

herself,  and  so  died. 


Plolemy  Physcon,  king  of  Egypt,  dies.  Ptolemy  Lathyrus  succeeds, 
in  conjunction  with  Cleopatra  his  mother  in  Egypt  and  Cyprus;  and 
Apion,  a  bastard  son,  in  Libya  and  Cyrene 

Antiochus  Cyzicenus,  son  of  Antiochus  Sidetes,  by  Cleopatra,  and 
half  brother  of  Grypus,  seizeth  part  of  the  Syrian  kingdom. 

Grypus  gets  a  victory  against  Cyzicenus.  Alexander,  the  second 
son  of  Physcon,  made  king  of  Cyprus,  by  Cleopatra  his  mother. 

Cyzicenus  having  recruited  his  army,  fights  another  battle  with 
Grypus.  and  gains  the  victory.  Grypus  flees  out  of  the  kingdom  to 
Aspendus. 

Grypus  returned  from  Aspendus,  and  recovered  part  of  his  former  do- 
minions; henceforth  Grypus  reigned  at  Antioch,  and  Cyzicenus  at 
Damascus. 

Aristobulus  and  Antigonus,  sons  of  Hyrcanus,  besiege  Samaria.  Cy- 
zicenus, coming  to  its  relief,  is  vanquished  by  the  two  brothers. 

Cyzicenus,  having  received  six  thousand  auxiliaries  from  Egypt,  again 
attempts  tlie  relief  of  Samaria,  but  without  success.  Samaria  is 
taken  and  demolished:  hereon  Hyrcanus  makes  himself  master  of 
all  Judea,  Samaria,  and  Galilee. 

Hyrcanus  breaks  with  the  Pharisees,  and  goes  over  to  the  sect  of  the 
Sadducees. 

Hyrcanus  dies,  and  is  succeeded  by  Aristobulus  his  eldest  son,  who 
first  of  his  family  wore  the  diadem,  and  took  the  name  of  king.  La- 
thyrus expelled  Egypt,  reigns  in  Cyprus,  and  Alexander  in  Egypt. 


TO  THE  FOREGOING  HISTORY. 


433 


OS 


105 
104 


102 
101 


100 
99 

98 
97 


>  1 
§  2 


207 


208 
209 


211 
212 


217 
218 
219 
220 


213 
214 
215 
216 


223 

224 


w  1 

c 

i  2 

3 
4 

3  1 

2 
3 
4 


228 


>   1 


i  3 


Aristobulus  conquers  Tturaea,  slays  his  brother  Antigonus,  dies,  and  is 
succeeded  by  Alexander  Jannsus  his  brother.  I'onipey  and  Cicero 
born  at  Home. 


Alexander  Jannsus  besiegeth  Ptolemais.  Lathyrus  passing  fronj  Cy- 
prus into  Palestine  with  an  army,  forcelh  liim  to  raise  tlie  siege. 

Alexander  Jannaeus,  vanquished  by  Lathyrus,  lost  most  of  his  army  in 
the  defeat,  and  is  brought  to  great  distress;  calls  in  Cleopatra,  queen 
of  Egypt,  to  his  assistance. 

Cleopatra  comes  with  a  fleet  and  army  into  Palestine  against  Lathy- 
rus her  son,  besiegeth  Ptolemais.  Lathyrus  invades  Egypt,  ex- 
pecting to  make  himself  master  of  it  in  his  mother's  absence  in  Pa- 
lestine. 

Lathyrus  is  beaten  out  of  Egypt.  Cleopatra  takes  Ptolemais.  Jan- 
naeus there  waits  on  her.  After  this,  passing  over  Jordan,  he  lays 
siege  to  Gadara. 

Ptolemy  Lathyrus  returns  into  Cyprus,  and  Cleopatra  into  Egypt. 
Grypus  marrying  Celene  the  daughter  of  Cleopatra,  and  receiving 
great  sums  of  money  with  her,  renews  his  war  with  Cyzicenus. 
JanncBus  takes  Gadara  and  Damathus,  but  is  defeated  by  Theodoras. 

Jannasus  takes  Raphia  and  Anthedon,  and  blocks  up  Gaza. 

Jannaeus  besiegeth  Gaza,  which  is  vigorously  defended. 

Jannaeus  takes  Gaza,  puts  the  inhabitants  to  the  sword,  and  razeth 
the  place  to  the  ground.  Grypus  treacherously  murdered  by  one  of 
his  own  domestics,  is  succeeded  by  Seleucus  his  eldest  son. 

Ptolemy  Apion,  kingof  Lybia  and Cyrene,  dies,  and  leaves  the  Roman 
people  his  heirs.  Cyzicenus,  on  the  death  of  Grypus,  seizeth  Autioch. 
Seleucus  makes  head  against  him. 

Tigranes  begins  to  reign  in  Armenia.  The  Jews  mutiny  against 
Alexander  Jann»Eus  in  the  temple  at  the  feast  of  tabernacles,  where- 
on he  slew  of  them  six  thousand  persons. 

JanniEUs  made  the  inhabitants  of  Gilead  and  the  land  of  Moab  to  be- 
come subject  to  him.  Seleucus  having  vanquished  Cyzicenus,  took 
him  prisoner,  and  put  him  to  death. 

Antiochus  Eusebes,  the  son  of  Cyzicenus,  vanquisheth  Seleucus,  and 
forceth  him  to  flee  to  Mopsuestia,  where  he  is  slain.  Philip  his  bro- 
ther succeeds  him,  is  vanquished  by  Eusebes  at  the  River  Orontes, 
but  again  recruits. 

Eusebes  marries  Selene  the  widow  of  Grypus,  is  vanquished  by  Philip, 
and  flees  into  Parthia.  Demetrius,  a  fourth  son  of  Grypus,  seizeth 
Damascus.  Janna;us  vanquished  by  Obodas,  an  Arabian  king,  with 
the  loss  of  almost  all  his  army. 

Hereby  the  Jews,  being  encouraged  to  rebel,  begun  a  war  against  him, 
which  lasted  sis  years.  Mithridates  begun  those  hostilities  upon  the 
allies  of  the  Romans,  which  produced  the  Mithridatic  war. 

Mithridates  marries  his  daughter  Cleopatra  to  Tigranes  king  of  Arme- 
nia; whereon  Mithridates  draws  him  into  confederacy  against  the 
Romans,  and  seizes  Cappadocia  and  Bithynia. 

Mithridates  vanquisheth  three  Roman  armies,  and  seizeth  all  Lesser 
Asia.  Cleopatra,  queen  of  Egypt,  murdered  by  Alexander  her  son; 
whereon  Lathyrus  is  recalled.  The  Jews,  by  the  help  of  Demetrius 
Eucha:rus,  vanquish  Alexander. 

Demetrius  being  vanquished  by  his  brother  Philip,  and  sent  captive 
into  Parthia,  Alexander  recovers  strength  against  the  Jews.  Mithri- 
dates passcth  his  army  into  Greece,  there  to  make  war  against  the 
Romans. 

Demetrius  Euchaerus  dies  in  Parthia.  Eusebes  returns  into  Syria,  and 
again  recovers  some  part  of  that  country.  Antiochus  Dionysius,  the 
youngest  son  of  Grypus,  seizeth  Damascus.  Alexander  Jannxus 
gains  a  decisive  victory  over  his  rebel  subjects. 

Alexander  Jannaeus  having  taken  Bethome,  in  which  the  remains  of 
the  rebel  party  were  shut  up,  crucifies  eight  hundred  of  them,  and 
thereby  puts  an  end  to  that  war.  Sylla,  the  Roman  general,  gets 
three  victories  over  the  forces  of  Mithridates,  and  drives  them  out 
of  Greece. 

Mithridates  forced  to  make  peace  with  the  Romans  on  their  own 
terms,  and  Sylla  thereon  returns  to  Italy.  Philip  takes  Damascus. 
Dionysius  again  recovers  it,  but  is  afterward  slain  in  Arabia,  and 
Aretas  king  of  Arabia  Petrjea  is  made  king  of  Damascus.  He  van- 
quisheth Jannaeus  in  battle,  but  afterward  gives  him  peace. 


Vol.  II.— 55 


434 


A  CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE 


84 


39    - 


CO  — 

=  H 


81 

80 
79 

78 

77 
76 

75 

74 

73 
72 

71 

70 

69 


23 


26 


>  1 


35 


36 


>  1 


wS! 


220 


230 


68     ^2      13 


>^  1 


233 
234 

235 

236 
235 

238 
239 


242 
243 


245 


246 


Alexander  Janneeus  recovers  many  places  that  had  revolted  from  him  dur- 
ing his  war  with  the  rebels,  and  much  enlargeth  the  borders  of  his  king- 
dom. After  Sylla's  departure,  Mureena,  whom  he  left  in  the  government 
of  the  Proper  Asia,  begins  war  again  with  Mithridates. 

The  Syrians,  weary  of  the  wars  caused  among  them  by  the  Seleucidae,  ex- 
pelled tliem  all,  and  chose  Tigranes,  king  of  Armenia,  to  be  their  king. 
Eusebes  ileeth  into  Cilicia.  But  Celene,  his  wife,  still  holds  Ptolemais, 
and  some  other  parts  thereabout.  Alexander  Jannaeus  takes  Gaulana, 
and  other  places  beyond  Jordan. 

Alexander  Jannaeus  still  carries  on  his  conquests  beyond  Jordan;  and,  after 
having  been  absent  three  years  from  Jerusalem  on  these  wars,  returns 
thither  with  triumph.  After  this,  giving  himself  up  to  luxury  and  drunk- 
enness, he  contracts  a  quartan  ague,  which  he  could  never  get  rid  of. 

Ptolemy  Latliyrus  having  reduced  Thebes  in  the  Upper  Egypt,  which  had 
rebelled  against  him,  dies,  after  having  reigned  thirty-six  years.  Ptolemy, 
a  bastard  sou,  succeeds  him  in  Cyprus,  and  Berenice,  his  only  legitimate 
child,  iii  Egypt. 

Alexander,  the  son  of  that  Alexander  who  slew  his  mother,  marries  Bere- 
nice, and  in  her  right  becomes  king  of  Egypt;  but  a  few  days  after  slew 
her,  and  reigned  as  in  his  own  right  fifteen  years. 

Alexander  Jannxus,  after  having  been  afflicted  with  a  quartan  ague  three 
years,  dies  of  it,  and  is  succeeded  by  Alexandra,  his  wife,  who  reconciles 
the  Pharisees  to  her,  and  by  that  means  reigns  peaceably  to  the  end  of 
her  life. 

Alexandra  being  settled  on  the  throne,  makes  Hyrcanus  her  eldest  son  high 
priest,  and  puts  the  ministration  of  the  government  in  the  hands  of  the 
Pharisees.  Tigranes,  having  built  Tigranocerta,  depopulates  many  cities 
in  Lesser  Asia,  Assyria,  and  other  circumjacent  countries,  by  carrying 
the  inhabitants  thence  to  people  it. 

The  Pharisees  having  gotten  the  management  of  all  affairs  under  Queen 
Alexandra,  grievously  oppressed  all  that  were  of  the  party  opposite  to 
them. 

Nicomedes,  king  of  Bithynia,  dying,  leaves  the  Romans  his  heirs,  who 
thereon  reduce  that  kingdom  into  the  form  of  a  province  under  them;  and 
at  this  time  do  the  same  with  Libya  and  Cyrene,  formerly  left  them  in  the 
same  manner  by  Ptolemy  Apion,  the  last  king  of  those  countries. 

Mithridates  seizeth  Paphlagonia,  and  draws  the  other  provinces  of  Lesser 
Asia  into  revolt  from  the  Romans,  whereon  began  the  third  Mithridatic 
war. 

M.  Cotta  and  L.  Lucullus  are  sent  against  Mithridates.  Cotta  had  Bithy- 
nia, and  Lucullus  Proper  Asia,  Cilicia,  and  Cappadocia,  assigned  them  for 
their  provinces.  Cotta  begins  the  war  unfortunately,  being  beaten  with 
great  loss  both  at  sea  and  land. 

Whereon  Mithridates  besiegeth  Cyzicus,  Lucullus  forceth  him  to  raise  the 
siege  with  the  loss  of  the  greatest  part  of  his  array.  Selene  sent  her  two 
sons,  which  she  had  by  Antiochus  Eusebes,  to  Rome,  to  claim  the  king- 
dom of  Egypt  in  her  right. 

The  Jews  which  were  of  the  party  of  Alexander,  are  placed  in  the  forts  and 
garrisons,  there  to  be  secured  from  the  oppressions  and  cruelty  of  the 
Pharisees.  Herod  the  Great  is  born.  Mithridates,  after  the  raising  the 
siege  of  Cyzicus,  flees  into  Pontus,  and  his  forces  which  he  left  behind  on 
the  Asian  coast  are  vanquished  by  Lucullus  both  by  sea  and  land.  Lucul- 
lus pursues  Mithridates  into  Pontus,  and  besiegeth  Amisus. 

Lucullus  vanquisheth  Mithridates,  and  forceth  him  to  fiee  out  of  Pontus 
into  Armenia.  Aristobulus  being  sent  by  his  mother  against  Ptolemy, 
prince  of  Chalcis,  seizeth  Damascus. 

Selene  enlarging  herself  in  Syria,  Tigranes  comes  with  an  army  against 
her,  shuts  her  up  in  Ptolemais,  and  having  there  taken  her  prisoner,  puts 
her  to  death.  Lucullus  declares  war  against  Tigranes,  takes  Synope  and 
Amisus,  and  marcheth  into  Armenia.  Alexandra,  queen  of  Judea,  dies. 
Hyrcanus  her  eldest  son  seizing  the  crown,  is  forced  to  quit  it,  after  three 
months,  to  Aristobulus,  his  younger  brother. 

Lucullus  vanquisheth  Tigranes  in  Armenia,  and  takes  Tigranocerta,  but 
neglecting  to  pursue  the  advantage  of  it,  lost  the  opportunity  of  ending 
the  war,  which  displeased  the  Romans,  and  lost  his  interest  with  them 
both  in  the  camp  and  city. 

Tigranes,  with  the  assistance  of  Mithridates,  gets  another  army  into  the 
field,  and  is  again  beaten  by  Lucullus,  whereon  Lucullus  would  have 
marched  to  Artaxata,  the  metropolis  of  Arminia,  but  being  hindered  by  his 
soldiers  refusing  to  follow  him  so  far  north,  he  marched  back,  and  passing 
Mount  Taurus,  winters  at  Nisibis,  in  Mesopotamia,  where  his  army  mu- 
tiny against  him. 

Of  which  Mithridates  taking  the  advantage,  recovers  several  places  in  Pon- 
tus, and  distresseth  the  Romans,  left  there  to  keep  the  country;  whereon 
Lucullus  with  difficulty  prevails  with  his  mutinous  army  to  march  to 
their  relief,  but  before  their  arrival,  Triarius  was  beaten  with  the  loss  of 
seven  thousand  men.  After  this,  LucuUus's  army  would  no  more  obey 
him. 


TO  THE  FOREGOING  HISTORY. 


435 


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Pompey  sent  from  Rome  to  succeed  Lucullus,  receiveth  from  him  the  army, 
iinil  Lucullus  returns  home  enriclied  with  great  spoils.  Pompey  makes 
alliances  with  Phrahatcs,  kin;;  of  Parthia.  Vnnquisheth  Mithridates,  and 
forceth  him  to  flee  into  Scythia.  Whereon  marching  into  Armenia,  he 
forceth  Tigranes  to  submit  to  him,  and  thereon  gives  hini  peace. 

Pompey  conquers  the  Iberians,  the  Albanians,  and  the  Colchians:  in  the 
interim  Mithridates  flees  into  his  kingdom  of  the  Cimmerian  Bosphorus, 
where  Pompey,  not  being  able  to  follow  him,  marcheth  into  Syria,  and 
reduceth  it  to  the  form  of  a  Roman  province.  The  Egyptians,  having  ex- 
pelled Alexander,  make  Auletes  their  king.  Hyrcanus  renews  the  war 
upon  Aristobulus  for  the  crown  of  Judea.  Pompey  winters  in  Pontus,  and 
there  sets  out  a  fleet  against  Mithridates. 

On  his  return  into  Sjria  in  the  ensuing  spring,  Hyrcanus  and  Aristobulus, 
each  by  their  agents,  apply  to  him  for  assistance.  He  orders  them  to  ap- 
pear personally  before  him  for  his  taking  cognizance  of  their  cause;  and 
returns  again  into  Pontus  to  provide  against  the  designs  of  Mithridates, 
who  was  making  great  preparations  in  Bosphorus  for  a  new  war.  But 
while  he  was  eagerly  labouring  herein,  his  army  revolt,  make  Pharnaces 
his  .son  king,  and  the  old  king  is  forced  to  kill  himself  to  make  room  for 
him  to  ascend  his  throne. 

On  Pompey's  coming  to  Damascus,  Hyrcanus  and  Aristobulus  appear  before 
him,  each  to  make  good  their  pretensions.  Pompey  promiseth  to  come  to 
Jerusalem,  there  to  decide  the  matter.  Aristobulus,  suspecting  sentence 
would  go  against  him,  provides  for  war;  whereon  Pompey  enters  Judea, 
makes  Aristobulus  his  prisoner,  takes  Jerusalem,  and  restores  Hyrcanus; 
returns  into  Pontus,  and  makes  peace  with  Pharnaces.  Augustus  Cassar 
is  born. 

Scaurus  being  made  the  first  president  of  Syria,  invades  Arabia  Petra;a.  By 
the  means  of  Antipater,  peace  is  made  between  him  and  Aretas,  the  king 
of  that  country.  Pompey  having  wintered  at  Ephesus,  returns  to  Rome 
in  the  spring.     Marcius  Philippus  is  made  president  of  Syria. 

Pompey  celebrates  a  very  splendid  and  glorious  triumph  at  Rome  for  his 
victorious  finishing  the  Mithridatic  war.  He  chose  for  it  his  birth-day, 
being  then  forty-five  years  old. 

Pompey,  Crassus,  and  Julius  Csesar,  confederate  together  for  the  supporting 
of  each  other,  and  the  dividing  of  the  Roman  empire  between  them.  Dio- 
dorus  Siculus  the  famous  Greek  historian  flourisheth.  Lentulus  Marcel- 
linus  succeeds  Marcius  Philippus  in  the  presidency  of  Syria. 

Julius  Caesar,  being  consul,  procures  a  decree  of  the  people  for  his  having 
Illyrium  and  both  the  Gauls  for  his  province,  to  govern  it  as  proconsul 
for  five  years,  which  was  the  foundation  whereon  he  built  all  his  future 
power  and  grandeur. 

Gabinius,  being  consul  this  year,  obtains  Syria  for  his  province.  Cato  is 
sent  to  drive  Ptolemy  out  of  Cyprus,  and  to  take  the  confiscation  of  all  his 
goods.  The  Egyptians  expel  Auletes  their  king,  and  make  Berenice,  his 
daughter,  queen.    Cicero  is  banished  Rome  and  Italy. 

Berenice,  queen  of  Egypt,  marries  Seleucus  Cybiosactes,  the  last  of  the  Se- 
leucian  family;  but,  disliking  him  for  his  ill  behaviour,  puts  him  to  death, 
and  marries  Archelaus,  high  priest  of  Comana  in  Pontus.  Alexander,  the 
son  of  Aristobulus,  and  after  him  Aristobulus  himself  having  made  their 
escape  from  the  Roman  fetters,  each  in  their  turn  raise  new  troubles  in 
Judea.  Gabinius  vanquisheth  them  both,  and  sets  up  a  new  form  of  go- 
vernment in  the  land. 

Orodes,  having  murdered  Phrahates  his  father,  succeeds  him  in  the  king- 
dom of  Parthia.  Gabinius  having  undertaken  to  restore  Auletes  to  his 
kingdom  of  Egypt,  marcheth  his  army  that  way.  Antony,  one  of  his 
lieutenants,  being  sent  before  him,  takes  Pelusium.  Cicero  is  recalled 
from  his  banishment. 

Gabinius,  on  having  notice  hereof,  enters  Egypt  with  all  his  forces;  van- 
quisheth and  slays  Archelaus  in  battle,  and  restores  Auletes.  On  his  re- 
turn, he  suppresseth  Alexander,  who  had  raised  new  troubles  in  Judea 
during  his  absence  in  Egypt.  Crassus,  being  consul,  obtains  the  province 
of  Syria  for  five  years,  and  resolves  on  a  war  with  the  Parthians. 

Gabinius,  on  his  return  to  Rome,  is  there  for  his  maleadministrations  in  his 
province,  condemned  and  banished.  Crassus,  on  his  coming  into  Syria, 
plunders  the  temple  of  Jerusalem,  passeth  the  Euphrates,  to  make  war 
upon  the  Parthians,  and  gains  several  advantages  over  them,  placelh  gar- 
risons in  several  places  in  Mesopotamia,  and  then  brings  back  the  rest  of 
his  army  into  Syria,  and  there  puts  them  into  winter-quarters. 

Crassus  again  passeth  the  Euphrates  to  carry  on  his  war  against  the  Par- 
thians, is  vanquished  and  slain  by  them  in  a  great  battle,  with  the  loss 
of  twenty  thousand  men  slain,  and  ten  thousand  taken  prisoners.  Cassius 
his  questor  escapes,  gathers  together  the  remains  of  his  broken  army,  and 
with  them  defends  the  province. 

Cassius  defeats  an  army  of  the  Parthians  that  invaded  Syria,  marches  into 
Judea,  takes  Terachsa,  forceth  Alexander  to  terms  of  peace,  and  sup- 
presseth the  faction  of  Aristobulus  in  that  country. 


436 


A  CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE 


4683 


50 


48 


47 


4670 


45 


43 


40 


1.24 

> 


Cicero  made  governor  of  Cilicia,  and  Bibiilus  of  Syria.  Bibulus  delaying  his  coming 
into  Iiis  province,  Cas^sius  governs  it.  The  Parthian s  besiege  Antioch.  Oassius  de- 
fends it;  forceth  the  enemy  to  raise  the  siege;  and  falhng  on  them  in  their  retreat, 
gives  them  a  great  defeat,  and  slays  therein  Osaces  their  general,  and  then  returns 
to  Rome  on  the  arrival  of  Bibulus.  Cicero  vanquisheth  the  Cilicians  of  the  moun. 
tains,  and  makes  them  submit.  Ptolemy  Auletes  dies  in  Egypt,  and  is  succeeded  by 
Ptolemy  his  eldest  son,  and  Cleopatra  his  eldest  daughter,  jointly  together. 

The  Parthians  again  besiege  Antioch,  and  Bibulus  in  it.  Are  called  back  to  suppress 
an  insurrection  at  home;  whereon  Bibulus  returns  to  Rome.  Cresar  passeth  the  Ru- 
bicon, and  the  war  broke  out  between  him  and  Pompey;  the  latter  retreats  to  Brun- 
dusium,  and  Caesar  there  follows  hijn.  Q,.  Metellus  Scipio  succeeds  Bibulus  in  tlie 
presidency  of  Syria. 

Pompey  gets  out  of  Brundusium,  and  passeth  the  Adriatic.  Caesar  hereon  returns  to 
Rome,  releaseth  Aristdbulus,  and  sendeth  him  into  Jiidea.  Pompey's  party  poison 
him,  and  Scipio  puts  Alexander  to  death  at  Antioch.  Cssar  from  Rome  passeth  into 
Spain,  reduceth  that  country,  and  returns  again  to  Rome  about  the  time  of  the  au- 
tumnal equinox;  hasteneth  from  thence  to  Brundusium,  and  there  passeth  the  Adri- 
atic with  seven  legions  against  Pompey;  leaves  the  rest  at  Brundusium,  with  An- 
tony, to  be  brought  after  him. 

CfEsar,  having  gotten  over  all  the  rest  of  his  army,  in  the  first  beginning  of  the  spring, 
he  and  Pompey  encamped  against  each  other  at  Dyrrachium.  Caesar  receives  a  de- 
feat, whereon  he  niarcheth  into  Thessaly.  Pompey  follows  him;  and,  in  the  plains 
of  Pharsalia,  it  came  to  a  decisive  battle  between  them,  in  which  Pompey,  receiving 
a  total  defeat,  flees  to  Lesbos,  and  from  thence  to  Egypt,  where  he  is  slain.  Ca?sar, 
following  him,  comes  to  Alexandria:  hath  Pompey's  head  there  presented  to  him. 
He  there  engageth  in  a  dangerous  war,  to  support  the  cause  of  Cleopatra  against 
her  brother. 

In  this  war,  by  the  help  of  Antipater,  and  forces  brought  him  out  of  Judea,  he  van- 
quisheth Ptolemy,  and  he  being  drowned  in  his  flight,  Caesar  makes  Cleopatra  queen 
of  Egypt,  and  then  passing  into  Syria,  makes  Sextus  Osar  president  of  it;  vanquish- 
eth Pharnaces  in  Pontus,  returns  to  Rome,  and  is  there  made  dictator.  Antipater, 
being  appointed  procurator  of  Judea,  makes  Herod,  one  of  his  sons,  governor  of  Ga- 
lilee; and  Phasael,  another  of  them,  governor  of  Jerusalem.  Herod,  having  put  to 
death  an  eminent  thief  in  Galilee,  is  put  upon  a  trial  for  his  life  for  it. 

Caesar  passeth  into  Africa,  and  there  subdues  the  remainder  of  Pompey's  party,  who 
had  there  retreated;  gives  order  for  the  rebuilding  of  Carthage  and  Corinth;  and  then 
returns  to  Rome,  and  there  reforms  the  Roman  calendar.  Caecilius  Bassus  raiseth 
troubles  in  Syria,  procures  Sextus  Ceesar  to  be  slain  by  his  own  soldiers,  and  then 
sets  up  to  be  president  of  Syria. 

The  first  Julian  year.  Ceesar  vanquisheth  the  sons  of  Pompey  at  Munda  in  Spain,  and, 
on  his  return,  is  made  perpetual  dictator.  Statius  Marcus,  sent  by  Caesar  to  be  pre- 
sident of  Syria,  carries  on  the  war  against  Cscilius  Bassus,  and  besiegeth  him  iu 
Apamea. 

The  walls  of  Jerusalem  rebuilt.  Cesar  slain  in  the  senate-house  at  Rome.  Octavianus, 
after  called  Augustus,  heads  his  party  at  Rome,  and  drives  Antony  thence.  Brutus 
and  Cassius,  the  murderers  of  CiEsar,  leaving  Italy,  the  former  seizeth  Greece  and 
Macedon,  and  the  other  Syria,  where  he  puts  an  end  to  the  war  of  Cajcilius  Bassus. 

Octavianus  vanquisheth  Antony  at  the  battle  of  Mutina:  after  that,  he,  Antony,  and 
Lepidus,  constitute  a  triumvirate.  Brutus  and  Cassius  prepare  for  war  against  them. 
Antipater  poisoned  by  the  fraud  of  Malichus.  Phasael  and  Herod  revenge  his  death 
by  cutting  ofi'the  murderer. 

Brutus  and  Cassius,  having  made  themselves  masters  of  all  beyond  the  Adriatic,  as  far 
as  Euphrates.  Octavianus  and  Antony  pass  into  Macedon  against  them,  and  having 
vanquished  them  at  Philippi,  force  them  both  to  slay  themselves.  Hereon  Octavianus 
returns  to  Rome,  and  Antony  passeth  into  Asia.  Antigonus.  the  son  of  Aristobulus, 
raiseth  new  troubles  in  Judea.     He  is  vanquished  by  Herod. 

The  vanquished  party  apply  to  Antony  against  the  sons  of  Antipater  without  success. 
Cleopatra  comes  to  Antony  at  Tarsus,  and  there  first  bewitcheth  him  with  her 
charms.  His  forces  sent  to  plunder  Palmyra  meet  with  a  baffle.  Cleopatra  return- 
ing to  Alexandria,  he  follows  after  her,  and  there  spends  the  ensuing  winter.  In  the 
interim  Pacorus,  with  a  Parthian  army,  masters  all  Syria  and  Phoenicia. 

Antony's  friends  having  made  war  against  Octavianus  in  Italy,  and  being  vanquished 
by  him,  Antony  passeth  thither  with  a  great  fleet.  On  his  marrying  Octavia,  the 
sister  of  Octavianus,  peace  is  made  between  them.  In  the  interim,  the  Parthians, 
having  made  themselves  masters  of  all  Lesser  Asia  and  Syria,  take  Jerusalem,  slay 
Phasael,  make  Hyrcanus  prisoner,  and  settle  Antigonus  on  the  throne  of  Judea. 
Herod  hereon  fleeing  to  Rome,  is  there  made  king  of  Judea.  Ventidius  gaineth  two 
victories  over  the  Parthians. 

Herod  besiegeth  Jerusalem,  and  there  hardly  presseth  Antigonus.  Ventidius  gains  a 
third  victory  over  the  Parthians,  slaying  about  thirty  thousand  of  them,  and,  among 
them,  Pacorus,  their  general,  the  king's  son;  whereon  he  again  recovers  from  them 
all  Syria  and  Phoenicia.  Antony  returns  into  Syria,  besiegeth  Samosata:  Herod  goes 
thither  to  him;  Joseph  his  brother,  whom  he  left  to  command  in  Judea  during  his 
absence,  fights  the  enemy  against  order,  and  is  slain.  Herod,  on  his  return,  reveng- 
eth  his  death,  in  a  great  victory  over  Pappus,  Antigonus's  general,  slaying  him  in 
battle,  with  the  most  of  his  army. 


TO  THE  FOREGOING  HISTORY. 


437 


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4680 

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Antony,  having  spent  the  winter  with  Cleopatra  at  Alexandria,  sailcth  from 
thence  in  the  spring  for  Italy,  and  from  thence  back  again  into  Syria,  to  make 
preparations  for  the  Parthian  war.  Herod  married  Marianinie,  and,  in  conjunc- 
tion with  Sosius,  president  of  Syria,  besiegeth  Jerusalem  with  a  close  siege,  and 
presseth  it  hard  on  every  side. 

After  a  half  year's  siege,  Jerusalem  is  taken.  Antigonus  is  sent  prisoner  to  An- 
tony at  Antioch,  and  there  beheaded;  and  Herod  is  settled  in  the  full  possession 
of  the  kingdom  of  Jiidea.  Oroder,  king  of  Parthia,  is  miirdt^red  l)y  Phrahates 
his  son,  who  thereon  succeeds  him  in  the  kingdom.  He  rcleasnlh  Hyrcanus  out 
of  prison,  and  permits  him  to  live  in  full  freedom  among  the  Jews  of  Babylonia. 

P.  Canidius,  one  of  Antony's  lieutenants,  vanquisheth  tlie  Arniiiiians,  the  Alba- 
nians, and  Iberians,  and  carries  his  victorious  arms  as  far  as  Mount  Cacasus. 
Antony  makes  an  unfortunate  expedition  against  the  Parthians,  and  returns 
with  the  loss  of  the  major  part  of  his  army.  Sextus  Pompeius  is  vancjuished, 
and  driven  out  of  Sicily,  and  Lepidus  deposed  from  his  triumvirate. 

Antony,  after  his  miscarriage  in  his  Parthian  expedition,  spent  most  of  the  ensu- 
ing year  at  Alexandria  in  dalliances  with  Cleopatra.  Herod  makes  Aristobulus, 
the  brother  of  Mariamne,  high  priest,  and  afterward  murders  him.  Sextus  Pom- 
peius taken  and  put  to  death  in  Asia,  by  the  order  of  Antony. 

Herod  in  danger  of  being  put  to  death  by  Antony  for  the  murder  of  Aristobulus, 
escapes  by  the  means  of  large  sums  of  money  presented  to  Antony.  Antony 
marclieth  into  Armenia;  and,  having  there  treacherously  drawn  Artabazes, 
king  of  that  country,  into  his  power,  carries  him  in  chains  to  Alexandria,  and 
enters  that  place  in  triumph,  and  then  distributes  the  eastern  provinces  of  the 
Roman  empire  among  the  children  of  Cleopatra. 

Disgusts  happen  between  Antony  and  Octavianus,  which  broke  out  into  a  war, 
that  ended  in  the  ruin  of  Antony.  Hereon  Antony  draws  all  his  force  into 
Greece,  and  spends  a  great  part  of  this  year  at  Athens  in  making  warlike  pre- 
parations botii  by  sea  and  land. 

Octavianus  drives  all  the  friends  of  Antony  from  Rome.  Hereon  Antony  sends 
a  bill  of  divorce  to  Octavia;  and  other  provocations  are  given  on  both  sides  to 
inflame  matters  for  the  ensuing  war.  All  the  east  engageth  on  one  side,  and 
all  the  west  on  the  other.  Herod  by  the  order  of  Antony  makes  war  with  Mal- 
chus,  king  of  Arabia  Petrcea,  in  the  behalf  of  Cleopatra,  and  is  worsted  by  him. 

But  the  next  year  after,  having  gained  a  complete  victory  over  him,  he  brought 
him  to  his  terms.  Octavianus  vanquisheth  Antony  and  Cleopatra  at  Actiura; 
whereon  Cleopatra  flees  to  Alexandria,  and  Antony  repairs  thither  to  her.  Oc- 
tavianus, having  settled  the  aflairs  of  Italy,  Greece,  and  Lesser  Asia,  winters 
at  Sanios. 

Herod  addresseth  himself  to  Octavianus,  and  makes  his  peace  with  him.  Octavi- 
anus passeth  through  Lesser  Asia  and  Syria  to  Pelusium;  and,  having  taken 
that  place,  forceth  Antony  and  Cleopatra  to  kill  themselves.  Hereon  he  re 
dnceti)  Egypt  into  the  form  of  a  Roman  province,  and  marching  from  thence 
through  Syria,  takes  up  his  winter-quarters  in  Proper  Asia. 

Octavianus  returns  to  Rome,  and  enters  it  in  three  triumphs.  Herod,  in  a  fit  of 
rage  and  jealousy,  puts  Mariamne,  liis  beloved  wife,  to  death,  and  afterward 
bitterly  repenteth  of  it. 

Herod  puts  Alexandra,  the  mother  of  Mariamne,  to  death. 

The  monarchy  of  the  whole  Roman  empire  is,  by  the  unanimous  consent  of  the 
senate  and  people  of  Rome,  conferred  on  Octavianus,  with  the  name  of  Augus- 
tus, which  he  and  his  successors  ever  after  bore. 

Salome,  the  sister  of  Herod,  informing  him  against  Costobarus,  her  own  husband, 
causeth  him,  with  several  others,  to  be  put  to  death.  Petronius  is  made  prefect 
ofEgyptinthe  place  of  Cornelius  Gallus.  Herod  becomes  an  occasional  con- 
formist to  the  heathen  rites,  whereby  he  gives  great  offence  to  the  Jews. 

Herod  rebuilds  Samaria,  and  calls  it  Sebaste.  Augustus's  name  growing  great, 
many  foreign  nations  send  ambassadors  to  him  to  desire  his  friendship.  A 
grievous  famine  happens  in  Judea;  against  which  Herod  takes  great  care  to  re- 
lieve his  people,  and  thereby  much  ingratiates  himself  with  them. 

Absolute  and  arbitrary  power  is  given  Augustus  by  decree  of  the  senate.  Herod 
builds  him  a  stately  palace  on  Mount  Zion.  jElius  Gallus  begins  his  expedition 
into  tlie  Southern  Arabia,  for  which  Herod  furnished  him  with  five  hundred 
men  out  of  his  guards. 

/Elius  Gallus,  having  lost  more  than  half  his  men  in  his  march  into  the  Southern 
Arabia,  returns  without  success.  Candace,  queen  of  Ethiopia,  invaded  Egypt; 
is  repulsed  by  Petronius,  and  pursued  into  her  own  country.  Phrahates,  king 
of  Parthia,  being  expelled  Parthia  by  his  own  people,  is  restored  by  the  Scythi- 
ans, and  sends  ambassadors  to  Augustus  to  pray  his  friendship.  Herod  builds 
Herodium. 

Herod  begins  to  build  Csesarea,  which  he  finished  in  twelve  years'  time;  sends  the 
sons  of  Mariamne  to  Rome  for  their  education,  and  receives  from  Augustus, 
Trachonitis,  Auranitis,  and  Batansea,  in  addition  to  his  former  dominions. 
Agrippa  hath  the  government  of  the  east  committed  to  him.  Herod  waits  on 
him  at  Mitylene.  Herod,  having  suppressed  the  thieves  of  Trachonitis,  is  ac- 
cused about  it  before  Agrippa,  which  turns  to  the  confusion  of  the  accusers. 

Augustus  recalls  Agrippa,  marries  his  daughter  Julia  to  him,  and  leaves  him  to 
govern  the  west,  while  he  goes  into  the  cast.  He  winters  at  Samos,  and  there 
grants  peace  to  Candace,  queen  of  Ethiopia,  whom  Petronius  had  reduced  to  a 
necessity  of  there  suing  to  him  for  it,  by  reason  of  the  several  victories  he  had 
gained  over  her. 


438 


A  CHRONOLOGICAL  TABLE 


Augustus  passeth  throush  Lesser  Asia  into  Syria.  Herod  is  there  accused  before  him 
on  tlie  account  of  the  Trachoiiites.  Zenodorus,  tetrarch  of  Paneas,  and  the  Gadar- 
enes,  who  promoted  the  cause,  falling  in  it,  slay  themselves,  and  J'aneas  is  given  to 
Herod.  Phrahates,  king  of  Partliia,  for  the  obtaining  of  the  friendship  of  Augustus, 
restores  all  the  prisoners  and  ensigns  taken  in  the  wars  of  Crassus  and  Antony. 
After  this,  Augustus  having  settled  all  the  affairs,  he  returns,  and  winters  again  at 
Samos. 

While  Augustus  lay  there,  an  embassy  came  to  him  from  Porus,  king  of  India,  to  pray 
his  friendship.  Augustus  returned  to  Rome,  and  is  there  received  with  great  honour, 
on  the  account  of  the  restored  ensigns  and  prisoners  brouglit  back  with  him.  Herod 
proposed  the  new  building  of  the  temple  at  Jerusalem,  and  accordingly  sets  about 
the  making  ready  the  materials  for  it. 

^lius  Gallus,  succeeding  Petronius  in  the  prefecture  of  Egypt,  visits  the  upper  parts 
of  that  country,  as  far  as  Ethiopia,  having  <vith  him  Strabo  the  geographer  through 
all  liis  progress. 

Herod  having,  after  two  years'  preparation,  made  ready  all  materials  for  the  building 
of  a  new  temple  at  Jerusalem,  pulled  down  the  old  one.  Augustus  adopted  Caius 
and  Lucius,  the  sons  of  Agrippa  by  his  daughter  Julia. 

Herod  fetched  home  from  Rome  Alexander  and  Aristobulus,  his  sons  by  Mariamne, 
and  married  the  eldest  of  them  to  Glaphyra,  the  daughter  of  Archelaus,  king  of  Cap- 
padocia,  and  the  other  to  Berenice,  the  daughter  of  Salome  his  sister. 

Agrippa  being  sent  again  into  the  east,  Herod  invites  him  into  Judea,  and  there  treats 
him  with  great  splendour  and  magnificence. 

Agrippa  wageth  war  with  the  Bosjihorans,  and  having,  by  the  assistance  of  Herod 
(who  went  thither  in  person  to  him  with  his  forces,)  subdued  them,  giveth  that  coun- 
try to  Polemon  king  of  Pontus.  In  reward  for  tiiis  service,  Herod  procures  from 
Agrippa  to  the  Asiatic  Jews  a  confirmation  of  all  their  privileges  formerly  granted 
to  them. 

Augustus,  on  the  death  of  Lepidus,  takes  the  office  of  high  priest  of  Rome,  and,  by 
virtue  thereof,  examines  the  Sibylline  books,  and  burns  such  as  he  judged  spurious, 
and  deposits  the  rest  in  the  temple  of  Apollo,  which  he  had  built  within  the  palace. 
Herod  breaking  with  the  sons  of  Mariamne,  sets  upAntipater  against  them.  Agrip- 
pa returns  to  Rome,  and  Sentius  Saturninus  and  Titus  Voluranius  have  the  presi- 
dency of  Syria  after  his  departure. 

Agrippa  is  sent  against  the  Pannonians,  and,  having  reduced  them  to  terms  of  sub- 
mission, returns,  and  dies  in  Campania.  Hereon  Augustus  marries  his  daughter 
Julia  to  Tiberius,  and  makes  him  his  assistant  in  the  empire,  in  the  same  manner 
as  Agrippa  was  before. 

The  breach  between  Ilerod  and  his  sons  by  Mariamne  growing  to  a  great  height,  He- 
rod accuseth  them  before  Augustus,  who  makes  reconciliation  between  them.  Herod 
returns  to  Jerusalem,  gives  an  account  hereof  to  the  people,  and  names  to  them 
Antipater  for  his  heir. 

Herod  having  finished  his  works  at  Ciesarea,  gives  it  thattiame,  in  the  dedication  of 
it,  in  honour  of  Augustus  Cffisar.  He  builds  also  Cypron,  Antipatris,  Phasaelis,  and 
the  tower  of  Phasael  at  Jerusalem. 

The  Jews  of  Asia  and  Cyrene,  being  oppressed  by  their  heathen  neighbours,  obtain 
relief  of  their  grievances,  and  a  farther  confirmation  of  their  privileges.  The  breach 
between  Herod  and  his  sons  by  Mariamne  is  again  revived,  and  carried  by  Herod 
to  a  great  height. 

Archelaus,  king  of  Cappadocia,  comes  to  Jerusalem,  and  makes  another  reconciliation 
between  Herod  and  his  sons.  Herod  goes  to  Rome  to  acquaint  Augustus  of  it.  In 
the  interim,  the  Trachonite  thieves  make  great  ravages  in  his  territories;  but,  being 
repulsed  by  Herod's  lieutenants,  flee  into  Arabia,  and  are  there  protected  by  Syll^us. 
Augustus  corrects  an  error  in  the  Julian  year,  and  gives  his  name  to  the  month  of 
August.     Herod  finisheth  the  temple  at  Jerusalem,  and  dedicates  it. 

Herod  pursues  the  Trachonite  thieves  into  Arabia,  and  there  destroys  their  fortress, 
which  Syllsus  had  given  them,  and  cuts  off  all  of  them  that  fell  into  his  hands:  for 
which  being  accused  by  Syllsns  to  Augustus,  for  some  time  is  out  of  his  favour  on 
this  account.    Obodas,  king  of  the  Nabathaeans,  dies,  and  Aretas  succeeds  him. 

Tiberius  retires  to  Rhodes.  The  third  breach  happened  between  Herod  and  his  sons  by 
Mariamne.  Herod,  having  recovered  the  favour  of  Augustus,  writes  to  him  of  it, 
and  obtains  his  permission  to  proceed  against  them;  whereon  having  procured  them 
to  be  condemned  in  a  council  at  Berytus,  he  caused  them  both  to  be  strangled.  Za- 
charias  saw  the  vision  whereby  was  foreshown  to  him  the  birth  of  John  the  Baptist. 

A  plot  of  Antipater's  against  his  father's  life  detected.  The  angel  Gabriel  foreshows 
to  the  Virgin  Mary  that  Christ  should  be  born  of  her;  which  was  accordingly  accom- 
plished at  the  end  of  the  year,  at  Bethlehem,  she  being  then  delivered  of  him  at  that 
place,  and  the  young  child  was  called  Jesus. 

Joseph  and  Mary  flee  with  the  young  child  Jesus  into  Egypt  to  avoid  the  cruelty  of 
Herod.  Antipater,  on  his  return  from  Rome,  is  convicted  before  Quintilius  Varus, 
president  of  Syria,  of  his  intended  parricide,  and  is  condemned  and  put  to  death  for 
it,  and  five  days  afterward  died  Herod  himself. 

Archelaus  succeeded  Herod  in  Judea,  Idumea,  and  Samaria;  Herod  Antipas  in  Galilee 
and  Peraea;  and  Philip  in  Auronitis,  Trachonitis,  Panseas,  and  Batanea.  Joseph  and 
Mary,  with  the  child  Jesus,  return  out  of  Egypt,  and  settle  at  Nazareth  in  Galilee. 

The  Arminians  rebelling,  and  the  Parthians  confederating  with  them,  Caius  Cxsar, 
Augustus's  grandson,  is  sent  into  the  east,  and  lands  in  Egypt. 

Passing  from  thence  into  Syria,  through  Judea,  refuseth  to  sacrifice  at  Jerusalem 


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The  Christian  era,  according  to  Dionysius  Exiguus,  begins  four  years  after  the 
true  time  of  Clirist's  birth. 

Tiberius,  being  recalled  from  Rhodes,  returns  to  Rome.  Lucius  Caesar,  the  younger 
grandson  of  Augustus,  dies  at  Marseilles. 

Cains  Caesar,  the  elder  grandson  of  Augustus,  having  received  a  wound  in  Arme- 
nia, dies  of  it  in  his  return. 

The  Julian  calendar  is  set  right.  Augustus,  on  the  death  of  his  two  grandsons, 
Caius  and  Lucius,  adopts  Tiberius,  and  forceth  him  at  the  same  time  to  adopt 
Germanicus. 

Archelaus,  being  accused  before  Augustus  for  many  maleadministrations  in  his 
government,  is  cited  to  Rome,  there  to  answer  for  the  same. 

Where,  being  convicted  of  them,  he  is  deposed,  and  banished  to  "Vienna  in  Gallia, 
all  his  goods  decreed  to  be  confiscated,  and  his  principality  to  be  made  a  Roman 
province;  which  decree  P.  Sulpitius  (iuirinius,  then  sent  to  be  president  of  Syria, 
executed,  and  Coponius  is  made  procurator  of  Judea. 

Great  troubles  ensued  among  the  Jews  on  this  change,  especially  on  the  account 
of  the  tax  then  laid  upon  them.  Christ,  in  the  twelfth  year  of  l^s  age,  came  into 
the  temple,  and  there  sat  among  the  doctors. 

Marcus  Ambivius  is  sent  by  Augustus  to  be  procurator  of  Judea,  in  the  place  of 
Coponius.    Salome  the  sister  of  Herod  dies. 

Tiberius  was  admitted  into  copartnership  of  power  with  Augustus  in  the  provinces 
of  the  empire. 

Annius  Rufus  is  made  procurator  of  Judea  in  the  place  of  Ambivius. 

Augustus  CfEsar  died  at  Nola,  in  Campania,  on  the  nineteenth  of  August.  Tiberius 
succeeds  him  in  the  whole  empire. 

Tiberius  sends  Valerius  Gratus  to  be  procurator  of  Judea. 

Some  disturbances  happening  in  the  east,  Germanicus  is  sent  thither  under  pre- 
tence to  quell  them. 

Germanicus  reduceth  Cappadocia  and  Commagena  into  the  form  of  Roman  pro- 
vinces, and  settles  the  affairs  of  Armenia. 

Germanicus  visiteth  Egypt,  and  on  his  return  into  Syria,  dieth  at  Antioch,  of  poi- 
son given  him  by  Piso,  president  of  Syria. 

Piso  on  his  return  to  Rome,  being  accused  of  poisoning  Germanicus,  slew  himself, 
to  avoid  being  condemned  for  it. 

Valerius  Gratus  removes  Annas  from  being  high  priest,  after  he  had  been  fifteen 
years  in  that  office,  and  substitutes  in  his  place  Jsmael  the  son  of  Fabus. 

Eleazar,  the  son  of  Annas,  is  made  high  priest  in  the  place  of  Ismael. 

Simon,  the  son  of  Camith,  is  made  high  priest  in  the  place  of  Eleazar. 

Joseph,  surnamed  Caiaphas,  son-inlaw  of  Annas,  is  made  high  priest  in  the  place 
of  Simon.  Pontius  Pilate  is  sent  by  Tiberius  to  be  procurator  of  Judea  in  the 
place  of  Valerius  Gratus.  The  ministry  of  the  gospel  is  first  begun  by  John  the 
Baptist,  the  forerunner  of  Jesus  Christ,  which  he  carries  on  three  years  and  a  half. 

John  being  put  in  prison  by  Herod  Antipas,  about  the  time  of  the  autumnal  equi- 
nox, Christ  appeared  personally  in  the  ministry  of  his  gospel,  and  carried  it  on 
three  years  and  a  half  more,  to  the  time  of  his  crucifixion. 


Christ  was  crucified,  rose  again  from  the  dead,  and  ascended  up  into  heaven. 


INDEX. 


ABRAHAM  held  in  veneration  by  the  Magi,  i.  202. 

Ace  and  Aeon,  Ptolemais  so  called,  ii.  59. 

Acichorius,  the  Gai^l,  invades  Paiinoiiia,  ii.  25. 

Ach;ean  commonwealth,  what  it  was,  ii.  180. 

AchiEUs,  his  good  services  to  Seleucus  Ceraunus,  ii. 
68;  refuses  the  kingdom  of  Syria,  69;  recovers  part 
of  it,  ib.;  usurps  it,  73;  besieged  in  Sardis,  81;  be- 
trayed and  delivered  to  Antiochus,  ib.;  beheaded,  ib. 

Achillas  makes  war  upon  Casar  at  Ale.xandria,  ii. 
308;  put  to  death,  309. 

Achoris,  king  of  Egvpt,  his  wars  with  the  Persians, 
his  death,  i.  345.  350. 

Acrostics  mentioned  by  Cicero,  what  they  were,  ii. 
401. 

Actium,  battle  of,  ii.  371. 

Adamantius,  why  Origen  so  called,  ii.  45. 

Adoration  paid  the  king  of  Persia  by  the  Greeks,  i. 
353. 

./Elius  Gallus,  his  unsuccei!sful  expedition  against 
the  Troglodytes  in  the  east,  ii.  .387. 

iEtolians  invite  Antiochus  the  Great  to  make  war 
on  the  Romans  in  Greece,  ii.  93. 

Agathoclea,  her  wickedness,  ii.  74;  plunders  Ptole- 
my's treasury  at  his  death,  84;  endeavours  to  usurp 
the  regency,  ib.;  killed,  85. 

Agathocles,  her  brother,  his  treason,  ii.  84;  killed,  85. 

Agathocles,  governor  of  Parthia  for  Antiochus,  oc- 
casions the  loss  of  tlie  province  by  sodomy,  ii.  56. 

Agathocles,  son  of  Lysimachus,  his  actions  against 
Demetrius,  ii.  13;  murdered  by  means  of  Ms  aunt 
and  step-mother  Arsinoe,  23. 

Agesilaus,  king  of  Sparta,  his  wars  against  the  Per- 
sians, i.  340;  ill  conduct,  342;  his  parley  with  Phar- 
nabazus,  corruption,  343;  greedy  of  (iioney,  355;  his 
treachery,  ib.;  makes  Nectanebus  king  of  Egypt, 
ib.;  his  death,  356. 

Agrippa,  a  favourite  of  Augustus,  marries  Julia  his 
daughter,  ii.  390;  his  sons  by  her,  394;  entertained 
at  Jerusalem,  395;  liis  expedition  to  Bosphorus,  ib.; 
his  death,  407. 

Ahasuerus,  see  Astyages,  i.  107;  see  Cambyses,  165. 
194.  See  Artaxerxes  Longimanus,  220;  conjectures 
about  him,  221;  his  kindness  to  the  Jews,  22-2. 

Ahaz,  king  of  Judah,  his  wicked  reign,  i.  61.  70;  and 
distresses,  62;  and  losses,  63;  becomes  tributary  to 
Arbaces,  68;  his  idolatry,  ib.;  his  death  and  igno- 
minious burial,  70. 

Ahaziah,  king  of  Israel,  partner  in  the  trade  to 
Ophir  with  Jehosaphat  king  of  Judali,  i.  65. 

Ahikam,  his  friendship  to  Jeremiah,  i.  98. 

Alcaudonius  king  of  the  Arabs  offers  liimself  by  auc- 
tion, ii.  318. 

Alcibiades  put  to  death  at  the  instigation  of  the  La- 
cedemonians, i.  335. 

Aldus,  his  edition  of  the  Septuagint,  ii.  47. 

Alexander  the  Great,  his  birth,  i.  358;  victories  in 
Greece,  366;  his  army  in  Asia,  ib.;  victories  there, 
ib.;  sacrifices  to  God  at  Jerusalem,  371;  his  cruelty 
and  vain  glory,  372;  reduces  Egypt,  373;  his  vanity 
and  cruelty,  374;  builds  Alexandria,  ib.;  punishes 
the  Samaritans  for  the  death  of  Andromachus, 
376;  masters  the  Persian  empire,  378;  plunders  Per- 
sepolis,  379;  burns  it,  ib.;  his  luxury  there,  ib.; 
weeps  over  Darius's  dead  body,  380;  his  swift 
marches,  ib.;  builds  another  Alexandria,  381;  wars 
with  the  northern  Asiatics,  ib.;  kills  (^litus,  ib.; 
Callisthenes.  382;  his  vanity,  ib.;  march  to  India, 
383;  conquests  and  return,  ib.;  his  lust  and  cruelty, 
385;  his  riches,  386;  his  designs,  387;  his  death,  3i-^; 
his  burial,  393. 

Alexander  made  governor  of  Persia  by  Antiochus 
the  Great,  ii.  69;  rebids,  ib.;  and  slays  himself,  71. 

Alexander  made  kingof  E;;ypt  by  Cleopatra  his  mo- 
ther, ii.  241;  leaves  the  kingdom,  346;  persuaded  by 

Vol.  II.— 50 


her  to  return,  ib.;  kills  her,  251;  expelled  for  it,  ib.; 
slain,  ib. 

Alexander  his  son  reigns  there  by  favour  of  the  Ro- 
mans, ii.  2.37;  murders  his  wife,  ib.;  expelled  by  the 
Alexandrians,  274;  his  death,  ib.;  he  is  not  named 
by  Ptolemy  the  astronomer,  ib. 

Alexander  Jannseus made  kingof  Judea,  ii. 243;  deals 
doubly  with  Ptolemy  Lathyras  king  of  Cyprus,  244; 
is  overthrown  by  him,  ib.;  assisted  by  Cleopatra, 
mother  of  Lathyrus,  ib.;  his  interview  with  her, 
245;  beaten  by  tlie  Philadelphians,  240;  hated  by  the 
Pharisees,  ib.;  takes  and  sacks  Gaza,  ib.;  afironted 
in  the  temple,  and  kills  six  thousand  Jews,  248; 
makes  the  Arabians  and  Moabites  tributary,  ib.; 
worsted  by  the  Arabs,  249;  hated  by  the  Jews,  ib.; 
their  bold  saying  to  him,  251;  he  is  routed  and  flies, 
ib.;  his  wars  with  them  continued,  252;  reduces 
them,  253;  his  extreme  severity,  ib.;  fifty  thousand 
of  them  killed,  354;  takes  Pella,  and  drives  away 
tlie  inhabitants,  256;  enlarges  his  conquests,  ib;. 
his  vices,  ib.;  his  death,  ib.;  his  good  advice  to  his 
wife  about  the  government  which  he  left  her,  257. 

Alexander,  son  of  Aristobulus,  escapes  from  Rome, 
ii.  292;  makes  war  in  Jiidasa,  and  is  pardoned  by 
Gabinius,  ib.;  routed  by  him,  296;  makes  peace  with 
Cassius,  301;  tried  and  beheaded  by  command  of 
Pompey.  302. 

Alexandra  queen  of  Judea  favours  the  Pharisees,  ii. 
2.59;  her  death,  265;  an  error  concerning  her  cor- 
rected, ib. 

Alexandra,  Mariamne's  mother,  her  scandalous  be- 
haviour at  her  daughter's  death,  ii.  382;  put  to 
death,  383. 

Alexandria  built,  i.  374;  now  a  village,  ib.;  peopled 
with  Jews,  375. 

Alexandria,  Jews  very  numerous  there,  ii.  38;  trade 
of  the  east  brought  thither,  54;  inhabited  by  three 
sorts  of  people,  78;  vaulted  under  ground,  309;  as 
at  this  day,  ib. 

Alexandrian  copy  of  the  Septuagint,  by  whom  writ- 
ten, ii.  48;  its  antiquity,  ib. 

Alexandrians,  their  skill  in  astronomy,  ii.  157;  sedi- 
tion, 177;  leave  their  city,  194. 

Altar  for  burnt  oflerings  described,  i.  147,  148. 

Amasis  usurps  the  kingdom  of  Egypt,  i.  117;  viceroy 
to  Nebuchadnezzar,  118;  slays  Apries,  119;  his 
death,  1(;5;  indignities  ottered  him  afterward,  166. 

Amathus  taken  and  razed  by  the  king  of  Judea,  ii. 
249. 

Amisus  in  Pontiis,  long  siege  of,  by  the  Romans,  Ii. 
203;  made  a  free  city  by  Lucullus,  264. 

Ammianus  Matccllinus  corrected,  ii.  17. 

Amnion,  king  of  Judah,  his  wicked'  reign,  i.  87;  his 
death,  ib.;  revenged,  ib. 

Ammonites  carried  into  captivity  by  the  Assyrians, 
i.  110. 

Aininonius,  minister  to  the  impostor  Balas  of  Syria, 
ii.  178;  his  cruelty,  ib.;  plots  against  the  king  of 
Egypt,  180;  slain,  ib. 

Amos,  his  prophecy  of  the  captivity  of  the  Jews  ful- 
filled, i.  68. 

Amyrtii'us  reigns  in  the  fens  of  Egypt,  i.  2.57;  reco- 
vers the  whole  kingdom,  321;  dies,  and  is  succeeded 
by  his  son,  3:i2. 

Anaclateria  of  Ptolemy,  what  it  was,  ii.  91. 

Ananelus,  an  obscure  man  made  high-priest  by 
Herod,  ii.  357. 

Andreas  solicits  Ptolemy  for  the  Jews,  ii.  28. 

Andriscus,  an  impostor,  pretends  to  the  kingdom  of 
Macedon,  ii.  174. 

Andronicus,  governor  of  Antioch,  puts  Onias  the 
high-priest  to  death,  ii.  112;  punished  for  it,  ib. 

Angels  of  the  churches,  wiiy  the  Asian  bishops  so 
called,  i.  306. 

Angli,  (heir  origin,  ii.  246. 

Anna  the  prophetess,  her  marriage,  ii.  247;  the  same 


442 


INDEX. 


mentioned  by  St.  Luke,  ib,;  her  religious  exefcises 
in  the  temple,  252;  her  expectation  of  Christ,  345. 
Anna,  Tobit's  wife,  carried  into  captivity,  i.  72. 
Annius,  a  lying  historian,  i.  418. 

Anointing  of  kings  and  priests,  i.  160. 

Antalcidas,  the  Lacedemonian,  his  bad  peace  with 
the  i'ersians,  i.  344.  347;  starves  himself  to  death, 
347.  352. 

Antigonus  of  Socho,  chosen  president  of  the  Sanhe- 
drin,  ii.  11;  his  learning,  ib.;  death,  52;  and  charac- 
ter, ib. 

Antigonus,  his  government  after  Alexander's  death, 
i.  391;  his  war,  3J3;  sets  up  for  himself,  395;  wars 
with  Eumenes,  391);  puts  iiim  to  death,  400;  his 
greatness,  ib.;  wars  with  Seleucus,  402;  with  Ptole- 
my, 404;  causes  Alexander's  sister  to  be  murdered, 
40J;  his  cruelty,  ib.;  takes  the  title  of  king,  411;  his 
ill  nature,  412;  confederacy  against  him,  413;  routed 
and  slain,  414. 

Antigotius  Gonatas,  son  of  Demetrius  king  of  Mace- 
don,  routs  the  Gauls,  ii.  27;  marries  the  daughter 
of  Seleucus,  and  has  peaceable  possession  of  the 
kingdom,  4'J;  besieges  Athens,  50;  drives  Cleomenes 
out  of  Sparta,  70. 

Antigonus,  brother  to  Aristobulus  king  of  Judea, 
murdered  by  an  artifice  of  the  queen,  ii.  242. 

Antigonus,  Aristobulus's  younger  son,  set  up  by  a 
faction,  ii.  324.  328;  cuts  Hyrcanus's  ears  off,  329; 
the  kingdom  given  from  him  by  the  Romans,  330; 
surrenders  himself  to  Antony's  general,  337;  put  to 
death  by  order  of  Anthony,  338. 

Antioch  built,  i.  41(j;  why  called  Tetrapolis,  ib. 

Antioch  made  a  free  city  by  Pompey,  ii.  270. 

Antiochus  Soter,  sou  of  Seleucus,  how  he  got  his  fa- 
ther's wife  Stratonice,  ii.  15;  succeeds  him,  25;  wars 
for  the  kingdom  of  Macedon,  40;  yields  it  to  Anti- 
gonus, ib.;  beats  the  Gauls,  and  is  thence  called  So- 
ter, ib.;  defeated  by  Eumenes,  53;  his  death,  jb. 

Antiochus  Theus  succeeds  his  father  Soter,  ii.  53; 
marries  his  sister  Laodice,  ib.;  his  wars  with  Ptole- 
my Philadelphus,  56;  loses  his  eastern  provinces, 
ib.;  divorces  Laodice,  and  marries  Ptolemy's  daugh- 
ter Berenice,  57;  turns  off  Berenice,  and  retakes 
Laodice,  GO;  poisoned,  ib. 

Antiochus  Hierax,  why  so  called,  ii.  02;  routs  his 
brother  Seleucus,  ib.;  his  misfortunes  and  death, 
63.  64. 

Antiochus  the  Great  ascends  the  Syrian  throne,  ii, 
69;  wars  with  Ptolemy  Philopater,  70;  reduces  the 
eastern  rebels,  71;  loses  the  battle  of  Raphia,  76; 
gains  upon  Attains,  77;  reduces  Achsus,  81;  his 
Parthian  war,  82;  his  march  into  India,  84;  his 
league  against  the  young  king  Ptolemy  Epiphanes, 
85;  takes  Sidon,  87;  is  at  Jerusalem,  ib.;  his  decree 
in  favour  of  the  Jews,  ib.;  his  successes  in  Asia 
Minor,  89;  gives  audience  to  the  Roman  ambassa- 
dors in  Thrace,  89;  flies  into  a  passion,  90;  suffers 
by  a  storm,  ib.;  Hannibal  with  him,  91;  engaged  by 
him  in  a  war  with  the  Romans,  ib.;  makes  alliances, 
92;  his  mourning  for  his  son  Antiochus,  193;  begins 
the  war  with  the  Romans  rashly,  ib.;  marries  a 
young  woman  in  his  old  age,  94;  driven  into  Asia, 
95;  his  fleet  beaten,  ib.;  sues  in  vain  for  a  peace 
with  the  Romans,  90;  routed  by  them,  ib.;  pays  a 
prodigious  sura  for  a  peace,  97  (note  2;)  a  saying  of 
his  on  the  loss  of  his  provinces  to  them,  98;  robs  the 
temple  qf  Jupiter  Belus,  and  is  murdered,  ib.;  Dan- 
iel's prophecies  of  him  fulfilled,  ib. 

Antiochus  Epiphanes,  his  son,  an  hostage  at  Rome, 
ii.  97;  obtains  the  crown,  106;  his  extravagances, 
ib.;  and  madness,  107;  nicknamed  Epimanes,  ib.; 
treated  at  Jerusalem,  110;  routs  the  Egyptians,  113; 
puts  the  Jewish  ambassadors  to  death,  ib.;  his  vic- 
tories in  Egypt,  114;  his  cruelty  and  profaneness  at 
Jerusalem,  115;  his  immense  booty,  ib.;  invades 
Egypt  again,  116;  gives  audience  to  ambassadors 
in  favour  of  Ptolemy,  ib.;  his  severe  decree  against 
the  Jews,  120;  his  folly  at  Daphane,  128;  his  death 
and  wicked  character,  136;  Daniel's  prophecies 
concerning  him  fulfilled,  138,  &c.;  succeeded  by  his 
son,  141. 

Antiochus  Eupator,  ii.  142;  his  breach  of  faith  to  the 
Jews,  148;  put  to  death  by  his  brother  Demetrius, 
15L 

Antiochus  Theos,  son  of  Balas,  expels  Demetrius, 
king  of  Syria,  ii.  184;  kind  to  Jonathan,  185;  mur- 
dered by  his  minister  Tryphon,  180. 

Antiochus  Sidetes,  brother  of  Demetrius,  marries  his 
wife,  ii.  190;  kills  the  usurper  Tryphon,  and  ob- 
tains the  kingdom  of  Syria,  191;  wars  with  Simon, 
ib.'  overruns  Palestine,  197;  compels  Hyrcanus  to 


sue  for  peace,  ib.;  his  benignity  saves  the  Jews  from 
destruction,  198;  sends  presents  to  Scipio  in  Spain, 
199;  his  expedition  against  the  Parthians,  200; 
killed,  201. 

Antiochus  Grypus  made  king  of  Syria  by  his  mother, 
ii.  209;  educated  at  Athens,  ib.;  forces  his  mother  to 
drink  the  poison  she  had  prepared  for  him,  210; 
his  arguments  with  his  wife  not  to  murder  her  sis- 
ter, 211;  forced  to  fly,  ib.;  his  death  and  successors, 
247. 

Antiochus's  son  drowned,  ii.  249. 

Antiochus  Dionysius,  youngest  son  of  Grypus,  seizes 
the  kingdom  of  Damascus,  ii.  353;  slain,  250. 

Antiochus  Cyzicenus,  Grypus's  design  against  him, 
ii.  211;  marries  Cleopatra,  sister  and  wife  to  Lathy- 
rus  king  of  Egypt,  ib.;  routs  Grypus,  and  revenges 
the  death  of  his  wife,  212;  routed  by  the  Jews,  ib.; 
opposes  his  nephew  Seleucus,  248;  put  to  death,  ib. 

Antiochus  Eusebes,  his  son,  succeeds  him,  ii.  248; 
marries  his  uncle  Grypus's  widow,  349;  forced  to 
fly  to  the  Parthians,  ib.;  they  restore  him  to  part 
of  his  dominions,  253;  dies  in  obscurity,  250;  Ids 
widow  keeps  part  of  Syria,  257. 

Antiochus  Asiaiicus,  his  son,  reigns  over  a  small  part 
of  Syria,  ii.  200;  reduced  to  a  private  life,  274;  in 
liim  ended  the  Seleucida;,  ib.  291. 

Antiochis,  daughter  of  Antiochus  the  Great,  imposes 
two  suppositious  princes  on  the  Cappadocians,  ii. 
169. 

Antipater  conspires  the  death  of  Alexander,  i.  388; 
dies,  395. 

Antipater,  father  of  Herod,  his  intrigues  to  restore 
Hyrcanus  to  the  kingdom  of  Judea,  ii.  274;  assists 
Casar  at  Alexandria,  310;  very  serviceable  to  him, 
ib.;  and  to  the  Jews  with  Cajsar,  312;  his  wisdom 
and  family,  ib.;  settles  the  government  of  Judea, 
313;  prevents  Herod's  invading  Judea,  314;  poisoned 
by  the  ungrateful  Malichus,  322. 

Antonio,  castle  of,  at  Jerusalem,  described,  ii.  210; 
called  Baris  at  first,  ib.;  what  use  it  was  put  to,  217; 
the  pontifical  robes  kept  there,  2J8. 

Antony,  general  of  the  liorse  to  Gabinius  in  Asia, 
ii.  292;  seizes  the  passes  of  Egypt,  294;  his  genero- 
sity, 295;  consul  at  Ciesar's  death,  319;  his  oration 
upon  it,  ib.;  outwitted  by  Octavianus,  320;  declared 
a  public  enemy,  ib.;  routs  Brutus,  323;  his  grandeur 
and  lust,  324,  325;  is  kind  to  Herod  and  the  Jews, 
ib.;  enamoured  of  Cleopatra,  ib.;  orders  the  Jewish 
ambassadors  to  be  slain,  325;  falls  out  with,  and  is 
reconciled  to  Octavianus,  327;  bribed  by  Herod.  330; 
procures  the  crown  for  him,  ib.;  his  luxury  at 
Athens,  332;  balked  in  the  siege  of  Samosata,  3.35; 
goes  to  Cleopatra,  ib.;  to  Italy,  336;  his  expedition 
against  the  Parthians,  358;  his  error  and  ill  success, 
,359;  his  great  loss,  300;  betrayed  by  Artabazes,  ib.; 
governed  by  Cleopatra,  ih.;  his  life  with  her,  ,362; 
aftronts  his  wife  Octavia  to  please  Cleopatra,  364; 
his  profliseness  to  her  disobliges  the  Romans,  360; 
revenges  himself  on  Artabazes,  ib.;  his  treachery 
in  that  case  offends  Octavianus,  307;  the  Romans 
offended  at  his  triumph  in  Alexandria,  ib.;  gives 
kingdoms  to  Cleopatra's  children,  ib.;  his  vanity, 
lb.;  misses  an  advantage  against  Octavianus,  369; 
liis  extravagant  will,  ib.;  fights  Octavianus  at  Ac- 
tium,  370,  371;  flies  after  Cleopatra,  ih.;  deserted, 
371;  acts  the  part  of  Timon  of  Athens,  373;  his  lewd- 
ness with  Cleopatra  to  the  last,  ib.;  sues  for  peace 
in  vain,  375;  deserted  by  his  fleet  at  Alexandria, 
376;  exclaims  against  Cleopatra,  ib.;  his  character, 
ib.;  kills  himself,  ib. 

Antonius.  his  son,  in  favour  with  Augustus,  ii.  377; 
put  to  death,  ib. 

Antony  joins  with  Paul  the  monk  in  setting  up  monk- 
ery, li.  237. 

Apame,  her  scandalous  love  for  Demetrius,  son  of 
Poliorcetes,  ii.  55;  the  occasion  of  a  war  between 
Antiochus  Theus  and  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  56. 

Apis,  the  Egyptian  God,  described,  i.  167:  killed  by 
Cambyses,  168;  bv  Ochus,  363. 

Apollo,  of  Tyre,  chained  by  them,  i.  309. 

Apollonius  Tyanseus,  history  of  him  a  fable,  i.  422. 

Apostates,  how  hated  and  used  by  the  Jews,  ii.  80. 

Apollonius  Rhodius,  library-keeper  at  Alexandria,  ii. 
02. 

Apollophanes  Antiochus's  physician,  his  advice  at  a 
council  of  war,  ii.  73. 

Apollonius,  lieutenant  to  Antioch  Epiphanes,  de- 
stroys Jerusalem,  ii.  120;  routed  and  slain.  128;  se- 
veral persons  of  that  name  distinguished.  178. 

Apries  succeeds  his  father  Psammis,  king  of  Egypt, 
i.  108;  deceives  Zedekiah,  110;  forced  to  fly  from 


INDEX. 


443 


the  usurper  Amasis,  117;  slain  by  him,  110;  his 
pride, ib. 

Apronadius,  king  of  Assyria,  i.  77;  his  death,  70. 

Aquila  of  Poiitus,  his  Paraphrase  on  the  Bible,  ii. 
344;  his  apostary,  ib. 

Aquila  undertakes  a  translation  of  the  Bible  in  oppo- 
sition to  the  Soptua^int,  ii.  41;  his  method  in  it,  4H. 

Arabs  preserve  and  restore  the  ancient  names  of 
places,  i.  97. 

Aratus  the  poet  favoured  by  Ptolemy,  ii.  50. 

Aratus  expels  Nicocles  tyrant  of  Sicyon,  ii.  56;  gene- 
rously assisted  by  Ptolemy  Philadclphus,  and  why, 
ib. 

Arbaces  founds  the  second  Assyrian  monarchy,  i.  61. 
Vide  Tiglath  Pileser. 

Arbela,  Darius  routed  there,  i.  378. 

Arbitrary  power,  the  ill  effects  of  it,  i.  335. 

Archelaus  son  of  Herod  succeeds  him,  ii.  419;  he  is 
banished  by  Augustus  to  Vienne  in  Gallia,  420. 

Archias's  avarice  ii.  172;  the  occasion  of  his  hanging 
himself,  ib. 

Archimagus,  high-priest  of  the  Magians,  i.  200;  Da- 
rius takes  that  office,  204. 

Aretas,  king  of  Arabia,  chosen  king  of  D.amascus,  ii. 
250 

Argyraspides,  why  Alexander's  soldiers  so  called,  i. 
390;  betrays  Eumenes,  400. 

Ariarathes,  king  of  Cappadocia,  opposed  by  an  im- 
postor, ii.  109;  refuses  the  king  of  Syria's  sister  in 
marriage,  ib. 

Arid;eus,  Alexander's  bastard  brother,  made  king,  i. 
390;  an  idiot,  ib.;  murdered,  398. 

Arimanius,  the  evil  god  of  the  Persians,  &c.  i.  173. 

Atiobarzanes  chosen  king  of  Cappadocia,  ii.  250;  the 
Romans  his  friends,  ib. 

Aristeas,  his  account  of  the  Septuagint  confuted,  ii. 
27,  &c. 

Aristides  the  Athenian,  his  exploits,  i.  212. 

Aristobulus  succeeds  Hyrcanus  in  the  principality  of 
Judea,  ii.  241;  assumes  the  title  of  king,  and  mur- 
ders his  mother,  ib.;  shares  the  government  with 
Antigonus's  brother,  and  murders  him,  ib.;  forces 
the  Ituraeans  to  be  proselytes  to  the  Jewish  reli- 
gion, 241;  murders  his  brother  by  the  artifice  of  his 
wife,  242;  dies  of  remorse,  ib. 

Aristobulus  owned  king  of  Judea  by  his  elder 
brother  Hyrcanus,  ii.  266;  deposed  by  Pompey,  ib. 
&c.;  the  time  of  his  reign  ascertained,  ib.;  not 
owned  by  the  Romans,  276;  has  audience  of  Pom- 
pey, 280;  his  plea.ib.;  departs  without  taking  leave 
of  him,  28);  offends  him,  ib.;  his  unsteadiness,  ib.; 
put  in  chains  by  Pompey,  283;  carried  away  for  his 
triumph,  285.  287;  escapes  from  Rome,  293;  renews 
the  war,  and  is  again  taken,  294;  joins  with  Caesar, 
and  is  poisoned,  303. 

Aristobulus,  the  last  of  the  Asmonsan  princes,  He- 
rod's jealousy  of  him,  ii.  363;  beloved  by  the  Jews, 
ib.;  murdered  by  Herod's  crafty  cruelty,  ib. 

Aristobulus,  his  account  of  the  translation  of  the 
Septuagint,  ii.  29;  confuted,  35;  his  commentaries 
on  Moses  suspected,  ib. 

Aristonicus,  his  war  with  the  Romans  for  the  king- 
dom of  Pergamus,  ii.  199. 

Aristotle  instructed  by  a  learned  Jew,  ii.  35;  his 
works,  how  preserved,  255;  studied  by  the  Christian 
schoolmen  from  an  ill  translation,  194. 

Aristotle,  how  many  lines  his  works  consisted  of,  i. 
275;  his  birth  and  life,  363;  his  converse  with  a  Jew, 
363.  366. 

Ark  of  the  covenant  described,  i.  151;  its  history,  152, 

&.C. 

Arkianus,  king  of  Babylon,  i.  77. 

Arphaxad.     See  Deioces. 

Arsaces  occasions  the  revolt  of  Parthia  from  Anlio- 

chus,  ii.  56;  founds  that  kingdom,  and  enlarges  it, 

65;  settles,  ib.;  gives  his  name  to  his  successors,  ib. 
Arsaces,  his  son,  leagues  with  Antiochusthe  Great, 

ii.  83;  his  successors,  189. 
Arses  has  only  the  name  of  king  of  Persia,  i.  364; 

slain,  ib. 
Arsinoe,  wife  of  Lysiraachus,  contrives  the  death  of 

his  son  Agathocles,  ii.  23;  banished,  24;  marries  her 

brother  Ptolemv  Philadelphus,  ib.;  beloved  by  him, 

25;  her  death,  58. 
Arsinoe,  wife  of  Ptolemy,  and  daughter  of  Lysima- 

chus,  divorced  by  him  and  banished,  ii.  24. 
Arsinoe,  wife  and  sister  to  Ptolemy  Philopater,  her 

courage,  ii.  76;  put  to  death,  83. 
Arsinoe,  sister  to  Cleopatra,  Ciesar's  mistress,  led  in 

triumph  by  him,  ii.  311;   murdered  by  Antony  to 

please  Cleopatra,  ib. 


Artabasanes,  son  of  Darius,  yields  the  crown  to  his 
younger  brother,  i.  193. 

Artaxerxes,  third  son  of  Xerxes,  made  king,  i.  220; 
slays  his  elder  brother,  221;  why  surnamed  Longi- 
manns,  ib.;  is  Ahasuerus,  ib.;  his  army  routed  in 
Egypt,  224;  bribes  the  Lacedemonians,  255;  his 
death,  318. 

Artaxerxes  Mnemon,  why  so  called,  i.  334;  his  nego- 
ciation.>  with  the  Greeks,  346,  &c.;  his  incestuous 
marriages,  356;  dcatli,  357. 

Artaxerxes.     See  Smerdis. 

Artemon  personates  Antiochus  Theus,  ii.  60. 

Arundel,  carl  of,  a  column  concerning  Seleucus  king 
of  Syria,  brought  by  him  out  of  Italy,  ii.  58. 

Asander  made  governor  of  Bosphorus  by  Pharnaces, 
ii.  311;  usurps  the  kingdom,  313;  routs  Mithridatcs, 
to  whom  C«sar  gave  it,  ib.;  has  quiet  possession 
of  it,  ib. 

Aslidod,  its  strength,  i.  82;  blockade  of  twenty-nine 
years,  ib.;  Jeremiah's  saying  of  it,  ib. 

Ashes,  the  manner  of  a  death  in  Persia,  i.  319.  See 
the  thirteenth  chapter  of  Maccabees. 

Asia  Proper,  and  the  Less,  distinguished,  ii.  199, 
(note  5.) 

Asida;ans,  who  they  were  that  joined  Mattathias,  ii. 
124.  219. 

Askalon,  temple  of  Venus,  robbed  by  the  Scythians, 
i.  88. 

Asmouiean  race,  when  they  became  possessed  of  the 
high-priesthood,  ii.  174;  of  the  first  class  of  the  sons 
of  Aaron,  ib.;  their  way  of  dealing  with  the  con- 
quered, 256;  tile  length  of  their  reign  over  Israel, 
338;  Aslipaltites,  lake  of  Sodom,  why  so  called,  i.  400. 

Assassination-plot  against  Herod,  ii.  385. 

Associations  of  the  Egyptians  against  Ptolemy  Epi- 
phanes,  ii.  103. 

Assyrian  empire,  its  duration,  i.  61.  90.  139. 

Astacus,  IVicomcdia  built  on  its  ruins,  ii.  53. 

Astyages,  of  Media,  marries  one  of  his  daughters  to 
Nebuchadnezzar,  i.  90;  another  to  Cambyses  king 
of  Persia,  104;  succeeds  his  father  Cyaxares,  108; 
the  same  with  Ahasuerus,  ib.;  his  death,  129. 

Astronomers  of  the  Sabian  sect,  i.  173. 

Atheism  punished  by  the  Athenians,  i.  321. 

Athenians  quarrel  with  Darius,  i.  186;  murder  his 
herald,  191;  quit  their  city  for  fear  of  Xerxes,  210; 
Persian  fleet  in  their  harbours,  ib.;  refuse  to  make 
peace  with  the  Persians,  212;  destroy  their  fleet  and 
armies,  ib.;  assist  the  Egyptians,  224;  rout  the  Per- 
sians, ib.;  their  losses  in  Egypt,  256;  allowed  two 
wives,  and  why,  317;  use  a  Persian  ambassador 
honourably,  318;  vanquished  by  the  Lacedemo- 
nians, 333;  put  Socrates  to  death,  and  repent  of  it, 
339;  assist  Euagoras  against  Artaxerxes,  346. 

Athens  burnt  by  the  Persians,  i.  212;  plague  there, 
313.  317;  walls  rebuilt  by  Conon,  344;  taken  by  De- 
metrius, 410.  419. 

Athens  besieged  by  Antigonns  king  of  Macedon,  ii.  51. 

Atropatians,  now  the  Georgians,  their  king  submits 
to  Antiochus,  ii.  72. 

Attalus  king  of  Pergamus  succeeds  Eumenes,  ii.  63; 
curtails  the  Syrian  empire,  ib.;  overthrown  by  An- 
tiochus the  Great,  69;  his  league  with  the  Romans, 
and  death,  88;  how  it  happened,  ib. 

Attalus,  brother  of  Eumenes  king  of  Pergamus, 
made  king  by  him,  ii.  169;  resigns  to  his  nephew,  ib. 

Attalus  Philometor  succeeds  his  uncle  Attalus,  ii. 
192;  his  vices  and  folly,  199;  dies,  and  leaves  his 
goods  to  the  Romans  by  will,  ib. 

Attilius  Marcus,  his  severe  punishment  for  suffering 
the  Sibyls  books  to  he  copied,  ii.  398. 

Augustus,  the  name  given  to  Octavianus  Cssar  by 
the  senate,  ii.  383;  ambassadors  to  him  from  the  In- 
dians, &c.  385;  set  above  the  laws  by  the  senate, 
386;  obliges  the  Parthians  to  restore  Crassus's  cap- 
tives and  ensigns,  388;  values  himself  upon  it,  393; 
preserves  the  Sibylline  oracles,  and  other  prophe- 
cies, 397;  orders  the  empire  to  be  surveyed  at  the 
time  of  our  Saviour's  birth,  414;  when  he  taxed  it, 
416;  his  death,  423;  his  good  character,  426. 

Azarias  one  of  Judas  MaccabiEus's  commanders,  his 
ill  conduct,  ii.  144. 

Azelmelic  made  king  of  Tyre  by  Alexander,  and  why, 
i.  ,369. 

Azotus  taken  by  John  son  of  Simon,  ii.  192. 

B. 

Babylon,  confusion  in  that  kingdom,  i.  79;  taken  by 
the  Assyrians,  ib.;  its  grandeur  under  Nebuchad- 
nezzar, 119, 120,  &c.;  taken  by  Cyrus,  137;  its  king- 


444 


INDEX. 


dom  tlestroyed,  138;  prophecins  about  it  fulfilled, 
139;  rebels  against  Darius,  178;  cruelty  of  the  citi- 
zens, 179;  taken  and  destroyed,  ib.;  taken  by  Alex- 
ander, 379;  by  Demetrius,  407;  entirely  ruined,  420. 

Babylonians,  how  early  they  made  astronomical  ob- 
servations, i.  123. 

Bacchides  sent  by  the  king  of  Syria  against  Judas 
Maccabaius,  ii.  10(j;  kills  hiin,  ib.;  his  cruelty,  ib.; 
worsted  by  Jonathan,  167;  quits  Palestine,  ib.;  re- 
turns and  makes  peace  with  the  Jews,  170. 

Bactria  revolts  from  Antiochus,  ii.  .57;  the  largeness 
of  the  province,  ib. 

Bagdad,  situation  of  it,  i.  421;  where  Seleucia  was, 
423;  wheucp.  its  name,  ib. 

Bagoas,  the  Egyptian  eunuch,  favourite  to  Ochus,  i. 
3()3;  why  ofended  at  him,  ib.;  his  revenge,  ib.; 
makes  Darius  king,  3(i5. 

Bagorazus,  his  fidelity  to  Artaxerxes,  and  death,  i. 
SIS. 

Bagoses,  the  Persian  governor,  lays  a  mulct  on  the 
Jews'  sacrifices,  i.  354. 

Balas,  called  also  Alexander,  an  impostor,  pretend,^ 
to  the  kingdom  of  Syria,  ii.  173;  makes  Jonathan 
high-priest,  174;  the  Romans  declare  for  him,  ib.; 
obtains  the  Syrian  empire,  and  is  kind  to  Jona- 
than, 175;  marries  the  king  of  Egypt's  daughter,  ib.; 
his  mal-administration,  178;  the  cruelty  of  his  fa- 
vourite, ib.;  killed,  280. 

Balascia,  in  India,  kings  of  Alexander's  race  there, 
i.  383. 

Balch,  in  Persia,  the  residence  of  the  Persian  king,  i. 
199;  of  the  Magians,  ib.;  the  Archimagus  settled 
there  bv  Zoroastres,  201. 

Balsam  trees  in  Judea,  ii.  282,  283;  do  not  grow  there 
naturally,  ib. 

Baris,  castle  of,  at  Jerusalem,  built  by  Hyrcanus,  ii. 
21fi;  the  seat  of  the  Asmona;an  princes,  217;  de- 
scribed, ib. 

Baronius  abuses  Eusebius,  ii.  23G;  corrected,  400;  his 
Annals  recommended,  419. 

Barsna,  Memnon's  widow,  marries  Alexander,  i.  368; 
murdered,  408. 

Barach  employed  by  Jeremiah  to  publish  his  prophe- 
cies, i.  99;  liides  "himself,  101;  his  brother  sent  by 
Jeremiah  to  Babylon,  with  his  prophecies  against 
that  city,  10(3. 

Baruch,  the  book  so  called  supposed  to  be  a  fiction, 
and  why,  i.  lOG. 

Baruch,  epistles  of,  not  in  the  Hebrew  Canon,  ii.  32. 

Barzapharnes,  the  Parthian  governor  of  Syria,  seizes 
Hyrcanus,  prince  of  the  Jews,  ii.  328. 

Bassns  Ciscilius  gets  Sextus  Ccesar,  Julius's  lieute- 
nant in  Syria,  nmrdered,  ii.  315;  commands  his  ar- 
ray, ib.;  baffles  Antistius  Vetus,  ib.;  again,  318. 

Batelnims,  who  they  were,  i.  299;  what  account  of 
their  authority,  ib. 

Bath  kol,  a  kind  of  prophecy,  what  it  was,  ii.  215; 
like  the  Sortes  VirgilianiB,  ib. 

Bede,  an  epistle  penned  by  him,  ii.  161. 

Bel  and  the  Dragon,  a  fable,  i.  164. 

Bel,  temple  of  destroyed  by  Xerxes,  i.  215. 

Bel,  his  image  set  up  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  i.  115. 

Belesis  founds  the  kingdom  of  Babylon,  i.  01. 

Belgius  the  Gaul  invades  Macedonia,  and  is  defeated, 
ii.  25. 

Belibus  succeeds  Esarhaddon  king  of  Assyria,  i.  77. 

Belshazzar.    See  Naboiiadius. 

Belus,  temple  of,  at  Babylon,  i.  120;  its  tower  men- 
tioned by  Herodotus,  123;  bigger  than  that  of  Jeru- 
salem, ib.;  Alexander's  design  to  rebuild  it,  387. 

Ben  Sira,  a  book  among  the  Jews  so  called,  unskil- 
fully taken  for  Ecclesiasticns,  ii.  200. 

Berenice  gets  Ptolemy  to  make  her  son  king,  though 
he  had  an  elder  brother,  ii.  16. 

Berenice,  city  of,  built  by  Ptolemy  Philadelphus.  ii.  54. 

Berenice,  daughter  of  Apame,  gets  her  mother's  gal- 
lant assassinated,  ii.55,  .56. 

Berenice,  daughter  of  Ptolemy,  married  to  Antiochu.s 
Theus,  ii.  57;  she  is  turned  off,  and  flies,  60;  mur- 
dered, ib. 

Berenice,  wife  of  Ptolemy  Euergetes,  her  hair  turned 
into  a  constellation,  ii.  61. 

Berhsea,  Aleppo,  so  called  anciently,  ii.  148,  (note  12;) 
2.52. 

Berishith  Rabba,  a  commentary  on  Genesis,  ii.  344. 

Bercea  taken  by  Pyrrhus,  ii.  13. 

Berosus  the  historian,  when  he  lived,  ii.  53;  an  ac- 
count of  him,  ib. 

Bessus,  his  treason  to  Darius,  i.  380;  declares  himself 
king,  ib.;  punished  by  Alexander,  381. 

Bethsan  in  Palestine,  called  Scythopolis,  ii.  147. 


Bethshean  taken  from  the  Jews  by  the  Scythians,  i. 
88;  thence  called  Scythopolis,  ib. 

Betis  the  eunuch,  Alexander's  cruelty  to  him,  i.  372. 

Bias  makes  his  city  renowned  for  justice,  ii.  171 
(note  3.) 

Bible,  the  Jewish,  i.  271;  some  books  want  the  cor- 
rectness of  others,  272,  273;  how  read,  ib.;  how  at 
first  written,  274;  concordance  made  to  it,  276;  of 
its  vowels  and  pointing,  281;  wherein  the  Samaritan 
and  Jewish  dilier,  285;  when  it  ends,  332. 

Bible,  Christian,  when  divided  into  chapters,  i.  277, 
&c.;  books  added  to  it  after  Ezra's  time,  ii.  342,  343. 

Bible  of  Bononia  said  to  be  Ezra's,  a  cheat,  i.  291. 

Bible,  English  translation  corrected,  ii.  353,  (note  1.) 

Bible,  vindicated  by  the  Chaldee  and  other  para- 
phrases, ii.  ,353. 

Bible  used  by  Christians  in  divinations,  ii.  216. 

Bibulus  made  governor  of  Syria,  ii.  301;  loses  two  of 
his  sons  in  Egypt,  302. 

Bigthan  and  Teresh,  their  conspiracy  against  king 
Ahasuorus,  i.  256;  discovered  by  Mordecai,  ib. 

Bishop  of  the  Jews,  an  officer  in  England  so  called, 
ii.  222,  (note  3.) 

Bishops,  their  temporal  power  distinguished  from  the 
spiritual,  ii.  110,  111. 

Bishops,  in  king  William  III.'s  time,  justly  deprived 
by  the  state,  ii.  Ill;  still  such  of  the  Church  univer- 
sal, ib. 

Bitumen  found  in  the  lake  of  Sodom,  i.  406. 

Boated  to  death,  the  manner  of  it  in  Persia,  i.  223. 

Boccharis,  king  of  Egypt,  burnt  alive,  i.  71. 

Bolis,  the  Cretan,  his  treachery,  ii.  81. 

Booksof  holy  scripture,  how  divided  by  the  Jews,  i.  271. 

Branchidffi,  a  Milesian  family,  betray  their  temple,  i. 
214;  settled  in  Persia  by  Xerxes,  ib.;  destroyed  by 
Alexander  the  Great,  ib. 

Brass,  Corinthian,  when  first  made,  ii.  180. 

Brazen  serpent  destroyed  by  Hezekiah,  i.  71;  the  Pa- 
pists' impudence  about  it,  ib. 

Brennus,  the  Gaul,  invades  Macedonia,  and  is  de- 
feated, ii.  26;  dies  of  despair  and  drunkenness,  ib.; 
a  saying  of  another  Gaul  of  the  same  name  to  the 
Romans,  97,  (note  2.) 

Brutus  seizes  Macedonia  and  Greece  after  the  death 
of  Cssar,  ii.  320;  defeated,  323;  kills  himself,  ib. 

Burial  place  of  the  kings  of  Judali  described,  i.  77. 

Burial  place,  honourable,  denied  to  wicked  kings  by 
the  Jews,  i.  70 

Buxtorf,  his  great  learning,  ii.  356. 

Byzantium  seized  by  the  Gauls,  ii.  26. 


Cabbalists,  Jewish  doctors  so  called,  i.  285. 

Cabbala,  what,  i.  285. 

Cadusians  subjected  by  Artaxerxes,  i.  348;  their  man- 
ners, 349;  said  to  be  part  of  the  ten  tribes,  ib. 

Cadytis,  Jerusalem  so  called  by  Herodotus,  i.  96.296. 

Caesar,  Julius,  raises  vast  sums  in  his  consulship,  ii. 
288;  passes  the  Rubicon,  and  begins  the  civil  war, 
303;  reduces  Spain,  304;  routs  Pompey,  305;  follows 
him  to  Esypt,  306;  hears  the  cause  between  Ptole- 
my and  Cleopatra,  307;  in  love  with  Cleopatra,  308; 
distressed  at  Alexandria,  310;  routs  the  Egyptian 
fleet,  ib.;  in  great  danger,  ib.;  makes  war  for  the 
sake  of  Cleopatra,  311;  his  decree  in  favour  of  the 
Jews,  ib.;  his  long  stay  with  Cleopatra,  ib.;  how 
he  came  by  the  motto,  Veni  vidi  vici,  312;  routs 
Cato  and  Scipio  in  Africa,  314;  reforms  the  Roman 
calendar,  316;  made  perpetual  dictator,  318;  killed, 
ib.;  his  murder  revenged,  372. 

Caesarea  built  by  Herod,  ii.  382;  made  a  good  port,  ib. 

Cffisareum,  a  palace  built  by  Herod  at  Jerusalem,  ii. 
387. 

Csesar,  Caius,  Augustus's  grandson,  sent  into  the 
east,  ii.  419;  on  his  return  dies  of  his  wounds,  ib. 

Caiaphas  made  high-priest  of  the  Jews  by  the  Ro- 
mans, ii.  424,  425. 

Calendar,  Jewish,  when  made,  i.  178;  Vide  note  8. 

Calendar,  Egyptian,  reformed  by  the  Romans,  ii.378. 

Calendar,  Jewish,  reformed,  ii.  154;  Roman  reformed 
by  Caesar,  316;  Gregorian,  317. 

Callippic  cycle,  what  it  was,  ii.  154. 

Callimachus  the  poet,  favoured  by  Ptolemy,  ii.  59;  bis 
satire  against  his  disciple  Apollonius,  library-keep- 
er at  Alexandria,  92. 

Callisthenes,  the  philosopher,  his  observations  of  the 
Chaldffian  astronomy,  i.  123;  killed  by  Alexander's 
order,  382. 

Callisthenes  burnt  for  burning  the  temple  gates  at  Je- 
rnsalem,  ii.  131,  132. 


INDEX. 


445 


Calves,  golden,  set  up  by  Jeroboam,  carried  from  Je- 
rusalem by  the  Assyrians,  i.  69. 

Cambyses,  son  of  Cyrus,  succeeds  bim,  i.  105;  his  war 
with  Egypt,  ib.;  successes,  lOti;  his  agents  in  Ethio- 
pia despised,  167;  his  army  destroyed,  ib.;  whips  the 
Egyptian  priests,  and  kills  their  god  Apis,  168;  sets 
his  successors  an  example  of  incestuous  marriages, 
1B9;  kills  his  wife,  ib.;  his  madness,  ib.;  his  death, 
170. 

Candace,  queen  of  Ethiopia,  routed  by  the  Romans, 
ii.  ,188. 

Canon  (Jewish)  of  scripture,  when  completed,  i.  270. 
270.  424. 

Captains,  Alexander's,  assume  the  name  of  kings,  i. 
390;  establish  four  great  monarchies,  415;  Daniel's 
prophecy  of  them  fulfilled,  ib. 

Captivity  (head  of)  an  officer  among  the  Jews  at 
Babylon,  i.  128,  129. 

Captivity,  Jewish,  at  Babylon,  who  the  head  of,  ii. 
222.  423. 

Carrlia;,  called  Haran  in  scripture,  ii.  229,  230;  Cras- 
sus  defeated  there,  230. 

Carthage  destroyed,  ii.  180. 

Carthaginians  league  with  Xerxes  against  the  Greeks, 
i.  208;  routed  in  Sicily,  211. 

Cassander.  son  of  Antipater,  supposed  to  have  poi- 
soned Alexander,  i.  388;  his  designs  against  Alex- 
ander's children,  395;  puts  Olyrapias  to  death,  398; 
and  murders  Roxana,  408;  and  her  son,  ib.;  takes 
the  title  of  king,  411;  divisions  among  his  family, 
419. 

Cassius  Parmensis  put  to  death  by  Octavius,  ii.  372. 

Cassias  dissuades  Crassus  from  going  against  the 
Parthians.  ii.  298;  his  good  retreat  after  Crassus's 
defeat,  299;  repulses  the  Parthians,  300;  routs  and 
kills  Osaces  the  Parthian  general,  301;  seizes  Syria 
■  after  the  death  of  Cssar,  320;  his  strength,  321; 
Dolabella  kills  himself  for  fear  of  him,  ib.;  defeated, 
323;  kills  himself,  ib. 

Cato,  the  Roman  general,  routs  Antiochus  the  Great 
in  Greece,  ii,  95. 

Celsus,  well  acquainted  with  the  scriptures,  ii.  41; 
the  greatest  enemy  of  the  Christians,  ii.  400. 

CendebiEus,  general  of  the  Syrians  for  Antiochus  Si- 
detes,  routed  by  the  sons  of  Simon,  ii.  191. 

Chaldee  paraphrases  on  the  Bible,  ii.  341;  necessary 
for  the  Jews,  ib.;  language  learnt  and  spoken  by 
the  Jews,  ib.;  a  true  standard  of  it  in  Daniel  and 
Ezra,  343;  three  different  dialects  of  it,  346. 

Chapters,  the  division  of  scripture  into  them,  i.  276; 
why  scripture  divided  into  chapters,  277. 

Chares  of  Lindus,  builds  the  Colossus  at  Rhodes,  ii.  70. 

Charrse  in  Mesopotamia,  the  Haran  of  the  scripture, 
i.  391;  Abraham  dwelt  there,  ib.;  Crassus  routed,  398. 

Chasidim  or  Asidaeans,  who  the  people  so  called,  ii. 
124. 

Children,  three  carried  captives  from  Judea  to  Baby- 
lon, i.  100;  preferred  there,  102;  their  zeal  for  their 
religion,  ib. 

Chinese  called  Seres  by  the  Romans,  ii.  48. 

Chinzerus  king  of  Babylon,  his  reign,  i.  72. 

Chiniladanus  succeeds  his  father  Nabuchodonosor, 
king  of  Assyria,  i.  88;  his  effeminacy,  89. 

Christ's  coming.  Daniel's  prophecy  of  seven  weeks 
concerning  it  made  clear,  i.  127,  &c.;  when  they 
begin,  231. 241;  when  completed,  ib.;  perplexed,  251, 
252. 

Christ  born  four  years  after  the  temple  of  Jerusalem 
was  re-ediSed  by  Herod,  ii.  411;  wlien  Augustus 
surveyed  the  Roman  empire,  414;  called  Shiloh, 
422;  his  first  appearance  in  his  mission,  425;  he  is 
crucified,  ib.;  Daniel's  prophecies  of  him  fulfilled,  ib. 

Christ  proved  to  be  the  Messiah  by  the  Jewish  tar- 
gums,  ii.  352;  prophecies  of  him  fulfilled,  353;  by 
Pagans,  404;  foreshown  to  the  heathens  by  prophe- 
cies, 405;  the  Jews'  expectation  of  him,  ib. 

Christ  honours  the  feast  of  dedication,  appointed  by 
Judas  Maccaba;us,  with  his  presence,  ii.  133. 

Christian  Fathers  well  skilled  in  the  Jewish  learning, 
ii.  a50. 

Christian  churches  make  use  of  different  translations 
of  the  Bible,  ii.  47. 

Christians,  names  given  them  by  the  Jews,  ii.  202. 

Chronics,  book  of,  more  modern  than  the  rest,  i.  424. 

Chronicon  Alexandrinumjjreferredin  some  things  to 
Eusebius,  ii.  112;  why  so  called,  ib. 

Chronology  of  the  Jews,  why  erroneous,  ii.  340. 

Cicero,  whence  his  name,  ii.  310  (note  1;)  his  birth, 
243;  commands  in  Cilicia,  301;  saluted  Imperator, 
302;  proscribed  by  the  triumvirate,  321;  his  saying 
of  the  Sibylline  oracles,  403,  404. 


Cimmerian  Bosphoruf?,  what  country  so  called,  ii.  273. 

Cimon,  his  descent,  i.  190;  his  relation  to  'I'hucydides, 
191;  his  wars  against  the  Persians,  219;  destroys 
their  fleet,  2-24;  recovers  his  father's  territory,  ib.; 
tried  for  life,  and  why,  ib. 

Clearcbiis  leads  a  Grecian  army  to  assist  Cyrus 
against  Artaxf^rxes,  i.  335;  slain,  336. 

Cleonienes  kills  himself  in  the  streets  of  Alexandria, 
ii.  76. 

Cleopatra,  Alexander's  sister,  murdered  by  order  of 
Antigonus,  i.  409. 

Cleopatra,  mother  of  Ptolcmv  Philometor,  regent  of 
Egypt,  ii.  104;  her  death,  109. 

Cleopatra,  queen  of  Syria,  her  many  husbands,  ii. 
206;  occasions  the  death  of  her  husband  Demetrius, 
201;  murders  her  own  son  to  reign  in  his  stead,  ib.; 
attempts  to  murder  another  son,  209;  her  wicked- 
ness, it).;  forced  to  drink  poison,  210. 

Cleopatra,  wife  to  Antiochus  Cyzicenus,  murdered 
by  her  sister  Tryphsena,  ii.  212. 

Cleopatra,  mother  of  Lathyrus  and  Alexander,  kings 
of  Egypt  and  Cyprus,  her  ambition,  ii.211;  how 
she  expelled  Lathyrus,  245;  her  tyranny,  240;  killed 
by  her  son  Alexander,  251. 

Cleopatra  associated  in  the  kingdom  of  Egypt  with 
her  brother,  ii.  342;  gains  Caesar  by  her  beauty,  308; 
she  has  the  kingdom  given  her  by  him,  311;  poi- 
sons her  other  brother,  323;  refuses  to  aid  Cassius, 
ib.;  charms  Antony,  325;  her  bold  design  to  draw 
her  fleet  over  land  to  the  Red  Sea,  37-2;  rejects  an 
offer  of  peace  on  the  terms  of  killing  Antony,  375; 
her  treachery  to  Antony,  ib.;  flies  to  a  tower  for 
fear  of  him,  376;  she  kills  herself,  ib.;  her  charac- 
ter, ib. 

Cleophis,  queen  of  the  Assacans,  prostitutes  herself 
to  Alexander,  i.  383;  has  a  son  and  successor  by 
him,  ib. 

Clitus  killed  by  Alexander,  i.  381. 

Clodius  debauches  his  own  sister,  Lucullus's  wife,  ii. 
289;  raises  a  mutiny  against  him,  289;  his  lewdness, 
ib.;  and  turbulent  spirit,  ib.;  procures  the  banish- 
ment of  Cicero,  290. 

Coans  refuse  to  deliver  Hippocrates  to  Artaxerxes,  i. 
314. 

CcEle-Syria,  what  that  country  was,  ii.  78. 

Colossus  of  Rhodes  thrown  down,  ii.69;  described,  ib. 

Comanians,  priests  of  the  moon,  their  number,  ii.  278. 

Comets,  appearances  of  them,  ii.  209. 

Concordance  (Latin,)  (he  first  that  was  made,  i.  270. 

Concordance  (Hebrew,)  when  made,  i.  277. 

Conon,  the  Athenian,  his  friendship  to  Euagoras  of 
Salamine,  i.  338;  commands  Artaxerxes'  fleet,  340; 
his  men  not  paid,  341;  he  complains  of  )t,  342;  beats 
the  Lacedemonian  fleet,  .344;  rebuilds  the  walls  of 
Athens,  ib.;  put  to  death,  345. 

Conon  of  Samos,  the  mathematician,  his  gross  flat- 
tery of  Berenice,  wife  to  Ptolemy  Euergetes,  ii.  61. 

Constellation,  why  called  Coma  Berenices,  ii.  61. 

Conquerors,  their  detestable  character,  i.  372. 

Conquests  as  uncertain  as  riches,  ii.  377. 

Contributions  of  the  Jews  toward  rebuilding  their 
temple,  their  amount,  i.  147. 

Coponius  seizes  the  government  of  Judea  in  Augus- 
tus's name,  ii.  420. 

Coptus  on  the  Nile  made  a  mart  for  the  eastern 
trade,  ii.  55. 

Corinth  destroyed,  ii.  180. 

Cornelia,  mother  of  the  Gracchi,  refuses  to  marry 
Ptolemy  Physcon,  king  of  Egypt,  ii.  151. 

Cornelius  Agrippa,  why  taken  for  a  conjurer,  i.  200. 

Corupedion,  a  fight  there  between  Seleucus  and  Ly- 
simachus,  ii.  23. 

Corycus,  naval  fight  of,  between  the  Syrian  and  Ro- 
man fleets,  ii.  95. 

Cos,  island  of,  Hippocrates  born  there,  ii.  54;  Berosus 
there,  ib. 

Cotto,  the  Roman  consul,  vanquished  by  Mithri- 
dates,  ii.  260. 

Court,  outer,  of  the  temple,  what  it  was,  ii.  18S, 
(note  5.) 

Crassus,  his  riches,  i.  258,  259. 

Crassus  enters  on  the  Parthian  war  against  the  opi- 
nion of  the  Tribunes,  ii.  298;  plunders  the  temple 
of  Jerusalem,  ib.;  his  ill  conduct  in  Parthia,  ib.; 
robs  the  temple  of  Hierapolis,  ib.;  neglects  good  ad- 
vice, 299;  routed  and  slain,  300. 

Craterus  sent  by  Alexander  to  lead  the  old  Macedo- 
nians home,  i.  389:  governs  Macedonia  after  his 
death,  390;  slain,  392. 

Crates,  deputy  governor  of  Jerusalem,  made  governor 
of  Cyprus  by  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  ii.  114. 


446 


INDEX. 


Cretans,  their  bad  character,  ii.  81,  (note  7.) 

Croesus  succeeds  his  lather  Alyattes  in  the  kingdom 
of  Lydia,  i.  12i-;  commands  the  Bahyloniaii  army, 
131;  his  wars,  134;  routed  by  Cyrus,  ih.;  liis  saying 
as  he  was  to  die,  1:15;  favoureii  by  Cyrus,  ib.;  de- 
ceived by  oracles,  135,  ISti;  ordered  to  be  slain  by 
Cambyses,  Iti'J;  how  saved,  ib. 

Ctesiphon  stands  where  Seleuciadid,  i.  423. 

Ctesias  the  Cnidian,  physician  to  ArtaxTxes  Mne- 
nion,  i.  338;  his  history,  ib.;  copied  by  Biodorus  Si- 
culus  and  Troi.'Us  Pompoius,  ib. 

Cumse,  the  Sibyl's  cave  there  described,  ii.  307. 

Cuthites,  people  of  Judea,  why  so  called,  i.  79;  odious 
name  amon^  the  Jews,  162;  the  original  of  the  Sa- 
maritans, 331. 

Cyaxares  kins  of  Media  defeated  by  the  Scythians,  i. 
88;  his  death,  108. 

Cyaxares,  son  of  Astyaces  kins;  of  Media,  i.  104; 
called  Darius  the  Median  by  Daniel,  ib.;  succeeds 
his  father,  129;  called  Cyrus  to  his  assistance,  ib.; 
is  declared  king  of  Babylon,  140;  his  death,  142. 

Cycle  of  the  moon,  when,  for  what,  and  by  whom 
invented,  i.  311. 

Cycle,  how  it  differs  from  a  period,  ii.  155;  of  nine- 
teen years  the  best,  156. 

Cycle  of  eighty-four  years,  when  begun  by  the  Jews, 
ii.  154;  how  made  up,  ib.;  wholly  abolished,  161. 

Cycles  treated  of,  ii.  154,  &c. 

Cynocephalus,  battle  of,  between  the  Romans  and 
Macedonians,  ii.  89. 

Cyprus,  nine  kings  there,  i.  360;  mastered  by  Ptole- 
my, 419. 

Cyprus  delivered  to  the  king  of  Syria,  ii.  114. 

Cyrenean  Jews,  from  whom  descended,  i.  395. 

Cyreneans  made  free  by  the  Romans,  ii.  241;  subjected 
to  them,  259. 

Cyrillus  Lucaris,  patriarch  of  Constantinople,  pre- 
sents king  Charles  I.  with  the  Alexandrian  copy  of 
the  Septnagint,  ii.  48. 

Cyrus,  his  birth,  i.  104;  commands  the  Median  army, 
129;  his  descent,  ib.;  his  education,  130;  reduces  Ar- 
menia, 131;  his  wars  in  Assyria,  132;  routs  Croesus, 
134;  his  generosity,  135;  takes  king  Croesus,  ib.;  his 
victories,  136;  conquers  Babylon,  137;  highly  favours 
Daniel,  141;  is  king  of  Persia,  Media,  and  Babylon, 
142;  favours  Daniel,  143;  his  decree  and  reasons  for 
restoring  the  Jews,  144;  decree  for  rebuilding  the 
temple,  ib.;  death,  165. 

Cyrus,  son  of  Darius  Nothus,  made  governor  of 
Lesser  Asia,  i.  3:^2;  assists  the  Lacedemonians 
against  the  Athenians,  ib.;  his  pride  and  cruelty, 
333;  plots  against  Artaxerxes  Mnemon,  134;  par- 
doned, ib.;  new  designs  against  his  brother  Artax- 
erxes, 335;  slain,  336. 

D 

Damaratus  the  Spartan  serviceable  to  Xerxes,  i.  193. 

Damascenus,  Nicolas,  his  history,  ii.  261. 

Damascus  taken  by  Arbaces,  i.64;  by  Alexander,  361; 
the  rich  plunder  there,  ib. 

Damascus  taken  by  Antiochus  the  Great,  ii.  14;  De- 
metrius Eucferus,  son  of  Antiochus  Grypus,  made 
king  of  it,  249;  Ponipey's  court  there,  276. 

Daniel,  book  of  writ  inChaldee  and  Hebrew,  i.  163; 
the  prophecy  concerning  Xerxes,  209;  of  seventy 
weeks  relating  to  the  Messiah  made  clear,  127; 
contains  three  branches,  244. 

Daniel  carried  into  captivity  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  i. 
100;  his  greatness,  ib.;  reveals  the  king's  dream,  ib.; 
his  great  piety,  108;  and  fame  for  wisdom.  111;  he 
prophecies  to  king  Belshazzar,  137;  just  before  he 
was  slain,  ib.;  in  high  favour  with  Cyrus,  141; 
prays  for  the  Jews,  ib.;  in  the  lions'  den,  ib.;  his 
prophecy  of  our  Saviour,  127;  favoured  by  Darius 
the  Median.  143;  his  great  age,  death,  and  charac- 
ter, 162;  hisbnildinginSusa,  163;  prophecy  of  Alex- 
ander, 371,  378;  of  his  successors,  390.  414.  41.5. 

Daniel,  book  of,  the  Septuagint  version  faulty,  ii.  43, 
a  prophecy  of  his  touching  the  marriage  of  Antio- 
chus Theus  with  Ptolemy's  daughter  Berenice  ful- 
filled, 58;  to  whom  the  prophecies  in  bis  eleventh 
chapter  are  to  be  applied,  ib.;  his  prophecy  of  the 
effects  of  Berenice's  marriage  fulfilled,  62;  of  An- 
tiochus the  Great,  98;  and  of  Ihe  Ptolemies.  99;  of 
Seleucus  Philopater,  105;  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes, 
ib.  &c.;  the  end  of  his  prophecies  relatius  to  the 
kings  of  Syria  and  Esypt,  139;  the  persecution  of 
the^Jews,  ib.;  Porphyry  the  Pagan  owns  the  full 
completion  of  them,  140;  relate  also  to  antichrist, 
141;  what  ie  meaat  by  his  time,  times,  and  half  a 


time,  ib.;  how  much  of  the  book  written  in  Chal- 
dee,  281;  not  allowed  to  be  a  prophet,  and  why, 
344,  345,  (note  2.) 

Daphne,  city  of,  its  lewdness,  i.  417. 

Darics,  money  so  called,  when  coined,  i.  141;  its 
value,  142. 

Darius  the  Median.    See  Cyaxares, 

Darius,  king  of  Media,  with  two  other  kings,  routed 
by  Lucullus,  ii.  170. 

Darius,  the  son  of  Hystaspes,  made  king  of  Persia  by 
the  neighing  of  his  horse,  i.  174;  forwards  the  re- 
building of  the  temple,  175;  his  unsuccessful  expe. 
dition  against  the  Scythians,  183;  invades  India, 
184;  his  wars  with  the  Macedonians  and  Greeks, 
191;  his  heralds  murdered  in  Greece,  192;  his  losses 
in  Greece,  ib.;  disposes  of  his  crown,  193;  high- 
priest  of  the  Magians,  201. 

Darius  Nothus,  his  reign,  i.  319;  his  brother  Arsites's 
rebellion,  ib.;  other  troubles,  ih.;  his  cruelty,  320; 
impolicy,  321;  a  fine  saying  of  his  at  his  death.  335. 

Darius  Codomannus  made  king  by  Bagoas,  i.  365;  his 
mean  post  before  he  was  king,  ib.;  puts  Bagoas  to 
death,  365;  routed  by  Alexander,  367,  368;  seized 
by  Bessus,  378;  murdered,  380. 

Darius,  son  of  Artaxerxes  Mnemon,  his  rebellion,  i. 
3.56. 

Datames,  Artaxerxes's  General,  his  great  character, 
i.  349. 

David,  his  riches,  i.  64.  258. 

David,  sejMilchre  of,  the  story  of  the  treasure  there 
false,  ii.  198. 

Day,  hours  of  how  reckoned  by  the  Jews,  i.  305. 

Death  of  princes  foretold,  i.  169,  (note  2.) 

Decrees,  Cyrus'  and  Artaxerxes'  for  restoring  the 
Jews,  i.  144;  Daring's,  176;  in  their  favour,  222, 
(note  7;)  for  the  destruction  of  the  Jews,  procured 
by  Haman,  257,  258. 

Dedication,  feast  of,  appointed  by  Judas  Maccabeus, 
ii.  133;  honoured  with  Christ's  presence,  ib. 

Deioces,  first  king  of  the  Medes,  i.  76;  the  founder  of 
Ecbatana,  ib.;  routed  by  Nabuchodonosor,  82. 

Deiotarus  made  king  by  Pompey,  ii.  277,  278;  Cice- 
ro's oration  for  him,  278,  (note  1.) 

Deists,  Epicureans,  i.  409. 

Delphns,  the  Gauls  defeated  there,  ii.  26. 

Delta  in  Egypt,  so  called  from  its  figure,  ii.  311, 
(note  1.) 

Demetrius,  son  of  Antigonus,  beaten  by  Ptolemy,  i, 
402;  his  victory  over  Cilles,  ib.;  his  generosity,  ib.; 
takes  Athens,  411;  his  victory  over  Ptolemy's 
brother,  ib.;  has  the  title  of  king,  ib.;  his  saying  to 
Seleucus,  418. 

Demetrius  Phalereus's  character,  i.  411;  gets  the  king- 
dom of  Macedon,  420. 

Demetrius  Soter,  son  of  Seleucus  Philopater,  set  aside 
in  the  succession  by  the  Romans,  ii.  144;  his  escape 
from  Rome,  151;  seizes  the  kingdom  of  Syria,  152; 
courts  the  Romans,  108;  assists  an  impostor  in 
Cappadocia,  170;  a  plot  against  him,  172;  distressed 
by  an  impostor,  176;  killed,  ib. 

Demetrius  Nicator,  his  son,  attempts  for  the  king- 
dom, ii.  178;  obtains  it,  180;  his  ill  qualities,  18S; 
assisted  by  Jonathan  in  his  distress,  183  his  vices, 
187;  routed  and  taken  by  the  Parthians,  189;  kept 
in  easy  captivity,  190;  returns  and  recovers  his 
kingdom,  201;  overthrown  by  an  impostor,  207; 
killed,  ib. 

Demetrius,  his  great  preparations  for  war,  ii.  13; 
abandoned  by  his  army,  ib.;  straitened,  ib.;  fights 
his  way  through  his  enemies,  14;  surrenders  him- 
self to  Seleucus,  ib.;  his  way  of  living  afterward,  ib. 

Demetrius  Poliorcetes  quits  the  siege  of  Rhodes,  ii.  69. 

Demetrius,  his  son,  nmrdered  for  his  amour  with 
Apame,  ii.  55. 

Demetrius,  son  of  Grypus,  expels  Antiochus  Eusebes, 
ii.  249;  assists  the  jews  against  their  king,  251;  his 
death,  252. 

Demetrius  the  Phaleran ,  first  president  of  the  museum 
at  Alexandria,  ii.  21;  prince  of  Athens,  ib.;  his 
story,  ib.;  dissuades  Ptolemy  from  disinheriting  his 
eldest  son,  22;  imprisoned,  and  dies  of  the  bite  of 
an  asp.  23. 

Demetrius  the  historian,  what  of  him  preserved  by 
Eusebius,  ii.  40. 

Democritus,  founder  of  the  atornical  philosophy,  i. 
320;  atheistical,  ib. 

Denmark,  a  court  of  justice  there  like  a  Jewish  San- 
hedrim, ii.  293. 

Dercyllidas,  the  Lacedemonian,  commands  against 
the  Persians  in  Asia,  i.  338;  in  danger,  340. 

Deuteronomy,  not  all  written  bv  Moses,  i.  179. 


INDEX. 


447 


Diagoras,  the  Melian,  condemned  ai  Alliens  for 
Atheism,  i.  3i21. 

Dicaearchus,  his  treason  and  punishment,  ii.  01. 

Dinocrates,  the  architect,  pro|X)ses  to  build  an  extra- 
ordinary temple  for  Arsinoe  at  Alexandria,  ii.  56. 

Dioclesian,  the  era  of  his  persecution,  ii.  377. 

Diodorus  Siculus,  whence  he  took  his  history,  i.  3.18. 

Diodorus  Siculus,  the  historian,  when  he  nourished, 
ii.  2S8;  some  account  of  him,  ib. 

Dionysius  Exiguus,  his  rules  for  keeping  Kaster  ob- 
served, ii.  15!);  introduces  the  Christian  era,  ii.  421. 

Dionysius  Halicarnassxus,  when  he  began  to  write 
his  history,  ii.  41);  four  years  before  Christ,  ib. 

Divination  by  arrows,  how,  i.  109. 

Divination,  a  way  of  it  used  by  Christians,  ii.  216. 

Diviner,  Egyptian,  a  story  of  one,  i.  404,  405. 

Doctors  (Jewish,)  their  titles,!.  270. 

Doctors  of  the  Jewish  law  cease,  ii.  11;  receive,  ib.; 
compose  the  Jewish  Sanhedrim,  12;  Mishnical,  the 
first  of  them,  52;  of  the  law,  slain  by  king  Alexan- 
der for  opposing  his  priesthood,  80;  of  the  divinity 
school  at  Jerusalem,  190;  their  degree  of  Gaou, 
what,  222. 

Dolabella,  distressed  byCassius,  kills  himself,  ii.  322. 

Doomsday  Book,  how  long  making,  ii.  415,  (note  10.) 

Dor,  near  Mount  Carmel,  taken  by  the  Syrians,  ii.  74. 

Drachm  of  gold,  its  value,  i.  147. 
,  Draught  of  the  Temple  of  Jerusalem,  i.  149,  150. 

Dream  of  king  Antigonus,  ii.  208. 

Durazzo,  CcEsar  worsted  there  by  Pompey,  ii.  304. 

Dynamis,  grand-daughter  of  Milhridates,  her  mar- 
riages to  the  Bosphoran  kings,  ii.  395. 

E. 

Eagle,  how  it  came  to  be  the  Roman  standard,  ii.  240. 

Earth  and  water  demanded  of  the  Greeks  by  Darius, 
■     in  token  of  submission,  i.  191. 

Earthquake,  a  terrible  one  in  Judea,  ii.  370. 

East  India  trade,  a  full  account  of  it  from  David's 
time  to  the  present  age,  i.  05,  &c. 

Easter,  how  settled  by  the  first  Christians,  ii.  157; 
the  use  of  the  British  church  about  it,  159;  a  schism 
about  it  in  Britain,  ib.;  rules  for  keeping  it  observed, 
100;  when  it  will  fall  any  year,  101;  a  scheme  of  it 
explained,  162. 

Ebal,  Mount,  disputes  between  the  Jews  and  Sama- 
ritans about  it,  i.  3.10,  331. 

Ebionites,  their  heresy  explained,  ii.  42. 

Ecbatana,  by  whom  founded,  i.  76;  taken  by  Nabu- 
ehodonosor,  82;  another  city,  170;  Cambyses  de- 
ceived by  the  name,  ib. 

Ecclesiastical  history,  Mr.  Echard's  the  best  in  Eng- 
lish, ii.  419. 

Ecclesiasticus,  book  of,  when  published,  ii.  38,  (note  1;) 
tran.«lated  in  Egypt  by  Jesus,  the  son  of  Sirach,  199; 
not  written  by  Sirach,  ib.;  the  Latin  version  has 
more  in  it  than  the  Greek,  200. 

Ecron,  and  its  territory,  given  to  Jonathan  the  high- 
priest  by  Balas  the  impostor  of  Syria,  ii.  199. 

Eclipse,  an,  i.  104. 

Edom,  part  of  the  kingdom  of  Judea,  i.  64;  revolts,  05. 

Edomites,  where  they  dwelt,  ii.  135;  slain  by  Judas 
Maccabaeus,  142. 

Egypt,  anarchy  there,  i.  76;  civil  wars,  82;  attacked 
by  the  Scythians,  88;  by  Cambyses,  106;  by  Xerxes, 
208;  rebels  against  Artaxerxes,  224;  reduced,  258; 
revolts  from  Darius  Nothus,  320;  reduced,  332;  civil 
wars  there,  335;  conquered  by  Ochus  king  of  Per- 
sia, 302;  history  of  it,  ib.;  reduced  by  Alexander, 
373. 

Egypt,  how  long  governed  by  the  Ptolemies,  ii.  376; 
liow  long  a  Roman  province,  ib. 

Egyptians,  their  barbarous  worship,  i.  168;  van- 
quished by  Cambyses,  ih. 

Egyptians  will  not  ofter  the  blood  of  beasts  in  their 
sacrifices,  ii.  19;  murder  a  man  for  killing  a  cat,  19; 
(note  3.) 

Elath,  a  port  of  Edom,  whence  the  Jews  traded  to 
Ophir,  i.64;  lost  and  recovered,  65;  lost  entirely,  66. 

Elath,  a  great  mart  of  the  Tyrians,  ii.  .54. 

Eleazar  succeeds  his  brother  the  high-priest,  ii.  11. 

Eleazar  the  martyr,  ii.  123. 

Eleazar,  brother  of  Judas,  his  rash  action  and  death, 
ii.  148. 

Eli,  his  family  left  out  of  the  pedigree  of  high-priests, 
i.84. 

Eliakim,  minister  of  state  to  Manasseh,  his  history, 
i.  80,81. 

Eliashib,  the  high-priest,  his  profanation  of  the  tem- 
ple, i.  315;  death,  321. 


Elohim;  this  word  equally  applicable  to  false  gods  as 
to  the  true  one,  i.  95. 

Elugo,  a  village  in  Asia,  i.  421;  Babylon  stood  there, 
ib. 

Elulsus,  king  of  Tyre,  his  unfortunate  wars  with  the 
Assyrians,  i.  72. 

Elyraais,  temple  of  Diana,  attempted  to  be  robbed 
by  Antiochu.?  Epiphanes,  ii.  135;  as  that  of  Belus 
had  been  by  his  father.  137. 

Ensign  used  by  the  Romans,  ii.  246. 

Epaminondas,  his  death  and  character,  i.  354. 

Ephesus,  taken  by  Antiochns  the  Great,  ii.  89. 

Ephron,  taken  by  storm  and  razed  by  Judas  Macca- 
bffius,  ii.  147. 

Epicrates,  general  to  Antiochus  Cyzicenus,  his  trea- 
son, ii.  212. 

Epicurus,  when  he  appeared,  i.  409. 

Epicureans,  wherein  they  differed  from  the  Saddu- 
cees,  ii.  53.  219;  the  boast  of  their  fou?ider,  220. 

Epigenes,  Antiochus's  general,  murdered,  for  pre- 
tended treason,  ii.  71. 

Epiphanius,  bishop  of  Salamine,  his  account  of  the 
Septuagint,  ii.  31;  confuted,  38. 

Era,  Christian,  when  begun,  ii.  420. 

Era,  Julian,  corrected  as  it  is  now,  ii.  420. 

Era  of  the  Seleucids,  or  of  contracts,  i.  403,  why 
called  by  the  Arabs  Taric  Dilcarnain,  ib.;  of  the 
creation  of  the  world,  ib  ;  of  the  Julian  period,  ih. 

Era  of  the  Seleucidse  and  the  Julian,  how  they  difier, 
ii.  125.  146.  149. 

Era  of  the  Actic  victory,  ii.  377. 

Era  of  the  Dioclesian,  ii.  377. 

Era,  Philippic,  ii.  378. 

Eratosthenes  the  Athenian,  made  library-keeper  by 
PtolemvEuergetes,  ii.  ib.;  a  piece  of  his  extant,  his 
death,  92. 

Erostratus  burns  the  teniple  of  Ephesus,  and  why,  i. 
358. 

Esarhaddon  succeeds  his  father  Sennacherib,  king  of 
Assyria,  i.  77;  the  Asnapper  of  Ezra,  79;  his  con- 
quests, 80;  his  death,  82. 

Esau,  called  Edom,  and  why,  i.  68. 

Esdras,  a  book  too  absurd  for  the  Papists,  i.  270; 
written  before  Josephus,  235,  (note  2.) 

Estiongeber,  a  port  whence  the  Jews  traded  to  Ophir, 
i.  04. 

Essenes,  a  sect  of  the  Jews,  their  opinions  aboutpre- 
destination  and  free-will,  ii.  224;  never  mentioned 
by  our  Saviour,  and  why,  225;  a  large  account  of 
them,  ib.  &c.;  their  great  purity,  ib.;  their  novi- 
tiates,  227;  their  sabbaths,  ib.;  for  the  immortality 
of  the  soul,  228;  their  prophecies,  229;  their  number, 
230;  their  ethics,  231;  haters  of  servitude,  235;  their 
mean  fare,  ib.;  what  Pliny  says  of  them,  236;  errors 
of  Papists  about  them,  ib.;  of  Deists,  237;  Christ 
said  to  be  one  of  them,  238. 

Esther,  her  birth  and  education,  i.  224;  first  concubine 
to  Artaxerxes  l.onginianus,  ih.;  befriends  Ezra  in 
his  commission  to  return  to  Jerusalem,  226;  made 
Clueen,  227;  her  favourable  reception  by  the  king, 
200,  &c.;  promotes  Nehemiah  by  her  interest,  293. 

Esther,  book  of,  by  whom  written,  i.  424. 

Ethiopians,  their  message  to  Cambyses,  i.  167. 

Euagoras,  king  of  Salamine,  pardoned  by  Artaxerxes 
at  the  request  of  Conon,  i.  338;  his  war  with  the 
Persians,  346,  &c.;  murdered,  .151. 

Euagoras,  king  of  Salamine,  put  to  death,  i.  361. 

Evilmerodach  succeeds  his  father  Nebuchadnezzar, 
i.  127;  releases  king  Jehoiachin  out  of  prison,  ib.; 
is  slain,  128. 

EuIkus  the  eunuch,  a  wicked  minister  of  Ptolemy's, 
ii.  115. 

Eumenes  succeeds  his  uncle  Philetsrus  the  eunuch 
in  the  kingdom  of  Perganuis,  ii.  .52;  defeats  Antio- 
chus Soter,  53;  overruns  Asia  Minor,  03;  his  luxu- 
ry, ib. 

Eumenes,  one  of  Alexander's  captains,  obtains  Cap- 
padocia  and  Paphlagonia,  i.  390;  his  character,  :t91; 
his  wisdom,  392.  395;  a  stratagem  of  his,  399;  seized 
by  his  own  soldiers  and  sold  to  Antigonus,  400;  and 
slain, ib. 

Eumenes  succeeds  his  father  Attains,  ii.  82;  founds 
the  library  at  Pergamus,  ib.;  his  love  to  his  bre- 
thren, ib.;  refuses  to  marry  a  daughter  of  Antio- 
chus the  Great,  92;  relieved  by  the  Romans,  95; 
they  give  him  some  of  Antiochus's  provinces,  97; 
ns.aists  the  king  of  Cappadocia  against  an  impos- 
tor. 169;  his  death,  ih. 

Eusebius  abused  by  Baronius,  ii.  236,  (note  2.) 

Euthydemus  makes  himself  king  of  Bactria,  ii.  83; 
allowed  that  title  by  Antiochus,  84. 


446 


INDEX. 


Expiation  day,  how  celebrated  among  the  Jews,  ii.  12. 

Extemporary  prayer  r(^proved,  i.30'2. 

Ezekiel  carried  into  captivity  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  i. 
103;  called  to  be  a  prophet,  108;  his  vision  of  the 
cherubims,  ib.;  carried  in  a  vision  from  liabylon  to 
Jerusalem,  ib.;  his  prophecy  against  Tyre,  112; 
against  Zedekiah,  ib.;  against  Egypt,  114. 

Ezra,  his  ample  commission  from  Artaxerxes  to  re- 
turn to  Jerusalem,  1.  120;  his  descent,  ib.;  his  learn- 
ing, ib.;  journey  to  Jerusalem,  and  business  there, 
ib.;  and  power,  227;  puts  away  the  Jews'  strange 
wives,  256;  collects  the  books  of  the  law  of  Moses, 
265;  highly  honoured  by  the  Jews,  ib.;  how  he  col- 
lected a  correct  edition  of  the  scriptures,  ib.;  292; 
;idd.s  to  it,  179;  and  writes  several  books,  180; 
changes  the  old  Hebrew  character  into  the  Chaldee, 
ib.;  completes  and  solemnly  publishes  the  law  of 
God,  296. 

Ezra,  book  of,  by  whom  written,  i.  424. 

Ezra,  how  much  of  the  book  of,  written  in  Chaldee, 
li.  341,  (note  2.) 


Faction,  the  danger  of  it,  and  best  way  to  suppress  it, 
ii.248;  a  reflection  on  factious  ministers  applied  to 
our  own  state,  254. 

l^amine  in  Judea,  ii.  387. 

Fast  kept  in  memory  of  the  destruction  of  Jerusalem 
and  the  temple,  i.  112. 

Fasts  kept  by  the  Jews  in  their  captivity,  i.  112;  and 
afterward,  232. 

Fasts,  incredible  ones,  told  of  the  Jewish  Essenes,  ii. 
234. 

Fathers,  ancient,  their  strange  opinion  of  the  reco- 
very of  the  Bible,  i.  270. 

Fathers,  ancient,  their  account  of  the  Septuagint 
ii.  31,  &c. 

Favourites,  their  danger,  ii.  85,  &c. 

Faust,  John,  invents  printing,  i.  200,  (note  2.) 

Feast  of  the  dedication  appointed  by  Judas  Macca- 
bieus,  ii.  127;  of  the  tabernacles,  what,  ib.;  of  the 
dedication  when  celebrated,  133. 

Feasts  appointed  by  magistrates  in  authority,  com- 
mendable, ii.  133. 

Fictions,  Jewish,  about  two  Messiahs,  ii.  353,  354. 

Fimbria,  the  Roman  general,  liis  victories  over 
Mithridates,  ii.  254. 

Fire,  worshipped  by  the  Persian  Magi,  i.  172,  173;  al- 
terations in  their  worship  by  Zoroastrcs,  197. 

Flaminius,  T.  Quintius,  vanquishes  the  Macedo- 
nians, ii.  88. 

Forms  of  worship  vindicated,  i.  301. 

Free-will,  opinions  of  the  Jews  concerning  it,ii.  221. 


Gabinius  made  governor  of  Syria  by  procurement  of 
Clodins,  ii.  268;  alters  the  government  of  Judea, 
289;  his  covetousness,  294;  replaces  Ptolemy  Au- 
letes  on  the  Egyptian  throne,  295;  routs  Alexander, 
son  of  Aristobulus  king  of  Judea,  29H;  his  corrup- 
tion, ib.;  tried  for  it  and  banished,  297. 

Gabriel,  archangel,  declares  to  Zachariasthe  future 
birth  of  his  son  St.  John  Baptist,  li.  413. 

Gadarean  ambassadors  complain  of  Herod  to  Augus- 
tus, ii.  390;  kills  themselves,  391. 

Galatians  in  Asia,  their  original,  ii.  27;  subdued  by 
Attains,  63;  their  increase,  64;  swarms  of  them  in 
the  east,  ib.;  governed  by  Deiotarus,  made  king  by 
Pomjiey,  278. 

Galilee  conquered  by  I  he  Syrians,  ii.  71. 

Gallus,  why  Ptolemy  Philopalerso  called,  ii.  79. 

Gallus,  Cornelius,  Virgil's  friend,  kills  liimself,  and 
why,  ii.  384. 

Gamaliel,  a  scribe,  or  doctor  of  the  Jewish  law,  ii.  12. 

Gamaliel,  president  of  the  Sanhedrim  in  our  Sa- 
viour's time,  ii.  340;  his  long  life,  ib. 

Ganymede,  the  Egyptian  eunuch,  supplants  Achillas 
the  general,  ii.  308;  distresses  Ca;sar,  309. 

Gaugamela,  Darius  routed  there,  i.  378. 

Gauls,  beat  Ptolemy  Ceraunus,  ii.  24;  are  cut  in 
pieces,  ib.;  first  enter  Asia,  25;  four  tlinusand  of 
them  put  to  death  in  Egypt,  51;  suppressed  by  the 
Romans,  98. 

Ganrs,  the  Persian  Magi,  now  so  called,  i.  208. 

Gaza  taken  by  .Alexander,  i.  372. 

Gaza  taken  and  plundered  by  the  Syrians,  ii.  87;  by 
Alexander  Jamiicus,  king  of  Judea,  247. 

Gazara  taken  by  Simon,  ii.  188;  he  builds  a  palace 
there,  ib. 


Gedaliah  made  governor  of  Judea  by  Nebuchadnez- 
zar, i.  112;  nmrdered  by  the  Jews,  113. 

Gelo,  king  of  Sicily,  slays  the  Carthaginian  general, 
and  burns  their  fleet,  i.  211;  kills  and  takes  their 
mighty  army,  ib. 

Gemara,  what,  i.  269. 

Genealogies,  Jews  exact  in  them,  i.  296;  why  some 
ditference  between  those  collected  by  Ezra  and  Ne- 
hemiah,  ib. 

Gentiles,  Jews  forbidden  to  marry  with  them,  i.  316, 
317;  they  break  that  law,  322,  323. 

Gerizim,  temple  of,  built  in  opposition  to  that  of  Jeru- 
salem, i.  322;  said  by  the  Samaritans  to  be  the 
right  place,  332;  their  additions  to  Deuteronomy 
concerning  it,  330;  disputes  about  it,  ib. 

Germanicus  adopted  by  Tiberius,  ii.  420;  sent  into 
the  east,  424;  poisoned,  ib. 

Gilead  conquered  by  the  Syrians,  ii.  75;  balsam  trees 
there,  ii.  282. 

Glaphyra,  mother  of  Archelaus,  procures  him  the 
kingdom  of  Cappadocia,  ii.  408;  her  criminal  con- 
versation with  Antony,  ib. 

Glory,  false  notions  of  it,  i.  372,  373. 

Goats  of  expiation,  what  they  were,  ii.  13. 

Gods,  heathen,  how  they  first  came  to  be  worshipped, 
i.  71,  72. 

Gold,  Attic  talent  of,  its  value,  i.  184;  gold  and  silver 
more  plentiful  in  Solomon's  days  than  now,  259; 
how  the  ancient  gold  and  silver  mines  were  lost,  ib. 

Golden  calf  carried  away  by  the  Assyrians,  i.  69. 

Golden  image,  Nebuchadnezzar's,  its  size  and  cost, 
i.  124,  125. 

Gorgias  sent  against  Jndas  Maccabaeus,  and  routed, 
ii.  130,  131;  again,  146. 

Government,  the  benefits  of  it  hardly  make  amends 
for  the  mischief  done  by  governors,  ii.  288. 

Grabe,  Dr.  undertakes  an  edition  of  the  Septuagint, 
ii.  49. 

Granicus,  battle  of,  i.  366.   Darius  defeated  there,  ib. 

Greek,  when  first  spoken  in  Egypt,  ii.  18. 

Gregory  XIII.  reforms  the  calendar,  and  makes  the 
New  Style,  ii.  159.  317. 

Grotius,  what  he  says  of  the  book  of  Judith  being  a 
fable,  i.  84;  of  the  book  of  Baruch,  107. 

Groves  used  by  the  Jews  for  worship,  i.  308. 

H. 

Habakkuk  contemporary  with  the  proplict  Jeremiah, 
i.98. 

Hadassah.    See  Esther. 

Haggai  the  prophet  animates  the  Jews  to  rebuild  the 
temple,  i.  175;  his  death,  194. 

Hagiographa,  what  parts  of  the  Bible  so  called  by 
the  Jews,  i.  391. 

Hagiographa  of  the  Jews,  what  it  was,  ii.  345. 

Ham  the  son  of  Noah  is  Jnpiter,  i.  374. 

Hainan  the  Amalekite,  favourite  to  Arta.terxes,  his 
story,  i.  251;  his  riches,  258;  his  signal  destruction, 
262. 

Hamestris,  Xerxes's  wife,  her  cruelty,  i.  216;  not  tlie 
same  with  queen  Esther,  217.  222. 

Hamilcar,  general  of  the  Carthaginian  army,  con- 
federate with  Xerxes  against  Greece,  i.  208;  slain, 
211. 

Hannibal  goes  to  Antiochus  the  Great,  ii.  96;  engages 
him  in  a  war  with  the  Romans,  ib.;  suspected  by 
Antiochus,  93;  his  good  advice  to  him,  ib.;  beaten 
at  sea  by  the  Rhodians,  95;  he  flies  after  the  peace 
between  the  Romans  and  Antiochus,  97. 

Hebrew  character,  present,  when  first  used,  i.  280; 
language,  when  it  ceased  among  the  Jews,  i.  284. 

Hebrew  tongue  ceased  to  be  spoken  by  the  Jews,  ii. 
.34.  341;  why  preserved  by  the  Jews  in  Egypt,  342. 

Hebron  dismantled  by  Judas  Maccaba?us,  ii.  147. 

Hecat!rus  the  historian  favours  the  Jews,  i.  406. 

Heliodorus,  treasurer  of  Syria,  how  punished  for  his 
sacrilege,  ii.  104;  see  2  Mac.  cap.  iii.;  poisons  Se- 
leucus  his  master,  105;  usurps  the  crown,  106. 

Heliogabalus,  the  first  man  that  wore  silk  clothes  in 
the  west,  ii.  385,  (note  8.) 

Heliopolis  in  Egypt,  why  Onias  built  his  temple 
there,  ii.  177. 

Hellenists,  Jews,  why  so  called,  ii.  39,  (note  1.) 

Hephestion's  death,  i.  387;  Alexander  puts  his  physi- 
cian to  death, ib.  , 

Heraclides  sets  up  an  impostor  in  Syria,  ii.  173. 

Herbertns  de  Losinga,  bishop  of  Norwich,  a  remarka- 
ble story  of  his  simony,  ii.  215. 

Hercules,  a  name  not  known  to  theTyrians,  ii.  109. 

Heresy,  Manichsan,  what  it  was,  i.  173,  (note  4.) 


INDEX. 


449 


Hermlaa,  Antiochua  the  Great's  miniiiter,  his  treaaon 
and  cruelty,  ii.  71,  72;  liiinsclf,  wil'o,  and  children 
killed,  ib. 

Herod  the  Great,  kin"  of  Judea,  founds  a  sect  which 
took  his  name,  ii.  SJJ'.I;  liis  compliance  with  the  Pa- 
gan idolatry,  240;  his  birth  and  descent,  iiiil;  made 
governor  of  Galilee,  313;  defiles  the  Sanhedrin,  ib.; 
made  governor  of  CcBleSyria  by  Sextus  Caisar,  315; 
assists  Cassius  against  Cctavianus,  3-21;  Cassina 
gives  him  leave  to  revenge  his  father's  death,  322; 
marries  Mariamne,  Hyrcanus's  grand-daughter, 
324;  routs  Antigonus,  son  of  Aristobulus,  ib.; 
bribes  Antony,  and  is  in  his  favour,  325;  declared 
tetrarch  by  him,  ib.;  distressed  by  the  Parthians, 
328;  builds  Herodium,  and  why,  ib.;  is  at  Rome, 
and  bribes  Antony  to  assist  him,  330;  his  design 
more  moderate  than  the  sovereignty  at  first,  ib.; 
his  audience  of  the  senate,  ib.;  made  king,  ib.;  his 
war  with  Antigonus,  ib.;  with  the  thieves,  331; 
with  Antigonus,  3.35;  wounded,  ib.;  routs  and  kills 
Antigonus's  general,  ib.;  marries  Mariamne,  337; 
begins  his  reign  with  bloody  e.xecntions,  339;  cuts 
olf  the  Sanh(!drin,  ib.;  surprises  Aristobulus  and 
Ale.xandra,  as  they  were  flying  to  Egypt,  363;  called 
to  account  by  Antony,  304;  gets  clear,  ib.;  his  jea- 
lousy of  Mariamne,  3155;  puts  his  uncle  Joseph  to 
death  in  a  fit  of  it,  366;  royally  entertains  Cleopa- 
tra at  Jerusalem,  ib.;  tempted  to  lewdness  by  her, 
ib.;  his  unfortunate  expedition  against  the  Ara- 
bians, 370;  put  upon  it  by  Antony,  ib.;  has  a  great 
victory  over  the  Arabians,  ib.;  puts  king  Hyrcanus 
to  death,  374;  waits  on  Octavianus  Caesar  after 
the  defeat  of  Antony,  ib.;  confirmed  in  the  king- 
dom by  Octavianus,  ib.;  offended  with  his  beloved 
Mariamne,  ib.;  entertains  Cctavianus  and  hisarmy, 
.■J75;  grants  bestowed  on  him  by  Octavianus,  379; 
enraged  at  Mariamne's  contempt  of  him,  381;  has 
her  tried,  condemned,  and  executed,  382;  he  repents 
of  it,  and  raves,  ib.;  his  cruelty,  384;  builds  an  am- 
phitheatre, and  exhibits  shows  in  honour  of  Au- 
gustus, ib.;  his  acts  of  cruelty,  385;  builds  cities  and 
forts,  ib.;  a  good  act  of  his,  386;  hated  for  his  ty- 
ranny, ib.;  marries  an  ordinary  priest's  daughter, 
388;  makes  her  father  liigh-priest,  ib.;  builds  Hero- 
dium, ib.;  Augustus's  favour  to  him,  389;  visits 
Agrippa,  390;  and  Augustus,  ib.;  in  favour,  ib.; 
builds  a  temple  to  Augustus,  ib.;  jealous  of  the 
Jews,  393;  builds  the  temple  anew,  394;  president 
of  the  Olympic  shows,  395;  honoured  there,  ib.; 
marries  his  sons  by  Mariamne,  ib.;  entertains 
Agrippa,  396;  helpful  to  him,  ib.;  obtains  favours  of 
him  for  the  Jews,  ib.;  jealous  of  his  sons  by  Ma- 
riamne, 382;  accuses  them  before  Augustus,  407; 
builds  more  cities,  ib.;  imprisons  his  son  Alexan- 
der, ib.;  mad  with  jealousy,  408;  reconciled  to  him 
by  means  of  Archelaus  king  of  Cappadocia,  ib.; 
perplexed  by  the  thieves  of  'i'rachonitis,  409;  dedi- 
cates the  new  temple,  410;  loses  Augustus's  favour, 
ib.;  reconciled  to  him,  402;  has  his  consent  to  pro- 
ceed against  his  sons  by  Mariamne,  ib.;  puts  them 
to  death,  ib.;  his  son  Antipater  plots  against  him, 
413;  persecutes  the  Pharisees,  ib.;  quarrels  with 
his  brother  Pheroras,  ib.;  Antipater's  design  to 
poison  him  is  discovered,  ib.;  has  him  put  to  death, 
417;  he  dies,  ib.;  his  horrid  design  to  prevent  the 
Jews  rejoicing  at  it,  ib.;  his  disease  and  misery, 
418;  Josephus's  account  of  his  death,  ib.;  his  wives 
and  posterity,  ib.;  said  to  be  of  Jewish  extraction, 
423;  Augustus's  saying  of  his  cruelty  to  his  sons, 
417. 

Herodians,  a  sect  among  the  Jews,  their  opinions,  ii. 
238;  joined  by  the  Sadducees,  240. 

fierodiuni,  a  palace  built  by  Herod,  ii.  388. 

Herodotus,  what  he  says  of  Sennacherib,  i.  76;  re- 
marks on  his  history,  12fi;  when  born,  208;  his  ac- 
count of  Jerusalem,  296;  when  he  wrote,  ib. 

HestisBus,  tyrant  of  Miletus,  his  advice  in  favour  of 
Darius,  i.  183;  suspected  by  the  Persians,  185;  cru- 
cified, 188;  his  story,  ib.  &c. 

Hesycliius,  his  edition  of  the  Septuagint,  ii.  47. 

Hexapala,  an  edition  of  the  Bible  so  called,  ii.  44; 
Montfaucon's  book  so  called  censured,  46. 

Hezekiah  succeeds  his  father  Ahaz,  i.  70;  begins  a 
reformation,  71;  his  wars,  72;  refuses  to  pay  tribute 
to  the  Assyrians,  ib.;  being  sick,  is  miraculously 
cured,  73;  proud  of  his  alliance  with  the  king  of 
Babylon,  ib.;  Isaiah  rebukes  him  for  it,  74;  and  for 
his  league  with  the  king  of  Egypt,  ib.;  his  death 
and  honourable  burial,  77. 
Vol.  11.^67 


Hezekiaa,  a  Jewish  priesi,  with  Ptolemy  In  Egypt,  1 
404;  assists  Hecatjens  in  his  history,  ib. 

Hierapolis  plundered  by  Crassus,  ii.  298. 

Hierax  made  governor  of  Antioch  by  the  impostor 
Balas,  ii.  178;  he  retires  into  Egypt,  and  is  made 
prime  minister  by  Ptolemy  Physcon,  171; 

Iligh-priests,  their  succession  among  tlie  Jews,  i.  85.' 

High-priest  of  the  Jews  had  the  temporal  as  well  aa 
ecclesiastical  power,  ii.  HI;  how  long,  ib.;  havf 
long  in  the  family  of  Jozadac,  and  the  AsmoniBanB, 
174;  persons  incapable  to  be  so,  213. 

Hilkiah  finds  the  law  of  Moses,  i.  89.  270. 

Hillel,  a  Jewish  doctor  of  the  Sanhedrin,  why  spared 
by  Herod,  ii.  398,  399;  his  descent,  quality  and  cha- 
racter, 339;  descended  from  David,  ib.;  happy  in  his 
posterity,  ib.;  his  great  age,  ib.;  his  difference  with 
Shammai,  his  vice-president  of  the  Sanhedrin,  340; 
his  numerous  disciples,  340,  341. 

Hillel  the  Second,  makes  the  present  Jewish  calen- 
dar, ii.  399. 

Hipparchus  of  Niceea,  the  aBtronomer,  when  he 
flourished,  ii.  179. 

Hippias,  the  Athenian  tyrant,  revolts  to  the  Persians, 
i.  192;  slain,  ib.  * 

Hippocrates  the  physician  refuses  Artaxerxes's  invi- 
tation to  his  court,  i.  314. 

Hirom,  king  of  Tyre,  a  part  of  the  Old  Testament 
said  to  be  translated  for  him,  ii.  40. 

Histories,  forged  one,  i.  418. 

Histories,  ancient,  lost,  ii.  139,  140;  errors  in  several, 
ii.  280. 

Hody,  Dr.,  his  account  of  the  Septuagint  the  best,  ii.  49. 

Holophernes,  general  of  the  Assyrians,  destroyed 
with  his  army  in  Palestine,  i.  83. 

Holophernes,  a  supposititious  prince,  pretends  to  the 
kingdom  of  Cappadocia,  ii.  169;  expels  the  right 
heir,  ib.;  expelled  himself,  171;  plots  against  Deme- 
trius his  benefactor,  172. 

Holy  fire  of  the  temple  described,  i.  100. 

Holy  of  holies,  a  place  in  the  temple,  i.  154. 

Homer's  Iliad,  highly  esteemed  by  Alexander,  i.  372. 

Horace's  death,  ii.  4i0. 

Hoshea  makes  himself  king  of  Israel,  i.  69;  tributary 
to  the  Assyrians,  ib.;  favours  the  true  worship,  ib.; 
what  is  said  of  him  on  that  account  in  scripture, 
ib.;  joins  with  Sabacon  against  the  Assyrians,  71; 
taken  by  them,  and  imprisoned,  ib. 

Hugo,  cardinal,  divides  the  Bible  into  chapters,  i. 
276;  made  the  first  concordance,  ib. 

Hyrcanus,  son  of  Joseph,  his  embassy  to  Ptolemy 
Epiphanes,  ii.  100;  an  account  of  liis  birth  out  of 
Josephus,  ib.;  his  deceit,  101;  kills  two  of  his  bro- 
thers, and  wars  with  the  rest,  102;  kills  himself,  ib. 

Hyrcanus,  son  of  Simon,  made  general  of  the  Jews 
by  his  father,  ii.  188;  routs  Cendebaens,  and  takes 
Azotus,  192;  secures  the  succession  after  the  mur- 
der of  his  father,  196;  is  forced  to  sue  for  peace  of 
Antiochus  Sidetes,  J97;  accompanies  Antiochus 
in  his  expedition  against  the  Parthians,  200;  en- 
larges his  dominions,  and  throws  off  all  subjection 
to  the  Syrians,  202;  forces  the  Edomites  to  embrace 
the  Jewish  religion,  ib.;  his  ambassador  well  enter- 
tained at  Rome,  205;  his  rich  presents  to  the  Ro- 
mans, ib.;  his  league  with  Zebina  the  impostor  of 
Syria,  200;  his  sons  rout  Antiochus  Cyzicenus  king 
of  Syria,  212;  buys  Scythopolis  and  other  places  of 
Epicrates,  Antiochus's  general,  ib.;  takes  Samaria 
and  razes  it,  ib.;  hi^  greatness,  213;  is  a  Pharisee, 
ib.;  a  bold  saying  of  one  of  that  sect  to  him,  ib.; 
leaves  the  Pharisees,  and  joins  with  the  Sadducees, 
214;  his  death  and  prophecies,  215. 

Hyrcanus,  son  of  Alexander,  succeeds  queen  Alex- 
andra in  Judea,  ii.  205;  routed  by  Aristobulus  his 
brother,  ib.;  resigns  the  crown  to  him,  ib.;  restorc^l 
by  Porapey,  260;  the  time  of  his  reign  ascertained, 
ib  ;  his  love  of  case,  275;  flies  to  Aretas  king  of 
Arabia,  and  is  assisted  by  him,  ib.;  has  audience  of 
Pompey,  280;  his  claim,  ib.;  joins  with  Pompey, 
284;  restored  to  the  high-priesthood  and  government, 
but  not  to  the  sovereignty,  by  Pompey,  285;  assists 
Scaurus,  the  Roman  lieutenant,  286;  his  power 
lessened  by  Gabinius,  291;  assists  Csesar,  310;  Cssar 
restores  him  to  the  sovereignty,  312;  his  favour  to 
Herod,  314;  rebuilds  the  walls  of  Jerusalem  by  leave 
from  Cssar,  318;  his  ears  cut  off,  and  he  is  deli- 
vered to  the  Parthians,  329;  released  by  the  tyrant 
Phrahates,  357;  honourably  maintained  by  the 
Jews  in  Parthia,  ib.;  tempted  to  Jerusalem  by  He- 
rod, ib-;  put  to  death  by  him,  374. 


450 


INDEX. 


Jacimus  made  high-priest,  ii.  140;  enters  Palestine 
with  the  Syrians,  J5i;  his  treachery  and  cruelty, 
ib.;  put  in  possession  of  the  country  by  tlie  Syrians, 
Ifili;  hisapostacy,  1G7;  liis  death,  ib.;  a  judgment  on 
his  profaneiiess,  108. 

Jaddua  the  high-priest  meets  .Alexander  in  his  ponti- 
fical robes,  i.  370;  his  reception  by  Alexander,  ib.; 
carries  him  into  tlie  temple,  371. 

Jannes  and  Jambrcs,  two  Egyptian  magicians,  ii.  345» 

Janus,  temple  of,  shut,  ii.  414;  but  five  times  till  the 
year  of  our  Saviour's  birth,  ib. 

Jason  buys  the  high-priesthood  of  Antiochus,  ii.  108; 
he  introduces  heathen  customs,  ib.;  sends  offerings 
to  Herculus,  ib.;  brought  out  by  his  brother,  110; 
flies,  ib.;  seizes  the  government,  115;  liis  cruelty,  ib. 

Jason  the  historian,  who  he  was,  ii.  127;  abridged  in 
the  second  book  of  Maccabees,  ib. 

Ibis,  a  poem  writ  by  Callimachus,  why  so  called,  ii. 
92;  a  name  used  also  by  Ovid,  ib. 

Idolaters,  two  sects  of  them  only  in  the  world,  i.  172. 
first  worshipped  the  planets,  173. 

Idolatry,  Jews  prone  to  it  before  their  captivity,  why 
not  alter  it,  i.  309;  Samaritans  charged  with  it  by 
the  Jews,  332. 

Idumaea,  Arabia  Petriea  so  called,  i.  68;  differs  from 
the  Idumaea  in  Judea,  ib. 

Idumseans,  who  they  were,  ii.  135;  they  all  embrace 
the  Jewish  religion,  202. 

Jeconiah;'  or  Jehoiachin,  succeeds  his  father  king  Je- 
hoiakim,  i.  103;  his  wickedness,  ib.;  sent  in  chains 
to  Babylon,  ib.;  released,  108;  favonred,  ib. 

JefTery  of  Monmouth,  his  history  forged,  i.  418. 

Jehoahaz  succeeds  his  father  king  Josiah,  i.  95;  his 
wicked  reign,  i)6;  carried  captive  into  Egypt,  ib. 

Jehoiakim  made  king  of  Judah  by  the  king  of  Egypt, 
i.  06;  his  wickedness,  97;  slays  Uriah  the  prophet, 
98;  put  in  chains  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  U9;  swears 
fealty  to  him,  and  is  restored,  ib.;  as  wicked  as 
ever,  101;  persecutes  the  prophets,  ib.;  rebels  against 
Nebuchadnezzar,  103;  slain,  ib. 

Jehoram  king  of  Judah  loses  Edom,  i.  65. 

Jehosaphat,  his  trade  for  gold,  i.  65;  unsuccessful,  ib. 

Jeremiah,  when  called  to  the  prophetic  office,  i.  80; 
his  mourning  for  king  Josiah,  94;  proclaims  God's 
judgments  against  king  Jehoiakim,  97,  98;  his  dan- 
ger and  escape,  98;  prophecies  of  Nebuchadnezzar's 
invasion,  99;  imprisoned,  ib.;  employs  Baruch  to 
publish  his  prophecies,  ib.;  hides  himself,  101;  pro- 
phecies against  Jeconiah,  103;  his  prophecies  re- 
lating to  the  Babylonians,  104;  dissuades  Zedekiah 
from  entering  into  a  league  against  Nebuchadnez- 
zar, 105;  writes  to  the  Jews  in  captivity,  ib.;  de- 
nounces judgment  against  Semaiah,  who  wrote 
agai  nst  him,  106;  sends  his  prophecies  against  Baby- 
lon to  that  city,  ib.;  prophecies  to  Zedekiah  his  cap- 
tivity, 109;  is  imprisoned,  ib.;  again,  110;  well  used 
by  order  of  Nebuchadnezzar,  112;  carried  into  Egypt, 
113;  prophecies  against  the  Jews  there,  114;  con- 
jectures of  his  death,  114,  115. 

Jeremiah,  one  verse  of  this  book  only  written  in 
Chaldec,  ii.  341,  (note  2.) 

Jeremiah's  prophecy  of  seventy  years,  how  fulfilled, 
i.  142,  143.  171;  of  Babylon's  destruction,  178.  181. 
215. 

Jericho,  famous  for  its  balsam,  ii.  282;  Pompey  re- 
ceives the  news  of  Mithridates's  death  there,  ib. 

Jerome  the  Cardian,  an  historian,  i.  407;  despises  the 
Jews,  ib. 

Jerome,  the  use  he  made  of  Origen's  edition  of  the 
scripture  versions,  ii.  46;  his  account  of  Antiochus 
Epiphanes's  lewdness,  107;  his  saying  of  Porphyry's 
owning  the  prophecies  of  Daniel,  140,  (note  1;)  his 
learning,  340;  abused  by  the  Jews,  ib. 

Jerusalem  besieged,  i.  62;  taken  in  the  reign  of  Ahaz, 
ib.;  improved  by  Ilezekiah,  78;  called  Cadytis,  07; 
how  called  now  by  the  Turks  and  Arabs,  ib.;  taken 
by  the  king  of  Egypt,  ib.;  named  the  Holy  City  by 
the  Asiatics,  96;  taken  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  09; 
again,  J03;  plundered  by  him,  00;  again,  103;  burnt, 
112;  priests  celebrate  the  feast  after  the  Babylonish 
captivity,  147;  its  distance  from  Babylon,  176; 
walls  rebuilt,  204;  peopled,  205;  entered  by  Alexan- 
der, 371;  by  Ptolemy,  304. 

Jerusalem,  strange  sights  seen  in  the  air  there,  ii. 
114;  taken  by  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  115;  the  slaugh- 
ter there,  116;  plundered,  burnt,  and  the  citizens 
massacred  by  the  Syrians,  119;  taken  by  the  Ro- 
mans, 284;  l)y  Herod  the  Great,  and  the  Romaiu, 
337. 


Jeshua,  high-priest  of  the  Jews  after  their  restora- 
tion, i.  143;  his  descent,  ib. 

Jesus,  tlie  son  of  Sirach,  translates  Ecclesiasticus,  ii 
200. 

Jewish  writers,  wretched  historians,  ii.  348. 

Jews  lose  their  trade  into  the  southern  sea,  i.  66; 
their  first  captivity  by  Arbaces,  68;  ten  tribes  lost, 
79;  tributary  to  the  king  of  Egypt,  99;  carried  away 
captives  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  100;  when  their  Ba- 
bylonish captivity  commenced,  ib.  103;  fly  into 
Egypt  from  the  Assyrians,  113;  prophecies  about 
their  destruction  fulfilled,  116;  pursued  into  Egypt, 
119;  how  they  evade  the  prophecies  concerning  the 
sceptre  departed  from  Judah,  129;  restored,  ib.  130; 
their  number,  144;  some  of  all  the  tribes  return,  ib.; 
the  poorest  of  them  return,  146;  and  fewer  in  num- 
ber than  those  that  stayed,  ib.;  they  resettle,  ib.; 
thoroughly  restored,  147:  when  first  so  called,  177; 
their  privileges  confirmed  by  Xerxes,  208;  are  in 
his  great  army,  200;  Haraan  procures  an  order  for 
their  destruction,  258;  when  driven  out  of  the  east 
by  the  Turks,  270;  their  hatred  to  the  Samaritans, 
325:  curse  them,  ib.;  how  they  differ  from  them,  325, 
326;  as  great  idolaters  as  they,  326;  sent  into  cap- 
tivity by  Ochus  the  king  of  Persia,  361;  favoured  by 
Alexander,  :?70,  &c.;  their  privileges  in  Egypt,  375; 
refuse  to  work  on  the  rebuilding  the  temple  of 
Belus  at  Babylon,  388;  refuse  to  submit  and  break 
their  oath,  394;  one  hundred  thousand  carried  cap- 
tives into  Egypt,  ib.;  people  Alexandria,  404;  nume- 
rous under  Ptolemy,  410;  in  Syria  under  Seleucus, 
423. 

Jews,  vast  numbers  of  them  captives  in  Egypt,  ii.  28; 
released,  ib.;  had  no  communication  with  the 
Greeks  till  Alexander's  time,  33;  speak  Chaldsean, 
ib.;  and  Greek,  39;  neglect  the  Septuagint  because 
liked  by  the  Christians,  41;  read  the  scriptures  in 
Hebrew  or  Chaldee  since  Justinian's  time,  42; 
Ptolemy  Philopater's  decree  against  them,  78;  their 
hatred  to  apostacy,  79;  cruelly  used  by  Ptolemy,  80; 
miraculously  saved,  ib.;  forty  thousand  of  them  de- 
stroyed, 82;  Antiochus's  decree  in  their  favour,  87; 
how  they  came  into  Asia  Minor,  88;  Lacedemo- 
nians claim  kindred  with  them,  103;  have  the  free- 
dom of  Antioch,  108;  their  deputies  put  to  death  by 
Antiochus  Epiphanes,  113;  his  severe  decree  against 
them,  120;  killed  for  circumcising  their  children,  &c. 
122;  forced  to  celebrate  the  feast  of  Bacchus,  ib.; 
threatened  to  be  all  sold  for  slaves,  130;  hated  by 
other  nations,  135;  the  Romans  their  friends,  144; 
have  a  chief  magistrate  over  them  wherever  they 
dwell,  154,  (note  4;)  have  a  short  peace,  167;  their 
embassies  to  Rome  and  Sparta,  168. 180;  freed  from 
the  Syrian  yoke  by  Simon,  187;  letters  from  the 
Romans  to  the  eastern  kings  in  their  favour,  19J; 
called  impious,  and  hated,  107:  names  given  by 
them  to  the  Christians,  202;  their  proselytes  reputed 
to  be  of  the  same  nation,  ib.;  the  names  of  their 
governors  in  other  countries,  22,  (note  3;)  hated 
there.  260:  apply  to  Pompey  for  liberty,  280;  Ciesar 
makes  a  decree  in  favour  of  them,  312;  lose  their 
sovereignty,  and. are  taxed  by  the  Romans,  420; 
have  had  no  government  by  their  own.  princes  and 
laws  since  our  Saviour's  mission,  421,  &c.;  their 
high-priests  made  by  the  Romans  in  Christ's  time, 
424. 

Images,  how  hated  by  the  Jews,i.  248.  (note  4.) 

Imperator,  what  sense  that  title  was  taken  in  at 
Rome  before  Augustus's  time,  ii.  380;  how  then  and 
afterward,  ib. 

Inarus,  prince  of  the  Libyans,  chosen  king  by  the 
Egyptians,  i.  224;  defeated  by  the  Persians,  257; 
taken,  ib.;  crucified,  264. 

Incense  offerings,  why  instituted,  i.  304. 

Initial  letters,  names  made  of  them  in  use  among  the 
Jews,  ii.  126. 

Intermarriages  of  the  Jews  with  other  nations,  how 
forbidden,  ii.203,  (note  3.) 

Johanan  the  high-priest  slays  his  brother  Jeshua,  i. 
353. 

Johannes  Grammaticus,  his  endeavours  to  save  the 
Alexandrian  library,  ii.  120. 

John  Baptist,  when  he  began  to  preach,  i.  240. 

Jonathan  Ben  Uzziel,  his  Chaldee  paraphrase  on  the 
prophets,  ii.  341;  a  character  of  it,  344;  the  respect 
paid  him,  345. 

Jonathan  the  Saddticee,  his  speech  to  Hyrcariua 
against  the  Pharisees,  ii.  214. 

Jonathan,  brother  to  Judas  Maccabfens,  succeeds  him 
in  the  command  of  the  Jews,  ii.  167;  fights  on  a 
sabbath,  -ib.;  makes  peace  with  the  Syrians,  170; 


INDEX. 


451 


settles  at  Michmasli,  ib  ;  courted  by  two  parties  in 
Syria,  173;  settles  al  Jerusalem,  ib.;  accepts  of  the 
ortice  of  liigli-priest  from  Balas  tbe  preteuder  of 
Syria,  ib.;  faithful  to  Balas,  174;  routs  Apollouius 
tlie  tceneral  agaiust  him,  170;  rewarded  by  Balas, 
ib.;  his  interview  with  Ptolemy,  ib.;  his  govern- 
ment enlarged,  ISi;  assists  Demetries  king  of  Syria 
in  liis  distress,  183;  ill  used  by  hiui,  joins  with  An- 
tiochus  against  liim,  ib.;  routs  his  forces,  ib.;  sur- 
prised by  Tryphon's  treachery,  185;  murdered  by 
him,  18(i;  his  stately  tomb,  ib. 

Jonathan  the  Jew,  his  letter  to  the  fiaced-^monians, 
mentioned,  1  Maccab.  ii.  103. 

lonians  rebel  against  Darius,  i.  186.  188;  recover 
their  liberty  after  Xerxes's  defeat,  215. 

Joppa  made  a  seaport  by  Simon,  ii.  187;  its  name  and 
use  continued,  188. 

Joseph,  one  of  Judas  Maccabieus's  commanders,  his 
ill  conduct,  ii.  144. 

Joseph  succeeds  Antigonus  of  Socho,  as  president  of 
the  Jewish  Sanhedrin,  ii.  5-2. 

Joseph,  nephew  of  Onias  the  high-priest,  his  embassy 
to  Ptolemy  Euergctes,  ii.  65;  his  kind  entertain- 
ment, 66;  his  good  fortune  in  that  court,  67;  ditfi- 
ciilties  in  Josephus  about  him,  ib.;  an  amour  of  his, 
100;  sonds  his  son  Hyrcanus  to  Ptolemy  Epiphanes, 
ib.;  ousted  of  his  office  by  Hyrcanus,  l&i. 

Joseph  of  Arimathea,  ascribe  or  doctor  of  the  Jewish 
law,  ii.  Ii. 

Joseph  comes  out  of  Egypt  with  Jesus  Christ,  ii.  119. 

Josephus,  many  ereat  mistakes  in  his  history,  i.  91. 
194.  251. 'AW.  371. 

Josephus.  his  account  of  the  Septuagint,  ii.  20;  con- 
futed, ;?6;  difficulties  in  him  corrected,  67;  a  decree 
of  Antiochus  the  Great  preserved  in  his  history, 
100;  corrected,  103:  again  corrected,  120;  again  cor- 
•  reeled,  his  descent  from  the  Asuiouaean  race,  100; 
when  he  wrote,  ib;  again  corrected,  200,  (note  1;) 
a  blunder  of  his  taken  notice  of  by  Scaliger,  207; 
corrected,  279,  &c. 

Joshua,  the  son  of  Perachia,  made  president  of  the 
Sanhedrin,  ii.  86;  a  fable  of  him  with  respect  to 
Christ,  ib. 

Josiah  succeeds  his  father  Amon  king  of  Judea  at 
eight  years  old,  i.  87;  his  piety,  88;  reigns  over  the 
whole  twelve  tribes,  80;  reforms  them,  ib.;  rends 
his  clothes  at  hearing  Moses's  law  read,  ib.;  his  so- 
lemn celebration  of  the  passover,  ib.;  his  rash  en- 
gagement with  the  king  of  Egypt,  93;  he  is  slain, 
ib.^  the  great  mourning  for  him,  04. 

Iphicrates,  the  Grecian  captain,  assists  the  Persians, 
i.  393;  accused  by  them,  and  cleared,  350. 

Ipsus,  battle  of,  i.  414;  establishes  the  four  monar- 
chies after  Ale.tander's  death,  ib. 

Isaac's  prophecy  of  Esau  fulfilled,  i.  65. 

Isaiah,  his  prophecies  to  Ahaz,  i.  61;  of  Christ,  62;  his 
direction  for  the  cure  of  king  Hezekiah,  74;  rebukes 
that  king's  pride,  ib.;  and  foreign  alliances,  ib.;  his 
prophecy  against  Sevechus  king  of  Egypt,  ib.;  of 
the  destruction  of  Sennacherib's  army  by  a  blast, 
75;  said  to  suffer  martyrdom  under  Manasseh,  78; 
his  prophecy  of  the  Babvlonians  fulfilled,  100.  179; 
of  Babylon  fulfilled,  422. 

Isaiah,  chap.  xi.  lii.  and  liii.  prophetical  of  Christ,  ii. 
353,  354;  the  Targums  so  understand  them,  ib. 

Ishmacl,  his  treachery,  i.  113 

Ismenias  the  Theban",  his  trick  to  avoid  adoring  Ar- 
taxerxes,  i.  353. 

Isocrates,  two  of  his  orations  made  for  the  king  of 
Cyprus,  i.  351;  paid  for  them,  ib. 

Isocrates  the  Grammarian  surrendered  for  vindicating 
the  murder  of  Octavius  the  Roman  ambassador  at 
Laodicea,  ii.  168;  the  senate  will  not  punish  him, 
and  whv,  169. 

Issus,  battle  of,  i.  166;  Darius  defeated  there,  ib. 

Ithobal,  king  of  Tyre,  his  saying  of  the  prophet  Dan- 
iel, i.  111. 

Iturajans  forced  to  turn  Jews,  ii.  241. 

Juba,  son  of  the  king,  led  in  triumph  by  Cssar,  ii. 
314;  favoured  by  him,  315;  his  learning  and  works,  ib. 

Judah,  sceptre  departing  from  it,  how  that  prophecy 
was  fulfilled,  ii.  421. 

Judas  Maccabsus,  his  flight  into  the  wilderness,  ii. 
120;  succeeds  his  father  in  the  command  of  the 
Jews  against  the  Syrians,  125;  routs  and  slays 
Apollonius  the  Syrian  general,  128;  routs  and  slays 
Seron,  129;  routs  Gorgias,  131;  and  Timotheus,  ib.; 
and  Nicanor,  132;  and  Lysias's  great  army,  ib.;  he 
recovers  the  sanctuary  at  Jerusalem,  and  appoints 
■the  feast  of  dedication,  132;  falls  on  the  Edomites, 
142;  and  Ammonites,  ib.;  routs  Timotheus  again, 


ib.;  and  slays  him,  143;  relieves  the  distressed  Gi- 
leaditcs,  144;  routs  Lysias  again,  and  obliges  the 
Syrians  to  make  peace.  145;  burns  the  ships  at  Jop- 
pa, and  why,  146;  vanquishes  the  wandering  Arabs, 
ib.;  routs  and  takes  Timotheus  the  son,  147;  takes 
Ephron  by  storm,  ami  razes  it,  ib.;  dismantles  He- 
bron, ib.;  Ids  interview  with  Nicanor,  165;  escapes 
his  treachery,  ib.;  defeats  and  slays  him,  166;  sends 
an  embassy  to  Rome,  ib.;  he  is  slain,  ib. 

Judas,  an  Essene,  his  remarkable  prophecy  of  the 
death  of  Antigonus,  son  of  Hyrcanus,  ii.  242. 

Judea,  wlien  a  Roman  governor  first  put  over  it,  ii. 
416. 

Judith,  book  of,  written  in  Chaldee,  i.  83;  various 
translations,  84;  alterations  in  them,  ib.;  disputes 
about  it,  81;  undetermined,  ib. 

JugiEus,  king  of  Babylon,  his  reign,  i.  73. 

Julius  Marathus,  his  prophecy  of  the  coming  of  our 
Saviour,  ii.  404. 

Jupiter  Hammon,  is  Ham  the  son  of  Noah,  i.  373; 
priests  of,  corrupted  by  Alexander,  374;  who  is  de- 
clared his  son,  ib. 

Justin  Martyr,  his  account  of  the  Septuagint,  ii.  30; 
when  he  wrote  his  first  apology  for  the  Christians, 
ib.,  (note  3;)  a  confutation  of  his  account  of  the 
Septuagint,  37;  very  credulous,  ib.;  his  description 
of  the  Sibyl's  cave  at  CumaE,397;  his  credulity,  401. 


K. 

Kakergetes,  why  Ptolemy  Physcon  so  called,  ii.  181. 
Karraites,  a  sect  of  Jews,  their  opinions,  ii.  221;  their 

numbers  lately,  222. 
Kebla,  a  point  of  heaven  to  which  the  Persians  turn 

in  worship,  i.  197. 
Kerseus  made  governor  of  Samaria  bv  Antiochus  the 

Great,  ii.  95. 
Keri  Cetib,  their  original,  1.  271;  what  they  are,  ib., 

(note  3.) 
Kerman  in  Persia,  the  fire-temple  of  tlie  Magi  there 

still,  i.  201. 
Kingdoms,  Daniel's  four,  the  Roman  monarchy  one 

of  them,  ii.  425. 
Kings,  how  anointed,  i.  161. 
Kings,  menial  servants  toTigranes  king  of  Armenia, 

ii.264. 
Ktistes,  w'hy  Mithridates  king  of  Pontus  so  called,  ii. 

208. 

L. 

Labienus,  a  Roman,  serves  the  Parthians  against 
Anthony,  ii.  326;  routs  Saxa,  Antony's  general, 
327;  defeated  and  put  to  death,  320. 

Lahorosoarchod  succeeds  his  father  IVeriglissarin  the 
kingdom  of  Babylon,  i.  132;  his  tyranny,  ib.;  slain,  ib. 

Lacedemonians  league  with  the  Persians,  i.  322;  van- 
quish the  Athenians,  333;  war  against  the  Persians, 
3;)5;  their  hatred  to  Alcibiades,  ib.;  to  Conon,  345; 
base  offers  to  the  Persians,  ib.;  make  shameful 
peace  with  them,  ib.;  brought  low  by  the  Thebans, 
352. 

Lacedemonians  claim  kindred  with  the  Jews,  ii.  103; 
their  way  of  eating,  231,  (note  1.) 

Lamb  sacrifices,  of  what  kind,  i.  354. 

Lampsacus  joins  with  Smyrna  against  Antiochus  the 
Great,  ii.  89. 

Languase,  Greek,  ancient  and  modern  very  different, 
i.  288.' 

Language,  Hebrew,  treated  of,  i.  285.  289. 

Language,  Scriptures  should  be  in  the  vulgar,  ii.  342. 

Laodice,  divorced  by  Antiochus,  ii.  57;  taken  again, 
60;  poisons  him,  ib.;  gets  the  crown  for  her  son,  ib.; 
slain  by  Ptolemy  Euergetes,  ib. 

Laodice,  daughter  of  Seleucus  king  of  Syria,  married 
to  Perseus  king  of  Macedon,  ii.  103;  stops  at  Delus, 
and  makes  presents  to  the  temple,  ib.;  an  inscrip- 
tion in  praise  of  her  set  up  by  the  people,  104;  the 
marble  now  at  Oxford,  ib.:  murdered  by  Ammonius, 
minister  to  the  impostor  Balas,  178. 

Laodicea  built,  i.  416. 

Lara,  Cohen  de,  a  Jew  of  Hamburgh,  his  learning,  ii. 
350. 

Lasthenes,  minister  to  Demetrius  Nicator,  his  ill 
conduct,  ii.  182. 

Lathyrus  Soter,  king  of  Egypt,  forced  by  his  mother 
to  divorce  one  sister  and  marry  another,  ii.  210; 
whence  his  name,  ib..  (note  1.1;)  expelled  by  his 
mother,  241;  offended  by  Alexander  king  of  Judea, 
244;  overthrows  him,  ib.;  his  cruelty,  ib.;  leaves 
Palestine,  ib.;  raakes  Demetrius  Eucaerus  king  of 


452 


INDEX. 


Damascus,  049?  recniled  by  the  Egyptians,  251;  re- 
duces Thebes,  258;  his  death,  ib. 

Law,  oral  and  vvriilen,  diflfcrently  esteemed  by  the 
Jews,  i.  2G0. 

Law,  oral,  how  conveyed  down,  i.  268. 

Law,  written,  into  how  many  sections  divided,  i.  273. 

Law,  the  Hebrew  text  of  it  set  to  musical  notes,  how 
read  in  public  assemblies,  ii.  343. 

Leap-years  made,  ii.  378. 

Learnerl  men,  how  apt  to  run  into  error,  ii.  18;  fly 
out  of  Egypt  from  Ptolemy  Physcon,  and  spread 
learning  in  Greece  and  Asia,  194;  when  they  flour- 
ished in  the  west,  ib. 

Legions,  how  many  men  they  consisted  of,  ii.  337, 
(note  4.) 

Lemnians,  their  flattery  of  the  Seleucides,  ii.  53. 

Lena;us  the  grammarian,  translates  Mithridates's 
medicinal  commentaries,  ii.  276;  a  freed  man  of 
Ponippy's,  ib. 

Lennaeus,  governor  of  Ptolemy  Philometnr,  ii.  109; 
occasions  the  war  with  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  ib. 

Lentnhis,  author  of  the  civil  war  between  Pompey 
arvd  Cssar,  killed,  ii.  ;iOG. 

Leonidas,  king  of  Sparta,  defends  the  straits  of  Ther- 
mopylae against  Xerxes,  i.  210;  slain,  ib. 

Leonorius  the  Gaul  seizes  Byzantium,  ii.  26;  passes 
into  Asia,  27. 

Lepidus  dismissed  of  the  triumvirate,  and  lives  ob- 
scurely, ii.  361. 

Lepidus,  M.  yEmilius,  his  embassy  in  favour  of  Ptol- 
emy Epiphanes,  ii.  80;  appoints  him  a  guardian,  ib. 

Leptines  murders  Octavins  the  Roman  ambassador 
at  Laodicea,  ii.  150;  oflfers  himself  to  the  senate  to 
be  punished,  168;  they  neglect  him,  ib. 

Leviticus,  a  passage  in  our  translation  corrected,  ii. 
125,  (note  2.)"' 

Librarian,  a  cardinal  such  to  the  Pope,  ii.  22;  arch- 
bishop of  Rheims  so  in  France,  ib. 

Library,  Alexandrian,  an  account  of  it,  ii.  20;  the 
method  of  the  Ptolemies  in  collecting  it,  ib.;  a  great 
part  of  it  burnt,  ib.;  recruited  by  Cleopatra,  ib.;  de- 
stroyed by  the  Saracens,  ib,;  burnt  in  Casar's  wars, 
308. 

Library  of  Pergamus,  by  whom  founded,  ii.  89. 

Liturgy,  Zoroastres',  i.  198;  Jewish,  300. 

Livia  married  to  Octavianus  Ca:sar,  ii.  336;  causes 
the  death  of  his  grand-sons  to  make  room  for  Tibe- 
rius, 420;  Livy,  an  error  in  him  corrected,  ii.  97, 
(note  2.) 

Lizards,  Eglo  like  them  breed  in  the  ruins  of  Baby- 
lon, i.  421. 

Loadstones,  a  great  experiment  of  their  virtue  pro- 
posed by  Dinocrates  to  Ptolemy,  ii.  58. 

Locusts,  vast  numbers  of  them,  ii.  201. 

London,  the  largest  city  in  the  vrorld,  i.  420. 

Long  livers,  i.  234. 

Lorenzo  de  Medicis,  a  great  restorer  of  learning,  ii. 
194,  195. 

Lots,  the  manner  of  them,  how  by  their  event  the 
Jewish  high-priest  appointed  the  scape-goat  and 
the  goat  for  sacrifice,  ii.  12. 

Lucian,  his  edition  of  the  Septuagint,  ii.  46. 

Lucius.  Augustus's  grandson,  his  death,  ii.  420. 

Lucullus,  his  riches  and  magnificence,  i  259,  (note  4.) 

LucuUus  lets  Mithridates  escape  out  of  envy  to  Fim- 
bria, ii.  253;  sent  against  him  when  consul,  260; 
forces  him  to  raise  the  siege  of  Cyzicus,  ib.;  beats 
Lis  fleets,  262;  puts  a  Roman  senator  to  death,  ib.; 
declares  war  with  Tigranes  for  not  delivering  up 
Mithridates,  264;  reforms  the  abuses  in  the  pro- 
vinces, ib.;  games  instituted  in  honour  of  him,  ib.; 
recalled,  ib.;  makes  free  cities,  ib.;  his  bold  and 
quick  march  into  Armenia,  ib.;  routs  Tigranes's 
vast  army  with  a  very  small  one,  269;  routs  him 
again,  and  two  Icings  more,  270,  (note  1;)  takes  Ni- 
sibis,  ib.4  his  soldiers  mutiny,  ib. 

Lutarius  the  Gaul,  his  acts  in  Thrace  and  Asia,  ii.  27. 

Ly'Cophron  the  poet,  favoured  by  Ptolemy,  ii.  59. 

Lysander  the  Spartan,  his  victory  over  the  Athe- 
nians, i.  3.34. 

Lysandra,  wife  to  Agathocles,  flies  to  Seleucus,  ii.  23. 

Lysiaa,  lieutenant  to  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  routed  by 
Judas  MaccabiEus,  ii.  132;  seizes  the  government  for 
Antioclins  Eiipator,  142;  makes  peace  with  the 
Jews,  145.  148;  put  to  death,  15-J. 

Lysimachia  rebuilt  by  Antiochus  the  Great,  ii.  89; 
his  design  in  it,  ib. 

Lysimachus,  one  of  Alexander's  captains,  takes  the 
title  of  king,  i.  411;  marries  Arsinoe,  daughter  of 
Ptolemy, ii.  23;  his  cruelty,  ib.;  routed  and  slain,  ib. 


Lysimachus,  deputy  to  the  usurper  Menelaus  at  Je- 
rusalem, murdered  by  the  people,  ii.  113. 

Lysimachus  kills  his  brother,  and  betrays  Gaza  to 
the  Jews,  ii.  a47. 

M. 

Maccabees,  their  history  written  by  Jason,  i.  395; 
the  second  book  an  epitome  of  that  history,  ib. 

3Iaccabees,  the  first  book  an  accurate  history,  ii.  126, 
127;  its  title,  127;  who  taken  to  be  the  author  of  it, 
ib.;  versions  of  it,  ib.;  an  error  in  it  corrected,  180. 

Maccabees,  the  second  book,  the  epistles  in  the  be- 
ginning spurious,  ii.  127;  versions  of  it,  ib. 

Maccabees,  two  first  chapters  of  the  second  book  fa- 
bulous, ii.  .36. 

Maccabees,  third  book,  an  account  of  it,  ii.  80.  ' 

Maccabees,  a  fourth  book,  written  by  Josephus,  ii.  81. 

Maccabees,  whence  the  word,  ii.  126. 

Macedonian  soldiers  disgusted  with  Alexander,  i.  386; 
humble  themselves  to  him,  ib. 

Machares,  son  of  Mithridates,  kills  himself  for  fear 
of  him,  ii.  273. 

Machseras,  a  Roman  general,  slays  the  Jews  whom 
he  was  sent  to  assist,  ii.  334. 

Maecenas,  his  advice  about  Agrippa,  ii.  390;  his  death, 
410. 

Magas,  his  rebellion  against  Ptolemy  his  half-brother, 
ii.  51;  his  luxurious  life  and  character,  55. 

Magi,  one  of  them  usurps  the  Persian  throne,  i.  169; 
they  are  murdered,  171;  why  so  called,  ib.;  worship- 
pers of  fire,  173;  their  opinions,  ib.;  worship  altered 
by  Zoroastres,  195.  199;  their  learning,  2U0;  their 
fire-temple  still  in  being,  201;  called  Gaurs  by  the 
Turks,  207;  their  worship  suffered  by  the  English  at 
Bombay,  &c.  208. 

Magians,  three  orders  of  priests  among  them,  i.  200. 

Magnesia,  battle  of  between  the  Romans  and  Antio- 
chus the  Great,  ii.  96. 

Magus,  Simon,  Justin  Martyr  deceived  about  a  statue 
of  him,  ii.  37. 

Mahomet,  the  story  of  his  loadstone  false,  ii.  58. 

Maimonides,  his  good  abridgment  of  the  Talmud,  i. 
269. 

Malachi,  his  death,  i.  193;  when  he  lived,  314. 

Malichus  the  Jew,  his  treachery,  ii,  322;  slain  by 
Herod,  with  Cassius's  leave,  323. 

Manahem,  his  prophecy  of  Herod's  being  king,  ii.  340. 

Manasseh  king  of  Judah,  his  idolatry,  i.  78;  said  to 
kill  Isaiah,  ib.;  carried  captive  into  Assyria,  80;  his 
restoration  and  reformation,  ib.;  fortifies  Jerusa- 
lem, 86;  his  death,  87. 

Manasseh  the  high-priest's  son  marries  a  woman  of 
Samaria,  i.  ,322;  high-priest  of  the  temple  there,  324. 

Manetho  dedicates  his  history  to  Ptolemy,  i.  362. 

Marathon,  battle  of,  i.  192. 

MardocEmpadus  succeeds  his  father  Belesis  king  of 
Babylon,  i.  72;  his  name  in  scripture,  ib.;  sends  am- 
bassadors to  congratulate  Hezekiah  on  his  reco- 
very, 73. 

Mardonius,  Xerxes's  general,  his  wars  in  Greece,  1. 
191;  slain,  212. 

Mareotis,  lake  of,  its  extent,  ii.  232,  (note  5.) 

Mariamne,  her  beauty  and  merit,  ii.  330;  her  mar- 
riage to  Herod,  337;  and  descent,  ib.;  Herod  jealous 
of  Antony's  love  to  her,  365;  offends  Herod,  374; 
provokes  him  to  rage  against  her,  381;  condemned 
to  death,  and  executed,  ib. 

Mariamne,  a  woman  of  an  inferior  rank,  married  to 
Herod,  ii.  388. 

Marius  ends  the  Cimbrian  war,  ii.  246. 

Marius  Marcus,  a  Roman  senator,  general  for  Mith- 
ridates, put  to  death  by  Lucullus,  ii.  262. 

Marks,  Greek,  in  use  among  the  grammarians  in 
Origen's  time,  ii.  45. 

Maronites  still  preserve  the  Syrian  language,  ii.  346. 

Marriage,  incestuous,  of  Antiochus,  ii.  15;  Syrian 
kings  of  that  descent,  ib 

Marsham,  Sir  John,  his  skill  in  chronology,  ii.  64. 

Marsyas,  Cleopatra's  general,  routed  by  Physcon,  il. 
205;  pardoned  by  the  king,  ib. 

Masorah,  what,  i.  285. 

Masorites,  Jewish  critics  so  called,  i.  285;  inventors 
of  the  vowel  points,  ib.;  their  profession,  ib.; 
whence  their  name,  ib.;  their  continuance,  290. 

Mattaniah,  son  of  Josiah,  made  king  by  Nebuchad- 
nezzar, i.  104;  changes  his  name  to  Zedekiah,  ib. 

Mattathias,  of  the  Asmonaean  race,  his  descent  and 
children,  ii.  122;  he  refuses  to  obey  Antiochus's  de- 
cree against  his  religion,  123;  his  bold  behaviour  be- 


INDEX. 


453 


fore  that  king's  officer,  123;  his  brave  actions  in  de- 
fence of  his  country,  liJ4;  his  care  to  recover  the 
law,  125;  his  death  and  charge  to  his  sons,  12G. 

Mausolus,  king  of  Caria,  his  death  and  noble  nionu- 
nient,  i.  359. 

Medes,  kingdom  of,  founded,  i.  76;  their  treachery  to 
the  Scythians,  100. 

Megabyzus  the  Persian,  disgusted,  i.  225;  wars  in 
Egypt,  256;  revolts,  263;  reconciled  to  Artaxerxes, 
ib.;  ill  used,  264. 

Megasthenes  the  historian,  when  he  flourished,  i. 
419;  counterfeit  booh  of  his  put  out  by  Annius  of 
Viterbo,  ib. 

Metnnon  the  Rhodian,  his  good  advice  to  Darius  Co- 
domannus,  i.  366;  his  widow  marries  Alexander, 
368. 

Memnon,  statue  of,  at  Thebes,  Strabo's  account  of 
it,  ii.  394. 

Memphis,  called  Mcsri  from  the  grandson  of  Noah,  i. 
97;  magistrates  put  to  death  by  Cambyses,  166;  be- 
sieged, 225.  257;  taken  by  Alexander,  273. 

Menedemus  the  philosopher,  when  he  died,  ii.  34. 

Menelaus  supplants  his  brother,  and  buys  the  high- 
priesthood  of  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  ii.  109;  takes  a 
heathen  name,  ib.;  apostatizes,  ih.  Ill;  assisted  by 
Antiochus,  ib.;  robs  the  temple,  112;  gets  Onias  the 
high-priest  to  be  put  to  death  at  Daphne,  ib.;  His 
deputy  murdered  at  Jerusalem,  113;  conducts  An- 
tiochus into  the  holy  of  holies,  115;  put  to  death  at 
Aleppo,  148,  (note  12.) 

Mentor,  the  rapidity  of  his  conquests,  i.  362. 

Merit,  too  much,  fatal  to  ministers  of  state,  ii.  356. 

Meroe,  sister  and  wife  to  Cambyses,  murdered  by 
him,  i.  169, 

Mesessimordacus  king  of  Babylon,  i.  79. 

Messiah,  the  Jewish  notion  of  his  coming,  ii.  404, 405; 
when  his  kingdom  commenced,  425. 

Messiahs,  two  to  come  according  to  the  later  Jews, 
ii.  384. 

Messias,  Isaiah's  prophecies  of  him  to  king  Ahaz,  i, 
62;  Daniel's  prophecy  of  him,  141;  Zoroastres',  207; 
when  Daniel's  of  the  seventy  weeks  concerning 
him  begins,  227. 

Metiochus,  son  of  Miltiades,  taken  by  the  Phceni- 
cians,  i.  190;  well  used,  ib. 

Meto  the  Athenian  invents  the  cycle  of  the  moon,  i. 
311;  his  cycle,  when  made,  ii.  155. 

Miletus  taken  by  the  Persians,  i.  189. 

Millenarian  opinion,  when  introduced,  ii.  401. 

Miltiades  the  Athenian,  prince  of  the  Thracian  Cher- 
sonesus,  i.  183:  routs  the  Persians  at  the  battle  of 
Marathon,  192. 

Mina  of  silver,  its  value,  i.  147. 

Ministers,  Christian,  the  service  they  do  civil  to  go- 
vernment, i.  310. 

Mishnah,  a  book  of  traditional  law,  preferred  by  the 
Jews  to  Moses,  i.  268,  269;  by  whom  composed,  425. 

Mishnical  times,  when  they  began,  i.  424. 

Mishnical  doctors,  two  great  ones  spared  by  Herod, 
ii.  338;  the  succession  of  the  iieads  of  them,  and  the 
order  of  their  traditions,  ib. 

Mithridates  the  eunuch  conspires  the  death  of  Xerxes, 
i.  220;  boated  to  death,  223. 

Mithriilates  king  of  Parthia,  takes  Demetrius  king 
of  Syria  prisoner,  ii.  188;  gives  him  his  daughter, 
but  keeps  him  captive,  189;  his  good  laws,  ib. 

Mithridates  the  Great,  kingof  Parthia,  his  succession 
to  the  crown,  ii.  204. 

Mithridates  Euergetes,  king  of  Pontus,  slain  by 
treachery,  ii.  208. 

Mithridates  Eupator  his  son,  succeeds  him,  ii.  208; 
comets  at  his  birth,  and  at  his  accession  to  the 
throne.  209;  murders  his  mother  and  brother,  ib.; 
murders  his  nephews,  and  seizes  Cappadocia.  250; 
why  offended  with  the  Romans,  ib.;  expels  Nico- 
medes  king  of  Bithynia,  ib.;  vanquishes  the  Roman 
generals,  and  puts  them  to  a  cruel  death,  251;  or- 
ders eighty  thousand  Romans  to  be  massacred,  252; 
seizes  Athens,  and  draws  the  Greeks  over  to  his 
party,  253;  his  armies  beaten  by  Sylla,  254;  routed 
by  Fimbria,  ib.;  escapes  by  sea,  ih.;  begs  peace  of 
the  Romans,  255;  his  second  war  with  them  under 
Murena,  256;  makes  a  second  peace  with  Sylla,  ib.; 
vanquishes  the  consul  Cotta,  260;  forced  to  raise 
the  siege  of  Cyzicus,  ib.;  forced  to  fly  to  Tigranes 
king  of  Parthia  for  protection,  263;  assisted  by  him, 
268;  his  letter  to  the  king  of  Parthia  for  help,  ex- 
tant in  Sallust,  269;  a  panic  fear  seizes  him,  270; 
he  vanquishes  Fabius,  and  distresses  Lucullus'a 
lieutenants,  ib.;  routs  Triarius,  ib.;  routed  by  Pom  ■ 
p«y,  271;  retreats  to  BoBphorus,  273;  his  treasure, 


memoirs,  and  medicinal  commentaries  taken,  276; 
author  of  the  medicine  called  Mithridate,  ib.;  sues 
for  peace,  277;  but  will  not  submit  to  base  terms, 
ih.:  his  de.-iperate  project  to  march  against  Rome, 
278;  his  son  made  king  by  his  army,  279;  he  killa 
himself  ib.;  his  charact'er,  ib.  &c.;  murders  his  chil- 
dren, ib.;  five  of  his  sons  and  two  of  his  daughters 
in  Pompey's  triumph,  280;  the  length  of  his  war 
with  the  Romans,  ib.;  Pompey  honourably  buries 
him,  286;  his  riches,  ib. 

Mithridates,  king  of  Pergamus  assists  Caisar,  ii.  308; 
has  the  kingdom  of  Bosphorus  given  him,  313; 
killed  in  endeavouring  to  possess  himself  of  it,  ib. 

Mizpa,  a  place  of  prayer  among  the  Jews,  ii.  130. 

Moawias,  the  caliph,  takes  Rhodes,  and  sells  the  Co- 
lossus, ii.  70. 

Molon  made  governor  of  Media  by  Antiochus  the 
Great,  ii.  09:  rebels,  ib.;  and  slays  himself,  71. 

MouKses,  the  Parthian,  useful  to  Antony  in  that 
war,  ii.  358;  his  generosity  to  him,  359. 

Monkery,  its  ill  foundation,  ii.230;  its  rise,  237. 

Monks,  British,  maintained  by  their  labour,  ii.  226, 
(note  1.) 

Montague,  bishop  corrected,  ii.  400. 

Months,  intercalary,  used  by  the  ancients,  ii.  145. 

Moon,  cycle  of  nineteen  years,  when,  by  whom,  and 
for  what  invented,  i.  311;  the  use  the  Christians 
make  of  it,  313. 

Mopsuestia  taken  and  razed  by  the  sons  of  Grypug, 
ii.  249. 

Mordecai,  porter  to  Artaxerxes  Longimanus,  i.  224; 
discovers  a  conspiracy  against  his  life,  256;  offends 
Haman,  257;  on  what  account,  259;  represents  the 
danger  of  the  Jevfs  to  Esther,  ib.;  in  great  power, 
261. 

Moses,  the  book  of  his  law  found,  i.  89;  written  co- 
pies of  it  first  taken  by  command  of  king  Josiah, 
270;  a  copy  found  by  Hilkiah,  ib.;  a  correct  edition 
of  it  by  Ezra,  271;  in  what  menner,  ib.;  solemnly 
published  by  him,  296;  rare  among  the  Jews  before 
their  captivity,  298. 

Mosollam,  a  Jew  of  Egypt,  his  story,  i.  405. 

Mother  and  her  seven  sons  martyred,  ii.  123. 

Mount  Acra,  the  citadel  at  Jerusalem  built  by  the 
Syrians,  so  called,  ii.  134. 

Muie,  Cyrus  so  called,  and  why,  i.  136. 

Murena  renews  the  war  with  Mithridates  without 
suflicient  ground,  ii.  256;  recalled  by  Sylla,  ib. 

Musa,  Antonius,  the  physician,  cures  Augustus,  ii. 
389;  kills  Marcellus,  ib. 

Museum  of  Alexandria,  the  habitation  of  learned 
men,  ii.  21;  a  description  of  it,  ib,;  Christian  doc- 
tors bred  there,  ib. 

Mutina,  now  Modena,  besieged  by  Antony,  ii.  321. 

N. 

Nabathaean  Arabs,  Antigonus's  wars  with  them,  1. 
406. 

Nabonadius,  king  of  Babylon,  i.  132;  Daniel  prophe- 
sies to  him,  1.37;  slain,  ib.;  Daniel  with  him  just  be- 
fore, ib. 

Nabonassar,  Belesis  king  of  Babylon,  so  called  in 
scripture,  i.  61;  confusions  after  his  death,  72. 

Nabopollassar,  seizes  the  kingdom  of  Babylon,  i.  90; 
marries  Nebuchadnezzar  to  the  king  of  Assyria's 
daughter,  ib.;  takes  Nineveh,  ib.;  his  death,  102. 

Nahuchodonosor,  his  victory  over  the  Medes,  i.  82; 
his  revels  upon  it,  ib.;  a  name  common  to  the  kings 
of  Babylon,  90. 

Napata,  the  metropolis  of  Ethiopia,  destroyed  by  the 
Romans,  ii.  388. 

Nebuchadnezzar  invades  Palestine,  i.  98;  takes  Jeru- 
salem, 99;  his  conquests,  102;  succeeds  his  father, 
ib.;  his  dream  interpreted  by  Daniel,  ib.;  causes  the 
false  prophets  among  the  Jews  to  be  roasted  to 
death,  106;  overruns  Egypt,  1 14;  sets  up  the  golden 
image.  115;  enlarges  and  beautifies  Babylon,  119; 
the  height  and  value  of  his  golden  images,  124;  his 
palace  and  hanging  gardens,  125;  his  pride,  127;  his 
distraction,  ib.;  his  restoration,  ib.;  his  death,  ib. 

Nebuzaradan  burns  the  temple  and  city  of  Jerusalem, 
i.  112;  uses  Jeremiah  well,  ib.;  his  victories,  115. 

Nectanabis,  king  of  Egypt,  first  of  the  Sebennite 
race,  i.  350;  wars  with  the  Persians,  ib. 

Nectanebiis  made  king  of  Egypt,  i.  355;  the  last  Egyp- 
tian that  reigned  there,  102. 

Necus  succeeds  his  father  Psammitichus  king  of 
Egypt,  i.  90;  his  attempts  in  navigation,  ib.;  wars 
with  the  king  of  Babylon,  93.;  his  kind  message  to 
king  Josiah,  95;  beats  the  Babylonians,  96;  makes 


454 


INDEX. 


Judah  tributary,  Of);  routed  by  Nebuchadnezzar, 
98,  99;  his  death,  ]U:!. 

Neliclaiiiite,  Scriiiiiali  the,  writes  against  the  propliet 
Jeremy,  i.  10(i. 

Nehemiah  and  Mordecai,  leaders  of  the  Jews  after 
their  restoration,  i.  144;  not  the  same  with  those 
mentioned  in  Esther,  ib. 

Nehemiah  succeeds  Ezra  as  governor  of  Judea,  under 
the  Persians,  i.  29-2;  cupbearer  to  Artaxerxes,  ib.; 
rebuilds  the  walls  of  Jerusalem,  '293;  settles  ge- 
nealogies, 29ti;  attends  Ezra  when  he  read  the  law 
he  had  collected  to  the  people,  ib.;  his  riches  and 
generosity,  310;  goes  to  the  Persian  court  and  re- 
turns, 314;  drives  Tobiah  the  Ammonite  out  of  the 
temple,  315;  his  reformations,  31(>.  321;  holy  scrip- 
tures end  with  his  last  act  of  it,  332. 

Nehemiah,  book  of,  more  modern  than  the  rest,  i. 
424,  425;  great  part  written  in  Chaldee,  ii.  343. 

Nephereus,  king  of  Egypt,  assists  the  Spartans 
against  the  Persians,  i.  341. 

Neriglissar,  son-in-law  to  Nebuchadnezzar,  succeeds 
him.  i.  12S;  slain,  131;  his  good  character,  132. 

Nicanor  sent  against  Judas  Maccab;nus,  ii.  130; 
routed,  131;  loath  to  fight  against  him,  152;  forced 
to  it,  ib.;  his  treachery  to  Judas,  165;  his  blasphemy, 
ib.;  defeated  and  slain,  ib. 

Niocles,  king  of  Cyprus,  his  generosity  to  Isocrates, 
i.  351. 

Nicocreon,  king  of  Cyprus,  inquires  about  the  Egyp- 
tian god  rSerapis,  ii.  18. 

Nicodemus,  a  scribe  or  doctor  of  the  Jewish  law,  ii.  11. 

Nicolas  the  jJiloIian,  his  fidelity  to  Ptolemy,  ii.  74; 
defeated,  ib. 

Nicolaus,  Herod's  ambassador  at  Rome,  his  good 
conduct,  ii.  411. 

Nicomedes  of  Bithynia  at  war  with  his  brother  Zi- 
piEtes,  ii.  25;  the  kings  of  Bithynia  descended  from 
him,  ib.;  calls  the  Gauls  into  Asia,  ib.;  builds  Nico- 
media,  53. 

Nicomedes  driven  out  of  his  kingdom  by  Mithridates, 
ii.  2.50;  gives  his  country  to  the  Romans,  259. 

Nicopolis  built  by  Pompey,  ii.  271. 

Jficopolis,  another  city  so  called,  built  by  Octavianus 
Cssar,  ii.  371. 

Nile  had  seven  mouths  formerly,  i.  350;  the  nature  of 
it,  ib. 

Nineveh  besieged  by  the  Medes,  i.  88;  taken  and  de- 
slroved  by  the  king  of  Babylon,  90;  prophecies  of  it 
fulfilled,  ib.;  its  bigness,  ib.;  now  called  Mosul,  the 
seat  of  the  patriarch  of  the  Nestorians,  91. 

:Nisan,  first  month  of  the  year  in  the  ecclesiastical 
account,  i.  296. 

Nisibis  in  Mesopotamia  taken  by  Lucnilus,  ii.  270. 

Nitetis,  Cyrus's  wife,  her  story,  i.  165;  Nitocris,  queen 
of  Babylon,  her  good  government,  i.  134. 

?fixon's  and  Nostradamus's  prophecies  compared 
with  the  Sibyls',  ii.  402,  403. 

Nobilius  Flarainius,  his  annotations  on  the  Septua- 
gint,  ii.  48. 

"Nobles  called  friends  by  the  Macedonian  kings,  ii. 
173,  (note  7.) 

Nomad,  the  wandering  Arabs  so  called,  ii.  146. 

Nomoi,  the  provinces  of  Egypt  so  called,  ii.  232, 
(note  4.) 

"Nonacris,  rock  of,  its  water  poisons,  i.  389,  (note  1.) 

.Northumbrians,  why  so  called  in  ancient  times,  ii. 
160,  (note  6.) 

Numbers,  translation  of  a  passage  in  that  Book  cor- 
rected, ii.  353. 

O. 

Oath  of  fidelity  required  by  Herod,  ii.  393;  refused  by 
the  Jews,  ib.;  again,  413. 

Ocha,  a  Persian  princess,  buried  alive  by  her  brother, 
i.  3.58. 

Ochus  puts  Sogdianus,  his  brother,  to  death,  i.  318. 
See  Darius  Nothus. 

Ochus,  son  of  Artaxerxes  Mnemon,  his  policy  to  se- 
cure the  crown,  i.  356;  his  cruelty,  ib.;  conquers 
Egypt,  '362;  his  laziness  and  luxury,  363;  poisoned, 
and  mangled  after  his  death,  il'. , 

Octapla,  an  edition  of  the  Bible  so  called,  ii.  4''/ 

Octavia  married  to  Antony,  ii.  327;  ill  used  by  him, 
364.  368;  divorced  by  him,  ib. 

Octavius  Cn.  a  Roman  ambassador,  and  ancestor  of 
Augustus,  murdered  at  Laodicea,  ii.  150. 

Octavius,  afterward  Augustus,  liorn,  ii.  285;  an  ora- 
cle concerning  his  birth,  286;  adopted  by  Csesar,  319; 
his  proceedings  on  news  of  his  death,  ib  ;  outwits 
Antony,  320;  his  youth,  ib.;  his  quarrel  with  Anto- 
ny, 367;  several  reasons  for  it,  368;  the  consuls 


against  him,  ib.;  destroys  Antony's  reputation,  369; 
declares  war  against  Oleopatra,'ib.;  his  policy  in  it, 
ib.;  builds  Nicopolis,  and  why,  371;  beats  Antony  at 
Actium,  ib.;  his  great  expedition,  374;  rejects  Anto- 
ny's submissive  olfers  of  peace,  375;  his  cruijlty  to 
Antoiry's  sons  and  friend,  .377;  views  Alexander 
the  Great's  body,  ib.;  his  contemptuous  saying  of 
Apis,  the  god  of  the  Egyptians,  ib.;  generosity  to 
Herod,  .379;  the  contenders  for  the  Parthian  empire 
apply  to  him,  380;  his  triumph  and  honours,  ib.;  he 
has  the  Roman  empire  put  into  his  hands  by  the 
senate,  3S3;  has  the  name  of  Augustus,  ib. 

CEnaiithe,  the  mother  of  Ptolemy  Philometor's  mi- 
nions, killed,  ii.  85. 

Oil,  holy,  wanting  in  the  second  temple,  i.  160. 

Oltliaces,  king  of  Colchis,  taken  prisoner  by  Pompey, 
ii.  273;  led  in  triumph  before  him,  ib. 

Olympias,  Alexander's  mother,  her  cruelty,  i.  398; 
put  to  death,  ib. 

Oma,  the  caliph,  commands  the  library  at  Alexandria 
to  be  destroyed,  ii.  21. 

Onias  the  Second,  succeeds  Manasseh  the  high-priest, 
ii.  51;  his  dulness  and  maladministration,  65,  &.C.; 
his  covetousness,  ib. 

Onias  the  Third,  his  grandson  high-priest,  ii.  92;  de- 
posits Hyrcanus's  treasure  in  the  temple,  102; 
brought  out  by  his  brother  Jason,  107;  put  to  death 
at  Antioch,  102.  148. 

Onias,  his  son,  flies  to  Egypt,  ii.  149;  is  highly  fa- 
voured by  the  king,  175;  builds  a  temple  there,  ib.; 
serviceable  to  dueen  Cleopatra,  181. 

Onion  in  Egypt  built  by  Onias  the  Jewish  high-priest 
there,  ii.  177. 

Onkclos,  his  Chaldee  paraphrase  upon  the  law,  ii. 
341;  his  the  first  paraphrase  in  order  of  place,  343; 
at  Gamaliel's  funeral,  ib.;  his  paraphrase  the 
best,  ib. 

Ophelias,  one  of  Alexander's  captains,  his  history 
and  death,  i.  410. 

Ophir,  the  Jews  trade  for  gold  thither,  i.  64,  65;  the 
trade  to  it  the  same  as  to  the  East  Indies  now,  66; 
conjectures  about  its  situation,  ib. 

Opiniius,  wine  called  from  his  consulship,  its  excel- 
lence and  age,  ii.  209. 

Orocles,  mysterious,  deceive  king  Croesus,  i.  135;  fail 
after  the  coming  of  Christ,  ii.  215. 

Oral  law  highly  esteemed  by  the  Jews,  i.  266;  re- 
jected by  the  Samaritans,  329. 

Oramasdes  the  good  god  of  the  Persians,  i.  174. 

Origen,  his  edition  of  the  versions  of  the  Scriptures, 
ii.  43;  corrects  the  Septuagint,  44;  a  scheme  of  his 
edition  of  those  versions,  ib.;  his  pains  about  the 
Septuagint,  45;  the  Greek  marks  he  made  use  of, 
ib.;  why  called  Adamantius,  ib.;  what  remains  of 
his  edition,  46. 

Orodes,  king  of  Parthia,  kills  his  father,  ii.  274;  and 
brother,  ib.;  sends  to  Crassus,  to  know  why  he 
made  war  upon  him,  298;  kills  his  general  after  his 
victory  over  Crassus,  300;  claps  Pompey's  ambas' 
sador  in  chains,  305;  runs  mad,  333;  makes  his  eld- 
est and  worst  son  king,  356;  murdered  by  him,  357. 

Orosius,  an  error  in  him  corrected,  ii.  189. 

Orsines  barbarously  used  by  Alexander,  i.  385. 

Osaces,  the  Parthian  general,  routed  and  killed  by 
Cassius,  ii.  301. 

Osiris,  the  Egyptian  god  described,  i.  168. 

Ostanes,  the"  Magian  high-priest  in  Greece  with 
Xerxes,  i.  214. 

Oswey,  the  Saxon  king,  his  saying  of  St.  Peter's 
keys,  ii.  160. 

Otanes  the  Persian  discovers  the  imposture  of  Smer- 
dis,  i.  171. 

Oxatres,  Darius's  brother,  yields  himself  to  Alexan- 
der, i.  381;  generously  dealt  with,  ib. 

P. 

Pacorus,  son  of  the  Parthian  king,  his  war  with  An- 
tony, ii.  326;  routed  by  Ventidius,  333;  his  charac- 
ter and  death,  ib. 

Palestine,  its  south-west  bounds,  i.  103;  what  that 
coutitry  was,  ii.  77. 

Palmyra,  what  was  its  name  in  Solomon's  time,  i.97; 
an  account  of  it,  ii.  325.  Tadmor  its  Scripture 
name,  ib.;  its  great  trade,  ib. 

Pammenes  the  Theban  assists  Artabazus,  i.  359. 

Paneas,  battle  of,  between  the  Syrians  and  Egyp- 
tians, ii.  87. 

Panthea,  her  love  to  her  husband,  i.  135. 

Papias,  bishop,  introduces  the  millenarian  opinion 
ii.  401. 


INDEX. 


455 


Papyrus,  paper  first  founfi  out,  i.  375. 
Parmeiiio  sent  iiiti)  Asia  l)y  Philip,  i.  SM;  lakes  Da- 
mascus for  Alexander,  367;  liis  saying  to  Alfixaiidcr 
on  his  civility  to  the  Jewish  high-priest,  370;  put 
to  death  by  the  couiniand  of  Alexander,  381. 
Parthia,  kings  of,  great  tyrants,  ii.  65;  their  succes 

sion,  18'J. 
Parthians  rout  and  take  Demetrius,  king  of  Syria,  ii. 

J90;  their  limits,  ih. 
Parysatis  queen  of  Persia,  her  cruelty,  i.  3-;>0.  334.  337; 
batiished  by  her  son  Artaxerxes  Mnenion,  and  re- 
called, ib. 
Patrick,  St.,  sent  to  convert  the  Irish,  ii  159. 
Patrocles,  geiieral  for  Aniiochus  Soter,  cut  off  with 

his  army  by  the  Bithynians,  ii.  25. 
PatrocUis,  Ptolemy's  admiral,  puts  the  poet  Sotades 

to  an  uncommon  death,  ii.  51. 
Paul  of  Thebais,  the  founder  of  monkery,  ii.  237. 
Pausanias,  king  of  Sparta,  commands  the  Grecians 
at  the  battle  of  Platjea,  i.  212;  their  fleet  against 
the  Persians,  215;  his  treachery,  217;  deposed,  ib.; 
put  to  death,  ib. 
Pausanias  abused  by  Attalus,  i.  3(5-4;  kills  Philip  of 

Macedon,  ib. 
Pausiris  succeeds  Amyrtaius  his  father  in  the  king- 
dom of  Egypt,  i.  332. 
Pekah,  king  of  Samaria,  his  attempts  against  king 
Ahaz,  i.  02;  Isaiah's  prophecy  of  him  fulfilled,  ib.  (19. 
Pelopidas  the  Theban,  his  great  actions,  i.  352,  353; 

will  not  adore  Artaxerxes,  353. 
Peloponnesian  war  begins,  i.  313;  the  double  dealings 
of  the  Persians,  321;  their  wisdom  in  it,  ib.;  end  of 
it,  334;  fatal  to  the  Athenians,  ib. 
Pentateuch,  Samaritan  copy  of  It,  i.  326;  brought  into 
Europe,  327;  another,  ib.;  diflers  from  the  Jewish, 
32S;  a  mistake  concerning  it,  331. 
Perdiccas,  governor  of  Aridaeus,  Alexander's  brother 

and  successor,  i.  390;  ill  success  in  Egypt,  392. 
Pergamena,  why  parchment  so  called,  i.  376. 
Pergamus,  library  of  given  to  Cleopatra  by  Antony, 
ii.  20;  how  it  came  to  be  a  kingdom,  52;  the  end  of 
it,  199. 
Persepolis  sacked  by  Alexander,  i.  379;  burnt,  ib. 
Perseus,  king  of  Macedon,  his  marriage,  ii.  104;  over- 
thrown by  the  Romans,  119. 
Persia,  greatness  of  that  empire,  i.  360. 
Pestilence,  Thurydides's  account  of  it,  i.  313.  317. 
Pestilence  and  famine  in  Judea,  ii.  382. 
Petronius  routs  Candace,  ffueen  of  .-Ethiopia,  ii.  338. 
Pharaoh  Hophra,  see  Apries. 
Pharaoh  Necho,  see  Necus. 

Pharisees  disoblige  Hyrcanus,  ii.  214;  are  popular, 
218;  an  account  of  them,  219;  their  opinions,  223, 
&c.;  conceited  of  their  holiness,  224;  pride  and  num- 
bers, ib.;  in  what  they  differed  from  the  Herodians, 
239;  in  favour  with  queen  Alexandra,  258;  their  re- 
venge on  their  persecutors,  2.59. 
Pharnabazus,  the  Persian,  leagues  with  the  Lacede- 
monians, i.  321;  kills  Alcibiades  at  their  desire,  335; 
makes  a  truce  with  them,  339;  accuses  Tissa- 
phernes,  310;  parleys  with  Agesilaus,  344;  his  ac- 
tions in  Egypt,  351;  a  tine  saying  of  his.  352. 
Pharnaces,  son  of  Mithridates,  made  king  by  his 
army,  ii.  278;  submits  to  Pompey,  286;  made  king 
of  Bosphorus  by  him,  ib.;  makes  war  on  the  Ro- 
mans, 312;  routs  Domitius  Calvinus,  ib.;  routed  by 
Caesar,  ib. 
Pharnacvas  the  Persian  eunuch,  his  treason,  318;  put 

to  death,  320. 
Pharsalia,  battle  of,  ii.  304. 

Pharus  of  Egypt  finished,  ii.  16,  (note  3;)  a  descrip- 
tion of  it,  17. 
Phedyma,  wife  to  Smerdis  the  impostor  king  of  Per- 
sia, discovers  him,  i.  171;  married  to  Darius,  174. 
Phoenicia,  what  that  country  was,  ii.  78. 
Phila,  wife  of  Demetrius,  poisons  lierself  for  his  mis- 
fortunes, ii.  14. 
Philadelphia  built  where  Rabbath  stood,  ii.  59. 
Philammon  murders  queen  Arsinoe,  ii.  83;  murdered 

himself,  85. 
PhiletEprus  the  eunuch,  founder  of  the  kingdom  of 

Pergamus,  his  death,  ii.  52. 
Philip  king  of  Macedon,  master  of  Greece,  i.  .364; 
prepares  for  a  war  with  Persia,  ib.;  slain,  365;  his 
family  destroyed,  420;  leagues  with  Antiochus 
against  the  young  king  Ptolemy  Epiphanes,  ii.  85; 
overthrown  by  the  Romans,  89. 
Philip,  sou  of  Antiochus  Grypus,  his  contest  for  the 
Syrian  empire,  ii.  249;  vanquishes  his  brother  De- 
metrius, 251;  takes  and  loses  Damascus,  255. 


Philippi,  battle  of,  ii.  323. 

Philo,  his  account  of  the  Septuagint,  ii.  29;  confuted, 
36;  elder  than  Josephus,  229;  hyperbolizes,  234, 
(lujte  1;)  ib.,  (note  2;)  when  he  went  ambassador  to 
Ronu;,  236;  his  account  of  Pontius  Pilate,  425. 

Philostratus,  his  history  of  Apolloiiius  Tyanaeus,  a 
fable,  i.  422. 

Phocion  the  Athenian  sent  to  the  assistance  of  the 
Persians,  i.  360. 

Phoenicia,  its  extent,  i.  416. 

Phrahates  king  of  Parthia,  routed  by  Antiochus  Se- 
detes,  ii.  201;  routs  and  slays  him,  ib.;  marries  his 
daughter,  ib.;  his  imprudence,  204;  is  routed  and 
killed,  ib. 

Phrahates,  another  king  of  Parthia,  makes  peace 
with  Pompey,  ii.  271;  refuses  an  alliance  with 
Mithridates,  ib.;  killed  by  his  sons,  294. 

Phrahates,  son  of  Orodes,  made  king  of  Parthia,  ii, 
356;  his  cruelty,  357;  murders  his  father,  ib.;  his 
contest  with  Tiridates,  379  388;  marries  an  Italian 
woman,  and  is  governed  by  her,  391;  poisoned  by 
her,  392. 

Phraortes,  king  of  Media,  his  defeat  and  death,  i.  87. 

Pictures  forbidden  to  the  Jews,  ii.  125,  (note  2.) 

Pilate,  Pontius,  his  wicked  character,  ii.  425. 

Piso,  Cn.,  poisons  German icus,  ii.  420;  kills  himself^  ibi 

Pisuthnes  rebels  against  Darius  Nothus,  i.  320. 

Plataea,  battle  of  Persians  routed  there,  i.  212. 

Plato  born,  i.  317;  his  death,  363. 

Plancus  provoked  by  Cleopatra  to  desert  Antony,  ii. 
369. 

Pliny,  what  he  writes  of  the  Esseniean  Jews,  ii.  2.36. 

Plutarch,  an  error  in  the  translation  corrected,  ii.. 
193,  (note  5.) 

Polemon  made  king  of  Pontus  by  Augustus,  ii.  396; 
his  son  made  king  of  Armenia,  424. 

Pollio,  a  friend  to  Herod,  ii.  389;  entertains  hia 
sons,  ib. 

Polybius,  his  agreement  with  Josephus,  as  to  Antio- 
chus Epiphanes's  death,  ii.  136;  his  advice  to  De- 
metrius the  Syrian  prince  at  Rome,  150;  the  end  of 
his  history.  180;  some  account  of  him,  ib. 

Polycrates,  minister  to  Ptolemy  Epiphanes,  his  wis- 
dom, ii.  103. 

Polygamy,  Socrates  plagued  by  it,  i.  317,  318. 

Polysperchon,  governor  of  Alexander's  sons,  i.  395^- 
murders  one  of  them,  408. 

Poly.xenidas,  Antiochus's  admiral,  beaten  by  the  Ro- 
mans, ii.  95;  beats  the  Rhodians,  ib. 

Pompey  born,  ii.  243;  sent  to  succeed  Lucullus  in 
Asia,  270;  routs  Mithridates,  and  builds  Nicopolis, 
271;  decides  the  contest  between  Tigranes  and  his 
son,  272;  subdues  the  Albanians  and  Iberians,  273; 
Colchis,  ib.;  the  Syrian  empire.  274;  twelve  kings 
attend  on  him,  276;  call  princes  to  an  account,  ib.; 
Jewish  ambassadors  with  him,  277;  disposes  of 
kingdoms,  ib.;  enters  Judea,  281;  receives  the  new* 
of  Mithridates's  death  there,  282;  lakes  Jerusalem^ 
284;  profanes  the  temple,  and  does  not  prosper  after 
it,  285;  his  great  donatives  to  the  soldiers,  286;  his 
speech  to  the  senate,  and  triumph,  ib.;  routed  by 
C:esar,  and  flies  in  disguise,  305;  his  flight  to  Egvpt, 
306;  he  is  killed,  ib. 

Pompey's  sons  and  party  destroyed,  ii.  364. 

Pontifex  Maxiinus,  how  long  the  Roman  emperors 
enjoyed  that  office,  ii.  396. 

Pontus,  kingdom  of,  founded,  ii.  208;  succession  of 
the  kings,  ib. 

Popillius,  the  Roman  ambassador  to  Antiochus  Epi- 
phanes, his  bold  treatment  of  that  prince,  ii.  119. 

Porphyry,  his  saying  of  Daniel's  prophecies,  i.  162; 
well  acquainted  with  the  scriptures,  ii.  40;  owes 
the  full  completion  of  Daniel's  prophecies,  139;  a 
bitter  enemy  to  the  scriptures,  ib. 

Porus  vanquished  by  Alexander,  i.  383;  generously 
used  by  him,  ib. 

Porus,  king  of  India,  his  embassy  to  Augustus,  ii. 
393;  liis  presents,  ib. 

Prayers,  forms  of,  vindicated,  i.  303;  extemporary  re- 
proved, ib. 

Prayers,  Jewish,  i.  259.  301;  against  the  Christians, 
299;  too  long,  302;  times  of,  ib. 

Preaching,  the  great  use  of  it,  i.  309. 

Predestination,  opinions  of  it  held  by  the  Jews,  ii. 
221,  &c. 

Premnis,  city  of  Ethiopia,  garrisoned  by  the  Romans, 
ii.  388. 

Prienians,  their  honesty,  ii.  171. 

Priest,  camp,  i.  159. 

Priests,  Jewish,  their  courses  after  the  captivity,  i. 


456 


INDEX. 


145;  rich  vestments  worn  by  tliem,  148;  officiate 
barefooted,  ib.;  their  steady  constancy  admired  by 
Poinpey,  ii.  285. 

Prodiciis  the  heretic,  a  follower  of  Zoroastres's  opi- 
nions, i.  207. 

Prophecy,  spirit  of,  when  it  ceased,  i.  160.  193. 

Prophecies,  Sibylline,  of  Christ  before  his  coming  ii. 
401);  others,  404;  again,  405. 

Prophecies,  some  not  to  be  understood  till  fulfilled, 
ii.  141;  various  kinds,  215;  when  they  began  and 
ceased,  ib. 

Prophetical  books  of  Scripture,  when  first  read  in  the 
synagogues,  i.  273;  into  how  many  sections  di- 
vided, ib. 

Prophets,  when  first  read  in  the  Jewish  synagogues, 
ii.  39.  125.  177. 

Proselytes,  their  privileges  in  whole  orin  part,i.316; 
two  sorts  of  them  among  the  Jews,  ii.  203. 

Protagoras  comlemned  for  atheism  at  Athens,  i.  321. 

Provinces,  the  Roman  empire  divided  into  two  sorts, 
ii.  383;  imperial  and  senatorial,  ih. 

Psalms  cxlvi.  cxlvii.  cxlviii.,  by  whom  said  to  be 
written,  i.  181. 

Psammenitus  succeeds  his  father  Amasis  king  of 
Egypt,  i.  160;  conquered  by  Cambyscs,  107. 

Psqmmis  succeeds  his  father  Necus  king  of  Egypt,  i. 
103;  dies,  108. 

Psammitichus  makes  himself  king  of  Egypt,  i.  81; 
wars  with  the  As.syrians,  ib.;  his  death,  90. 

Psammitichus  II.  reigns  many  ages  after  the  First,  i. 
336;  descended  from  him,  ib.;  his  avarice  and  cruel- 
ty, ib. 

Psammuthis,  king  of  Egypt,  his  short  reign,  i.  350. 

Ptolemais  married  to  Demetrius,  ii.  14. 

Ptolemais  built  where  Ace  stood,  ii.  59;  surrendered 
to  Antiochus  the  Great,  74;  Jonathan  tempted  by 
the  offer  of  it  to  his  destruction,  185;  taken  by  Ti- 
granes,  263. 

Ptoleiny  has  the  government  of  Egypt  after  Alexan- 
der's death,  i.  390.  392;  his  wisdom  and  benignity, 
393;  takes  Jerusalem,  394;  wars  with  Antigonus, 
401;  routs  Demetrius,  403;  his  generosity,  404;  peo- 
ples Alexandria,  ib.;  when  his  reign  commenced, 
412;  highly  honoured  by  the  Rhodians,  413;  his 
wives,  419. 

Ptolemy  Soter  forms  a  confederacy  against  Deme- 
trius, ii.  13;  marries  a  daughter  to  him,  14;  asso- 
ciates his  son,  15;  his  death  and  character,  17;  his 
learning,  19. 

Ptolemy  Philadelphus  associated  by  his  father,  ii.  15; 
succeeds  his  father,  ib.;  improves  his  father's  li- 
brary, 20;  puts  Demetrius  the  president  of  it  in  pri- 
son, 23;  marries  his  sister  Arsinoe,  ib.;  has  the 
Septuagint  translated,  27,  &c.;  sends  ambassadors 
to  Rome,  .50;  his  generosity  to  the  Roman  ambas- 
sadors, ib.;  his  war  with  Magus  and  Antiochus 
Soter,  51,  52;  his  contrivance  to  bring  the  trade  of 
the  east  to  Alexandria,  .54;  his  fleet,  55;  his  war 
with  Antiochus  Theus,  ib.;  his  liberality  to  Aratus 
of  Sicyon,  56;  curious  in  statues,  58;  his  death,  ib.; 
and  character,  59;  his  immense  riches,  ib. 
Ptolemy  Ceraunus  deprived  of  the  succession  by 
Philadelphus,  ii.  16;  flies  to  Seleucus,  ib.;  murders 
Seleucus,  24;  his  wickedness  and  death,  ib. 

Ptolemy  Euergetes,  the  trick  he  put  on  the  Athenians 
for  their  original  books,  ii.  20;  puts  his  brother  Ly- 
simachus  to  death,  58;  his  victories  in  Asia,  60;  and 
booty,  ib.;  why  named  Euergetes,  61;  sacrifices  at 
Jerusalem,  ib.;  prefers  Joseph  the  Jew,  66;  his 
death,  70. 
Ptolemy  Philopater  succeeds  Euergetes,  ii.  70;  his 
murders,  ib.;  wickedness,  lb.;  visits  Jerusalem,  76; 
denied  entrance  into  the  holy  of  holies,  77;  his  dis- 
honourable peace  with  Antiochus,  ib.;  his  decree 
against  the  Jews,  78;  uses  them  cruelly,  ib.;  he  fa- 
vours them,  80;  a  rebellion  against  him,  81;  his 
wickedness,  83;  his  death,  84. 
Ptolemy  Epiphanes  succeeds  him,  ii.  84;  a  league 
against  him,  86;  put  under  the  tuition  of  the  Ro- 
mans, ib.;  a  guardian  set  over  him  by  them,  ib.;  a 
plot  against  him,  90;  his  enthronization,  91;  poi- 
sons his  faithful  minister  Aristomenes,  102. 
Ptolemy  Philometor,  a  comment  on  the  five  books  of 
Moses  dedicated  to  him,  ii.  29;  succeeds  his  father, 
104;  almost  conquered  by  Antiochus  Epiphanes, 
114;  his  cowardice,  ib.;  deposed  to  make  room  for 
his  brother,  116. 
Ptolemy  Euergetes  the  Second,  ii.  116;  called  also 
Physeon,  ib.;  the  two  brothers  join  together  against 
Antiochus,  117;  they  owe  their  kingdom  to  the  Ro- 
mans, 119;  they  fall  out  between  themselves,  149; 


Philometor  comes  to  Rome  afoot,  ib.;  matters  ad- 
justed between  him  and  Physeon  by  the  Romans, 
150;  Physeon  at  Rome,  151;  Philometer's  ambassa- 
dor ordered  to  depart  Rome,  154;  Physcon's  mal-ad- 
niinistration,  and  Philometor's  benignity,  171; 
Philometor's  goodness  to  Physeon,  ib.;  Philometor 
kind  to  the  Jews,  175;  restores  Demetrius  to  the 
kingdom  of  Syria,  180;  dies  of  his  wounds,  ib.; 
Physeon  marries  his  wife,  and  murders  her  son, 
181;  his  wickedness,  192;  his  deformity,  196;  his 
cruelty,  202;  forced  to  fly,  ib.;  murders  his  son,  204; 
his  cruel  murder  of  another  son,  ib.;  grows  merci- 
ful, 205;  his  death.  210. 

Ptolemy  Lathyrus,  vide  Lathyrus. 

Ptolemy  Apion,  king  of  Cyreiie,  gives  his  kingdom  to 
the  Romans,  ii.  247. 

Ptolemy  Auletes,  Lathyrus's  natural  son,  made  king 
of  Egypt,  ii.  274;  his  effeminacy,  ib.;  pays  Csesarsix 
thousand  talents,  288;  ill  used  at  Rome,  291;  re- 
stored by  Gabinius  and  Antony,  294;  puts  his 
daughter  to  death,  295;  dies,  302. 

Ptolemy,  Dionysius  Neos,  king  of  Cyprus,  ii.  288;  de- 
posed by  the  senate  of  Rome,  289;  poisons  himself, 
290;  his  riches,  ib. 

Ptolemy,  brother  and  husband  to  Cleopatra,  asso 
ciated  with  her  in  the  kingdom  of  Egypt,  by  their 
father  Auletes,  ii.  302;  murders  Pompey,  306;  Caesar 
gives  the  cause  between  him  and  his  sister  against 
him,  308;  drowned,  311. 

Ptolemy,  his  brother,  made  a  nominal  king  by  Caesar, 
ii.  308;  poisoned  by  Cleopatra,  323. 

Ptolemy  Macron,  bribed  by  Menelaus,  has  the  Jewish 
deputies  muidered,  ii.  113;  a  revniter  from  the  king 
of  Egypt,  114;  in  favour  with  the  king  of  Syria,  ib.; 
his  advice  to  persecute  the  Jews,  120;  grows  a 
friend  to  them,  142. 

Ptolemy,  son  of  Abubus,  and  sonin-law  to  Simon  the 
Jew,  murders  him,  and  two  of  his  sons,  ii.  176; 
flies,  ib. 

Ptolemy,  prince  of  Chalcis,  kills  his  son  for  love  of 
Alexandra  a  Jew,  ii.  324. 

Punic  war,  the  beginning  of  it,  ii.  52;  the  second 
ended,  85;  the  third,  180. 

Purim  feast,  the  Jewish  Bacchanals,  i.  112. 

Pyrrhus  marries  Ptolemy's  daughter,  i.  419;  hia 
rise,  ib. 

Pyrrhus,  king  of  Epirus,  in  the  confederacy  against 
Demetrius,  ii.  13;  made  king  by  Demetrius's  army, 
ib.;  driven  out  of  Italy  by  the  Romans,  50;  slain,  ib. 

Pythagoras,  disciple  of  Zoroastres,  imitates  him,  i,  199. 
204,  205;  a  mistake  in  history  concerning  him  and 
his  doctrine,  205;  he  learned  the  doctrine  of  the  im- 
mortality of  the  soul  from  Zoroastres,  ib. 

Pythius,  his  riches,  i.  258. 

Q. 

Questor,  treasurer  to  the  Roman  army,  his  offic»,  ii. 

199. 
Uuintilis,  the  month  of  July  so  called,  ii.  317,  (note  1.) 

R. 

Rabbah,  called  also  Philadelphia,  taken  by  the  Sy- 
rians, ii.  75. 

Rabbi,  how  long  the  Jewish  doctors  have  been  so 
called,  i.  270. 

Rabbinists,  Jews  for  the  Talnnid  so  called,  ii.  222. 

Rajas,  petty  kings  of  India  in  Augustus's  time,  ii. 
393;  their  descendants  tributary  to  the  Mogul  to 
this  day,  ib. 

Raphia,  battle  of  between  the  kings  of  Egypt  and 
Syria,  ii.  76;  Ptolemy  Epiphanes  married  there,  92. 

Raphon,  battle  of,  between  Judas  Maccabsus  and 
the  Syrians,  ii.  146. 

Ray,  Mr.  an  error  of  his  about  the  invention  of  paper 
corrected,  i.  376. 

Razis  the  Jew,  his  inimitable  courage,  ii.  165. 

Red  Sea,  not  so  called  from  its  redness,  i.  67. 

Red  Sea,  how  far  from  the  Mediterranean,  ii.  373. 

Regibilus,  king  of  Babylon,  i.  79. 

Religious  worship  of  aiiy  kind,  the  impiety  of  affront- 
ing it,  i.  169. 

Reports,  surprising,  of  the  battle  of  Mycale,  and 
Paulus  iEmilius  cleared  up,  i.213. 

Rhinocorura,  a  great  mart  of  the  Tyrians,  ii.  54. 

Rhodes  taken  by  the  Saracens,  ii.  69. 

Rhodians,  the  honours  they  paid  to  Ptolemy,  i.  412; 
their  sordid  practice,  ii.  69;  rewarded  by  the  Ro- 
mans for  beating  Hannibal,  95.  97. 

River  of  Egypt,  so  called  in  Scripture,  not  the  Nile. 
i.  102. 


INDEX. 


457 


Bobes,  the  high-priests,  the  manner  of  keeping  them, 
ii.  218. 

Romanists,  their  vain  pretences  to  infallibility,  ii. 
194;  their  Church  abominably  corrupted  many  cen- 
turies ago,  31G;  errors  about  the  Essenaean  Jews, 
236. 

Romans  begin  to  grow  famous,  ii.  50;  send  ambassa- 
dors to  Egypt,  ib.;  the  generosity  of  their  ambassa- 
dors, ib.;  rewarded  by  the  senate,  ib.;  undertake  the 
tuition  of  Ptolemy  Epiphanes,  80;  their  embassy  to 
Antiochus  the  Great  in  Thrace,  90;  force  him  to  beg 
a  peace,  97;  they  reward  their  confederates  with 
Antiochus's  provinces,  ib.;  their  dominion  in  Asia 
settled,  ib.;  their  commanding  embassy  to  Antio- 
chus Epiphanes  to  give  peace  to  Egypt,  119;  de- 
clare the  Jews  their  friends,  166;  their  generous 
proceedings  towards  those  that  murdered  their  am- 
bassadors in  Syria,  169;  favour  an  impostor  in  Cap- 
padocia,  171;  and  another  in  Syria,  173;  letters 
from  them  to  the  eastern  kings,  in  favour  of  the 
Jews,  191;  send  ambassadors  to  inspect  the  affairs 
of  their  allies  in  the  east,  195;  their  sobriety  and 
moderation,  ib.;  they  seize  on  the  kingdom  of  Per- 
gamus,  199;  their  decree  in  favour  of  the  Jews,  205; 
make  the  Cyreneans  free,  247;  the  kings  of  Bithynia 
and  Cappadocia  implore  their  protection,  and  have 
it,  250;  they  begin  the  Mithridatic  war  with  ill  suc- 
cess, ib.;  massacred  in  Asia  by  order  of  Mithridates, 
252;  seize  on  Nicomedia,  259,  260;  and  Cyrene,  ib.; 
ill  treat  the  princes  of  Syria,  261;  their  conquests 
in  the  east,  271.  &c.;  make  the  Syrian  empire  a 
province,  274;  their  empire,  how  enlarged  by  Pom- 
pey,  287;  their  injustice  to  Ptolemy,  king  of  Cy- 
prus, 289;  their  Parthian  war  unjust,  298;  the  end 
of  their  commonwealth,  383. 

Roxana,  a  Persian  princess,  sawn  asunder,  i.  334. 

Roxana,  Alexander  marries  her,  i.  382;  her  cruelty  to 
Darius's  daughters,  390;  put  to  death,  408. 

Ruffinus,  his  account  of  the  mother  and  her  seven 
sons,  martyrs,  ii.  124;  an  error  in  him  about  the 

•    word  Maccabaeus,  126. 

S. 

Babacon,  the  Ethiopian,  takes  the  king  of  Egypt,  and 
burns  him,  i.  72;  called  so  in  scripture,  ib.;  his 
death,  73;  his  son  Sevechus,  called  Sethon  by  Hero- 
dotus, succeeds  him  as  king  of  Egypt,  75. 

Sabbath,  a  great  number  of  Jews  killed,  because  they 
would  not  defend  themselves  upon  it,  ii.  123;  laws 
made  to  allow  defence  on  it,  ib.;  the  strict  keeping 
of  it  sometimes  fatal  to  the  Jews,  284. 

Babians,  planet- worshippers,  i.  172;  first  worshipped 
them  per  sacclla,  ib.;  after  by  images,  and  why,  ib. 
173. 

Babians,  image-worshippers  so  called,  i.  172;  what 
they  were,  173;  the  sect  founded  by  the  Babyloni- 
ans, 214;  their  seat  at  Charrs,  where  Abraham 
dwelt,  397. 

Sacrifices,  no  living  creatures  offered  by  the  Egyp- 
tians and  others  of  the  ancients,  ii.  19. 

Sadducees,  Epicureans,  i.  409;  tlieir  rise  and  heresy, 
ii.  52,  53;  grow  up  to  it  gradually,  214;  an  account 
of  them,  219;  Epicurean  deists,  ib.;  own  only  the 
five  books  of  Moses,  220;  are  few,  and  of  quality,  ib. 

Sadoc,  scholar  of  Antigonus  of  Socho,  the  founder  of 
the  sect  of  the  Sadducees,  ii.  53.  219. 

Saint  Paul  thought  to  speak  of  Isaiah's  martyrdom, 
i.  78. 

Salathiel,  son  of  Jehoiachin,  is  called  king  of  Baby- 
lon, i.  128. 

Salianus  the  Jesuit's  criticisms  on  Scaliger,  ii.  206; 
on  Josephus,  212,  (note  8.) 

Salmaneser  succeeds  his  father  Arbaces,  i.  69;  his 
names  in  scripture,  ib.;  carries  Jeroboam's  golden 
calf  from  Bethel,  ib.;  carries  the  Israelites  into  cap- 
tivity, 72;  makes  Tobit  his  purveyor,  ib. 

Salome,  Herod's  sister,  her  treachery  to  her  husband, 
ii.  384;  her  death,  423. 

Samaria,  whsn  and  by  whom  peopled,  i.  79;  people 
idolaters,  81;  temple  there.  324;  refuse  of  refractory 
Jews,  ib.;  cursed  by  Zerubbabel,  325;  how  they  dif- 
fer from  the  Jews,  326;  expect  Christ,  329;  taken 
and  razed  by  Hyrcanus,  ii.  212;  rebuilt  by  Herod, 
and  called  Sebaste,  385. 

Samaritans  are  refused  a  share  in  rebuilding  the 
temple,  i.  161;  obstruct  it,  170;  humbled,  175;  again 
by  Xerxes,  208;  by  Alexander,  254;  receive  only  the 
five  books  of  Moses,  326;  true  worshippers,  332; 
their  false  dealings  with  the  Jews,  ii.  120;  disown 
God  and  his  worship  to  please  Antiochus  Epi- 
Vol.  II.— 58 


phanes,  121;  their  advocates  put  to  death  by  Ptole- 
my Philometor,  177;  their  religion,  219;  sounder 
than  the  Jews  about  a  future  state  and  the  resur- 
rection, 220. 

Sameas  the  Jew,  his  prophetic  saying  of  Herod,  ii.  313. 

Sanballat  the  Honorite,  a  friend  to  the  Saniarinans, 
i.  253;  hates  the  Jews,  314;  marries  his  darinhter  to 
the  high-priest's  son,  ib.;  builds  a  temple  at  Sama- 
ria, 324. 

Sanhedrins,  two  kinds  of  them  among  the  Jews,  ii. 
224,  (note  5;)  more  erected  by  the  Romans,  292. 

Saosduchinus  succeeds  his  father  Esarhaddon  king 
of  Assyria,  i.  82.     See  Nehuchodonosor. 

Saracens  destroyed  all  libraries,  ii.  46. 

Sardis  taken  and  burn  t,  i.  187;  taken  by  Seleucus,  ii.  23. 

Sarpedon,  general  for  Demetrius,  defeated  by  the 
usurper  'Tryphon's  army,  ii.  187. 

Saturn,  his  worship  forced  upon  the  Egyptians  by  tha 
Ptolemies,  ii.  19. 

Scaliger,  Joseph,  his  blunders  corrected,  ii.  206. 

Scape-goal  eaten  by  the  Saracens,  ii.  12. 

Sceptre  departing  from  Judah,  how  that  prophecy 
was  fulfilled,  in  Christ's  coming,  ii.  421. 

Scheme  to  know  when  Easter  will  fall  any  year,  ii. 
162. 

Schoolmen,  Christian,  study  Aristotle  from  a  Saracen 
translation,  ii.  194. 

Scipios,  Lucius  and  Africanus  sent  against  Antio- 
chus the  Great,  ii.  95;  overthrow  him,  96. 

Scipio,  Publius  Africanus,  junior,  his  embassy  to 
Egypt,  &c.  and  attendance,  ii.  195;  how  he  received 
the  king  of  Syria's  presents  in  Spain,  199. 

Scopas,  the  jEtolian,  revolts  to  the  Egyptians,  ii.  86; 
commands  their  army,  87;  taken  and  stripped  by 
Antiochus,  ib.;  his  treasonable  plot  against  Ptole- 
my, 90;  put  to  death,  ib. 

Scotia,  Ireland  so  called,  ii,  161,  (note  2;)  when  that 
name  was  given  to  North  Britain,  ib. 

Scribes,  the  same  as  doctorsof  the  Jewish  law,  ii.  11, 
224;  chiefly  of  the  Pharisees,  ib. 

Sciibonius,  an  impostor,  put  to  death  in  Bosphorua, 
ii.  395. 

Scriptures  translated,  ii.  28.  39,  &c.;  43,  (note  7;)  hea- 
then authors  well  acquainted  with  thein,40;  trans- 
lated by  the  Papists  in  opposition  to  the  Protes- 
tants, 41,  (note  2.) 

Scythians,  their  conquests  in  Media  and  Upper  Asia, 
i.  88;  driven  out  of  them,  100;  routed  by  Darius,  204. 

Sebaste,  Samaria  so  called  by  Herod,  ii.  385. 

Selene,  wife  of  Antiochus  Grypus,  slain  by  Tigranei, 
ii.  263;  her  incest,  ib. 

Seleucia  built,  i.  420. 

Seleucia  and  Babylon  the  same,  i.  422. 

Seleucia  seized  by  the  Egyptians,  ii.  73;  recovered  by 
the  Syrians,  74;  made  a  free  city  by  Pomppy,  276. 

Seleucu.s  made  governor  of  Babylon,  i.  393;  his  small 
beginning,  402;  his  greatness,  411;  takes  the  title  of 
king,  ib.;  wars  with  the  king  of  India,  413. 

Seleucus,  his  compassion  for  Demetrius,  ii.  15;  his 
forces  beaten  by  him,  ib.;  his  generous  treatment 
of  him  when  his  prisoner,  ib.;  takes  Sardis  from 
Lysimachus,  23;  routs  and  kills  him,  ib.;  murdered 
by  Ptolemy  Ceraunus,  ib. 

Seleucus  Callinicus,  how  he  came  to  succeed  his  fa- 
ther Antiochus  Theus.  ii.  60;  shipwrecked,  61;  a 
column  relating  to  him  in  Oxford,  62;  routed  by 
Antiochus  his  brother,  63;  defeats  him,  64;  taken 
prisoner  by  Arsaces,  65;  his  death,  and  children,  68. 

Seleucus  Ceraunus,  his  son,  succeeds  him,  ii.  68;  poi- 
soned, ib. 

Seleucus  Philopater  succeeds  his  father  Antiochus  th« 
Great,  ii.  102;  sends  his  son  Demetrius  to  Rome, 
and  why,  104;  is  poisoned,  105. 

Seleucus,  son  of  Demetrius,  murdered  by  his  mother, 
ii.  207. 

Seleucus,  son  of  Antiochus  Grypus,  succeeds  him,  ii. 
247;  burnt,  249. 

Seleucus  Cybiosactes,  who  he  was,  ii.  257;  put  to 
death  by  his  wife,  291. 

Sennacherib  succeeds  his  father  Salmaneser  king  of 
Assyria,  i.  73;  wars  with  Hezekiah,  ib.;  who  pays 
him  a  great  tribute,  74;  overruns  Egypt,  ib.;  retires, 
and  invades  Judea,  75;  raises  the  siege  of  Peliisium, 
ib.;  his  blasphemous  messaee  to  king  Hezekiah,  ib.; 
routs  the  Egyptians  and  Ethiopians,  76;  his  army 
killed  by  an  angel  in  Judea,  ib.;  that  angpl  brought 
on  thPtn  a  hot  wind,  ib.;  what  Herodotus  says  of 
him,  ib.;  slain  by  his  sons,  77. 

Sennacherib,  the  Assyrian  king,  Jewish  doctors  de- 
scended from  him,  ii.  339. 

Septuagint,  an  account  of  the  translating  it,  ii.  21. 


456 


INDEX. 


27,  &.C.;  an  older  translation  of  the  Scriptures,  29, 
30;  the  several  authors  that  wrote  of  the  miracu- 
lousness  of  it  confuted,  33,  &c.;  only  five  employed 
in  that  translation  of  the  Bible,  34;  the  opinion  of 
learned  men  against  it,  ib.;  true  cause  of  making 
it,  .19, 40;  not  translated  at  once,  39. 177;  in  the  Ale.x- 
andrian  dialect,  39;  neglected,  ib.;  spreads,  40;  a 
translation  in  opposition  to  it,  42;  faulty,  44;  Ori- 
gen's  pains  about  it,  ib.,  &c.;  the  law  most  e.xactly 
translated,  ib.;  editions  of  it,  45;  three  principal 
ones,  47;  modern  ones,  ib.;  Alexandrian  copy  of  it 
in  St.  James's  library  the  best,  48;  the  Vatican  the 
next,  80;  translated  by  the  Jews  of  Egypt,  177. 

Sepulchres  of  the  Jewish  kings  described,  ii.  198. 

Serapaeum,  a  temple  at  Alexandria  built  by  the 
Ptolemies,  ii.  iO. 

Serapis,  image  of,  brought  to  Egypt,  ii.  17;  mistaken 
for  the  patriarch  Joseph,  19;  first  worshipped  in 
Sinope,  ib.;  brings  a  new  way  of  worship  into 
Egypt,  ib. 

Serboiiis,  lake  of  the  danger  of  it,  i.  361. 

Seres,  their  ambassadors  at  Rome,  their  long  journey, 
ii.  385;  the  Chinese  so  called,  ib.;  first  made  silk  aa 
now  made,  ib. 

Servant,  Hebrew,  what  was  paid  for  redemption  of 
one,  i).  31). 

Servitude  abhorred  by  the  Essenes,  ii.  234. 

Sevechus,  king  of  Egypt,  his  weakness  and  misfor- 
tunes, i.  74;  his  death,  77. 

Sextilis,  month  of,  called  Augustus,  ii.  380. 

Sextus  (iuintus.  Pope,  his  edition  of  the  Septuagint, 
ii.  47. 

Shammai,  a  Jewish  doctor  of  the  Sanhedrin,  why 
spared  by  Herod,  ii.  338;  his  diiierence  with  Hillel, 
340. 

Shebna,  an  ill  minister  of  Manasseh"s,  removed,  i.  80. 

Shechem,  Jacob's  well  there,  i.  331;  the  seat  of  the 
Samaritans  since  Alexander's  time,  377. 

Shekel  of  silver,  its  value,  i.  147. 

Shekels  with  Samaritan  characters,  i.  281. 

Shechinah,  the  cloud  in  the  temple,  i.  155. 

Ships,  great  ones,  built  by  Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  ii. 
55. 

Shusham,  a  gate  of  the  temple,  why  so  called,  i.  181. 

Sibyls,  wicked,  ii.  402;  fictions  and  impostures  relat- 
ing to  their  oracles,  ib.  &c. 

Sibylline  oracles  preserved  by  Augustus,  ii.  397;  what 
the  Sibyls  were,  ib.;  their  books  destroyed,  398; 
others  put  in  their  place,  399;  when  all  were  ut- 
terly destroyed,  ib.;  falsified  by  a  Christian,  400,  &c. 

Sidon  burnt,  i.  360. 

Sights,  strange  ones  in  the  air  at  Jerusalem,  ii.  114. 

Silk,  first  made  by  the  Chinese,  ii.  385;  its  value  at 
first,  ib.;  how  and  when  first  made  in  the  west,  ib.; 
the  ancients  odd  notion  of  the  growth  of  it,  ib., 
(note  8.) 

Silo,  Ventidius's  lieutenant  in  Palestine,  his  avarice 
and  double  dealing,  ii.  331. 

Simeon,  president  of  the  Sanhedrin  when  Christ  was 
born,  ii.  339. 

Simeon,  son  of  Gamaliel,  perished  with  Jerusalem, 
ii.  339. 

Simeonites  enlarge  their  borders,  i.  78. 

Simon,  Father,  reproved,  i.  290;  ii.  355. 

Simon  the  Just  succeeds  his  father  Onias  in  the  high- 
priesthood,  i.  415;  his  good  character,  423;  com- 
pletes the  Canon  of  the  Bible,  424;  alterations  on 
his  death,  ii.  12. 

Simon,  son  of  Onias  the  second,  succeeds  him  in  the 
priesthood,  ii.  77;  his  death,  92. 

Simon  made  governor  of  the  temple,  ii,  104;  his  quar- 
rel with  the  high-priest  Onias,  ib. 

Simon,  brother  of  Judas  Macuabneus,  his  success  in 
Galilee,  ii.  144;  takes  Bethsura,  184;  he  rules  in  the 
place  of  his  brother  Jonathan,  187;  his  ambassadors 
well  received  at  Rome,  ib.;  is  made  free  sovereign 
prince  of  the  Jews,  ib.,  fee;  takes  Gazara,  188, 
(note  1;)  and  the  citadel  of  Jerusalem,  ib.;  mur- 
dered with  two  of  his  sons,  by  the  treason  of  his 
sonin-law,  196. 

Siracides,  when  he  published  his  book  of  Ecclesias- 
ticus,  ii.  38. 

Sisamnes,  an  unjust  judge,  his  punishment,  i.  183. 

Sisiganibis,  mother  of  Darius  Codomannus,  her  de- 
scent, i.  35.-^;  prisoner  to  Alexander,  380;  her  grief 
for  his  death,  .390;  dies,  ib. 
Slaves  make  themselves  masters  of  Tyre,  i.  369. 
Smerdis,  brother  of  Cambyses,  murdered  by  him,  i. 

168. 
Smerdis,  an  impostor,  succeeds  Cambyses  king  of 


Persia,  i.  169,  &c.;  unkind  to  the  Jews,  171;  mar- 
ries Cyrus's  daughter,  ib.;  his  imposture  discovered, 
ib.;  he  is  slain,  ib. 

Smyrnians,  their  flattery  of  Stralonice,  ii.  53;  their 
league  with  the  Magnesians  in  favour  of  Seleucus, 
62;  they  raise  a  column  to  commemorate  it,  ib.; 
that  column  now  in  Oxford,  ib.;  join  with  those  of 
Lampsacus  against  Antiochus  the  Great,  89. 

Socrates  justly  plagued  by  his  two  wives,  i.  319;  put 
to  death,  339;  the  father  of  moral  philosophy  among 
the  Greeks,  ib.;  his  name  abused  by  Sodomites,  ii.  51. 

Sodalities  at  Rome,  what  they  were,  ii.  239. 

Sodom,  lake  of,  its  nature,  i.  406. 

Sogdianus  kills  Xerxes  the  younger,  and  usurps  the 
Persian  throne,  i.  318;  put  to  death,  ib. 

Solomon,  his  immense  riches,  i.  64,  (note  3;)  his  vast 
commerce,  66. 

Solomon's  temple,  the  bigness  of  it,  i.  151. 

Solymius,  the  Jew,  puts  his  daughter  to  bed  to  hi» 
brother,  ii.  101. 

Sortes  Virgilianae  and  Prsenestinae,  what  they  were, 
ii.  399. 

Sosibius,  the  friendship  be  is  said  to  have  had  for  the 
Jews,  u.  28. 

Sosibius,  minister  to  Ptolemy  Philopater,  his  cruelty, 
ii.  70;  his  wickedness,  73;  puts  Queen  Arsinoe  to 
death,  83;  resigns  the  ministry,  ib.;  called  the  long- 
liver,  85;  his  character,  ib.;  his  son  made  guardian 
to  Ptolemy's  son,  ib. 

Sosthenes,  the  Macedonian,  defeats  the  Gauls,  ii.  25; 
his  death,  49. 

Sotades,  a  lewd  satiric  poet,  put  to  death  for  libelling 
Ptolemy  Philadelphus,  ii.  51. 

Star  in  Bethlehem,  foretold  by  Zoroastres,  i.  207. 

Statira,  queen  of  Persia,  her  revenge,  i.  334;  poisoned, 
337. 

Statira,  Darius's  daughter,  married  to  Alexander,  i. 
386;  dies,  390. 

Stilico  burns  the  Sibylline  books,  and  the  temple  of 
Apollo,  ii.  400. 

Stones,  polluted,  of  the  altar  laid  up,  ii.  134. 

Strabo  the  geographer  visits  the  statue  of  Memnon, 
ii.  394;  his  account  of  it,  ib.;  when  he  wrote,  ib. 

Strato  the  Syrian  saved  by  his  slave,  i.  309;  his  de- 
scendants kings  of  Tyre,  ib. 

Straton's  Tower,  called  Csesarea  by  Herod,  ii.  385.  389. 

Stratonice,  how  her  husband  Seleucus  came  to  give 
her  to  his  son,  ii.  15. 

Stratonice,  one  of  Mithridates's  beloved  mistressea, 
yields  to  Pompey,  ii.  280;  that  king's  revenge,  ib. 

Style  of  writing,  whence  so  called,  i.  375. 

Suetonius,  what  he  writes  of  prophecies  of  our  Sa- 
viour's coming,  ii.  404. 

Supralapsarians,  how  they  agree  with  the  Jewish 
Essenes  about  free-will  and  predestination,  ii.  224. 

Surat,  some  of  Zoroastres's  sect  still  there,  i.  208. 

Surenas,  the  Parthian  general,  routs  and  kills^Cras- 
sus,  ii.  300;  killed  himself  by  the  Parthian  king,  ib.; 
his  character,  ib. 

Susa,  Daniel,  governor  of  that  province,  i.  163. 

Susanna,  the  elders  that  would  have  corrupted  her, 
i.  106;  the  history  doubted,  164. 

Syene,  tower  of,  in  Ezekiel,  a  wrong  translation,  i. 
119,  (note  1.) 

Sylla  sent  against  Mithridates,  ij.  253;  takes  Athena, 
ib.;  obtains  three  victories  over  Mithridates's 
generals,  255;  concludes  a  treaty  with  him,  and 
why,  ib.;  seizes  the  works  of  Aristotle  for  his  own 
use,  ib.;  makes  a  second  peace  with  Mithridates, 
256. 

Syllseus,  the  Arabian,  his  treachery  to  the  Romans, 
ii.  387;  Herod  refuses  him  his  sister,  409;  sets  Au- 
gustus against  Herod,  410;  condemned  by  him,  and 
beheaded,  412. 

Symmachus  translates  the  Old  Testament,  and 
why,  ii.  42;  his  method  in  it,  43. 

Synagogue,  great  elders  of,  i.  424;  when  they  began 
and  ended,  425. 

Synagogue,  its  worship,  what  it  was,  ii.  125;  how  the 
men  and  women  sit  in  it,  234. 

Synagogues,  the  original  of  them  among  the  Jews, 
i.  298;  not  before  the  captivity,  ib.;  their  number, 
299;  service  performed  in  them,  ib.;  how  many  days 
in  the  week,  304;  manner  of  reading  the  Scriptures 
in  them,  ib.;  ministers  of  the  synagogue  service, 
who,  .106. 

Synope  made  a  free  city  by  Lucullus,  ii.  264. 

Synopsis  Sacrae  Scripturae,  a  hook  so  called,  ascribed 
to  Athanasius,  ii.  200. 

Syria,  kingdom  of,  in  Damascus,  destroyed  by  Ar- 


INDEX. 


459 


baces  king  of  Assyria,  i.  64;  how  divided,  416;  its 
cities  assume  their  liberty,  ii.  243;  made  a  Roman 
province,  273. 

Syriac  version  of  the  Bible  still  in  use,  ii.  40;  its  anti- 
quity, ib.;  said  to  be  quoted  by  St.  Paul,  41. 

Syrians  expel  the  race  of  Seleucidae,  and  choose  Ti- 
granes  king  of  Armenia,  their  king,  ii.  256,  257. 


Tachos,  king  of  Egypt,  driven  out  of  his  kingdom  by 
bis  subjects,  i.  355. 

Tacitus,  what  he  says  of  prophecies  about  our  Sa- 
viour's coming,  ii.  404. 

Tadraor,  Palmyra  so  called  in  scripture,  ii.  325;  and 
now,  ib.;  a  description  of  it,  and  its  great  trade,  ib. 

Talents,  Euboic  and  Attic,  reduced  Roman  money, 
ii.  97,  (note  2.) 

Talmud,  Jewish,  what  it  consists  of,  i.  269;  Maimo- 
nides's  abridgement,  270. 

Talmud,  the  Septuagint  translation  not  mentioned 
in  it,  ii.  42;  a  quotation  out  of  it,  215;  when  pub- 
lished, 221;  divisions  about  it,  ib. 

Talmud,  Babylonish,  when  composed,  ii.  350;  Jerusa- 
lem, when  composed,  ib. 

Talmuds,  two,  of  Jerusalem  and  Babylon,  i.  296; 
when  completed,  ib. 

Tanais  river,  mistakes  of  authors  about  it,  i.  381. 

Tannaim,  Jewish  doctors  of  the  law  so  called,  i.  268. 

Targums,  Chaldee  Paraphrases  on  the  Bible,  why  so 
called,  ii.  341;  how  many  sorts  of  them  are  now 
extant,  342,343,  speak  of  Christ,  349;  probably  read 
by  our  Saviour,  351;  their  antiquity,  352. 

Targum,  Jerusalem,  agrees  with  the  New  Testa- 
ment, ii.  347. 

Taric  Dilcarnain,  a  Jewish  era,  i.  403;  why  so  called, 
ib. 

Tarshish,  of  its  situation  and  trade,  i.  66;  in  the  East 
Indies,  ib. 

Tatian,  his  account  of  Berosus,  ii.  53;  Tatnai,  the 
Persian  governor  of  Palestine,  his  kindness  to  the 
Jews,  i.  175. 

Temple  of  the  Lord,  the  crv  of  a  Jewish  faction,  ii. 
338;  Herod  cuts  them  off,  ib. 

Temple  of  Ephesus  burnt  by  Erostratus,  i.  358;  re- 
built by  Denocrates,  374. 

Temple  of  Jerusalem  burnt  twice  on  the  same  day 
of  the  year,  i.  112;  the  incredible  sums  laid  out  in 
building  it,  65;  burnt,  112;  rebuilt  by  Cyrus's  de- 
cree, 144;  what  each  Jew  paid  toward  it,  147;  how 
intent  the  Jews  were  upon  it,  151;  second  not  so 
magnificent  as  the  first,  ib.;  improved  afterwards, 
ib.;  the  glory  of  the  first,  in  what  it  consisted,  ib.; 
the  rebuilding  of  it  opposed  by  the  Samaritans,  162. 
170;  revived  under  Darius,  175;  when  finished,  177; 
Alexander  there,  371;  the  sept  of  it  not  to  be  pro- 
faned, ii.  87;  defiled  by  Antiochus  Epiphanes,  115; 
destroyed,  119;  dedicated  to  Jupiter  Olympius  by 
the  Syrians,  122;  began  to  be  built  anew  by  Herod, 
394;  nineteen  years  before  Christ,  ib.;  building  in 
our  Saviour's  time,  ib. 

Temple  of  Jupiter  Hammon,  where  built,  i.  373;  Alex- 

■    ander  visits  it,  374. 

Temple  of  Samaria  built  in  opposition  to  that  at  Je- 
rusalem, i.  324;  Josephus's  mistake  about  it,  371; 
dedicated  to  Jupiter,  ii.  121. 

Temple  of  Sardis  burnt  by  the  Ionian  Greeks,  i.  186, 
187;  occasions  great  mischiefs,  ib. 

Temple  in  Egypt  not  owned  by  the  Jews  at  Jerusa- 
lem, ii.  128;  when  built,  176;  the  Septuagint  fa- 
vours it,  177. 

Temples  to  be  revered  in  all  religions,  ii.  27;  an  ex- 
traordinary one  intended  at  Alexandria  by  Ptole- 
my, for  Arsinoe  his  wife,  58. 

Tennes,  the  Sidonian,  his  treachery,  i.  359. 

Teridates,  an  attempt  against  him,  occasions  the 
loss  of  Parthia  to  Antiochus,  ii.  56. 

Teriteuchmes,  the  Persian,  his  tragical  story,  i.  334. 

Testament,  Old  and  New,  histories  of  facts  between 
them,  i.  332;  New,  first  divided  into  verses  by  R. 
Stephens,  278;  Old,  the  best  version  of  it,  ii.  41. 

Tetrapla,  an  edition  of  the  Bible  so  called,  ii.  43. 

Tetrapolis,  cities  so  called,  and  why,  i.  416. 

Texts  of  the  Bible  quoted  from  the  Chaldee  Para- 
phrase by  our  Saviour,  ii.  351. 

Thales  the  philosopher,  when  he  lived,  i.  104;  fore- 
tells an  eclipse,  ib. 

Thebais  in  Egypt,  a  colony  of  Samaritans  sent 
thither  by  Alexander,  i.  378. 

Thebans  oppose  a  bad  peace  with  the  Persians,  i. 


350;  overthrow  the  Lacedemoniana,  352;  subdued 
by  Alexander,  365. 

Thebes  in  Greece  taken  by  Alexander,  i.  366. 

Thebes  in  Egypt  called  No-Animon  in  scripture,  i. 
75;  Nahum's  prophecy  of  it,  ib.;  destroyed  before 
Nineveh,  ib.;  ruined  by  Ptolemy  Lathyrus,  ii.  257. 

Thecia,  a  noble  Egyptian  lady,  wrote  the  St.  James's 
copy  of  the  Septuagint,  ii.  48. 

Theniistocles  beats  the  Persians  in  the  Straits  of 
Salamis,  i.  211;  his  power  envied  by  the  Lacedemo- 
nians, 217;  accused  by  them,  but  acquitted,  ib.; 
forced  to  quit  Greece,  218;  flies  to  Xerxes,  ib.;  high- 
ly honoured  by  him,  219;  his  e.^cape  out  of  Greece 
discussed,  ib.;  his  resolute  death,  224. 

Theocritus  the  poet  favoured  by  Ptolemy,  ii.  59. 

Thcodotiou  translates  the  scriptures,  aiid  why,  ii.  42, 
&.C.;  his  method  in  it,  43. 

Theodotus  governor  of  Bactria,  makes  himself  king, 
ii.  56. 

Theodotus,  his  son,  succeeds  him,  and  leagues  with 
Arsaces,  ii.  63;  driven  out  by  Kuthydenms,  83. 

Theodotus  the  ^Etolian,  governor  of  CueleSyria,  be- 
trays it  to  the  Syrians,  ii.  73;  and  why,  ib.;  hia 
courage,  76. 

Theodotus  the  rhetorician,  his  advice  to  Ptolemy  to 
kill  Pompey,  ii.  3U6. 

Therapeutic,  profession  among  the  Essenes,  what  it 
was,  ii.  232. 

Thermopylae,  Straits  of,  battle  there,  i.  210. 

Thermusa,  an  Italian  woman,  marries  Phrahates, 
king  of  Parthia,  ii.  391;  poisons  him,  ib. 

Thessalonice,  killed  by  her  son,  i.  420. 

Thimbro,  the  Lacedemonian,  his  wars  in  Asia,  i. 
337;  his  banishment,  338. 

Thoas  the  .lEtolian,  his  embassy  to  engage  .Antiochus 
the  Great  in  a  war  with  the  Romans,  ii.  U3;  he 
flies  for  it,  97. 

Thucydides,  his  noble  descent,  i.  191;  his  history  cor- 
rected, 219. 

Tiberius's  fifteenth  year,  how  reckoned,  i.  240;  born 
three  months  after  his  mother  was  married  to  Oc- 
tavius  Cssar,  ii.  336;  the  first  action  he  was  em- 
ployed in,  392;  Augustus  marries  him  to  his  daugh- 
ter Julia,  407;  does  not  like  him,  ib.;  retires  to 
Rhodes,  and  lives  privately,  411;  returns  to  Home, 
420;  adopted  by  Augustus,  ib.;  the  commencement 
of  his  reign,  as  in  Luke,  423,  (note  2;)  424;  his  bad 
character,  425. 

Tigers,  when  first  brought  from  India,  ii.  393. 

Tiglath  Pileser,  Arbaces  so  called  in  scripture,  i.  62; 
hired  by  king  Ahaz  to  assist  him,  63;  carries  the 
Jews  into  captivity,  68;  an  error  of  archbishop 
Usher's  concerning  him  rectified,  69;  his  death,  ib. 

Tigranes  restored  to  the  kingdom  of  Armenia  by  the 
Parthians,  ii.  247;  expels  Ariobarzanes  king  of 
Cappadocia,  250;  chosen  king  of  Syria,  257;  builds 
Tigranocerta,  259;  the  methods  he  took  to  people  it, 
and  his  country,  ib.;  he  neglects  Mithridates,  263; 
puts  Selene,  widow  of  Antiochus  Grypus  and  An- 
tiochus Eusebes  to  death,  ib.;  his  pride,  264;  affronts 
Lucullus,  ib.;  leagues  with  Mithridates  against  the 
Romans,  268;  his  vast  army  routed  by  Lncullus's 
very  small  one,  269;  routed  again  by  Lucullus.  270; 
defeats  his  son  Tigranes,  272;  puts  a  price  on  Milh- 
ridates's  head,  and  submits  in  a  base  manner  to 
Pompey,  ib. 

Tigranes,  his  son,  refuses  Pompey's  decision,  and  is 
a  part  of  his  triumph,  ii.  272. 

Tigranes  made  king  in  the  place  of  his  brother  Ar- 
taxias,  ii.  392. 

Tigranocerta.  when  and  where  built,  ii.  259.  264, 
(note  4;)  taken  by  Lucullus,  269;  reduced  to  a  vil- 
lage, ib. 

Timagoras  the  Athenian  adores  the  king  of  Persia,  i. 
353;  sentenced  to  die  for  it,  259,  (note  7.) 

Timarchus,  tyrant  of  Miletus,  slain  by  Antiochut 
Theus,  ii.  5.3. 

Timotheus,  a  persecutor  of  the  Jews,  routed,  ii.  131; 
again,  and  slain,  142,  143. 

Timotheus,  his  son,  undertakes  the  war  against  the 
Jews,  ii.  143;  routed  and  taken  prisoner,  146. 

Tirliakah  the  Ethiopian  assists  Sevechus  king  of 
Egypt,  i.  75;  succeeds  him,  77;  his  death,  79. 

Tiridates  contests  the  crown  of  Parthia  with  Phra- 
hales,  ii.  380.  388. 

Tisri,  why  the  first  month  of  the  Jewish  year,  i.  147. 

Tissaphernes  the  Persian  leagues  with  the  Lacede- 
monians, i.  322;  Cyrus,  son  of  Darius,  wars  with 
him,  336;  in  favour  with  Artaxerxes,  337;  begs  a 
truce  of  the  Lacedemonians,  338;  he  fears  the  Gre- 


460 


INDEX. 


ciana,  340;  routed  by  them,  341;  accused  by  Ptiarna- 
bazus,  339;  beheaded,  342. 

Tithraustes  cuts  oil'  Tissaphernes's  head,  and  suc- 
ceeds him  in  his  government,  i.  343;  bribes  the 
Greeks,  ib. 

Tili'is,  formerly  of  Sextus  Pompeins's  party,  puts  him 
tj  death,  ii.  384;  hated  by  the  Romans  for  it,  ib.; 
provoked  by  Cleopatra  to  desert  Antony,  369. 

Titus,  his  triumph  for  the  taking  of  Jerusalem,  i.  153. 

TIepolemus,  made  minister  to  Ptolemy  Philopater  by 
the  Egyptian  council,  ii.  83. 

Tobiah  the  Ammonite  profanes  the  temple  in  Nehe- 
niiali's  time,  i.  314. 

Tobit  carried  into  captivity,  i.  72;  advanced  by  the 
king  of  Assyria,  ib.;  opinions  of  the  book  so  called, 
91;  first  written  in  Chaldee,  92;  several  versions  of 
it,  ib. 

Trachonitis,  country  of,  given  to  Herod  by  Augustus, 
ii.  389;  the  inhabitants  thieves,  389,  390. 

Trade  carried  on  by  the  Jews,  i.  64;  lost,  65;  what  it 
included,  ib. 

Trade,  East  India,  how  it  passed  from  the  Jews  to 
the  Syrians,  from  them  to  the  Tyrians,  from  them 
to  the  Egyptians,  from  them  to  the  Portuguese, 
and  from  them  to  the  English  and  Dutch,  i.  66;  the 
great  advantages  of  it,  401. 

Trade  of  the  east,  how  carried  on  by  tlie  Tyrians,  ii. 
54,  55;  by  the  Palmyrenians,  326. 

Traditions  rejected  by  the  Samaritans,  i.  329;  times 
of,  when  they  began,  425. 

Traditions,  the  zeal  of  the  Pharisees  for  them,  ii. 
223  224. 

Transmigration  of  souls  believed  by  the  Pharisees, 
ii.  222. 

Triarius  the  Roman  general  routed  by  Mithridates, 
ii.  270;  Pharnaces  his  son  routed  in  the  same  place 
by  Ca;sar,  312. 

Tribes,  Jewish,  the  names  of  several  of  them  lost 
when  the  Septuagint  version  was  made,  ii.  33. 

Triumvirate  of  Pompey,  Crassus,  and  Ctesar,  ii.  287; 
of  Oclavius  Antony,  and  Lepidus,  321;  their  divi- 
sion of  the  empire,  327. 

Troglodytes,  where  their  country  was,  ii.  387. 

Trogus  Pompeius,  whence  he  took  his  history,  i.  338. 

Tryphsena  murders  her  sister  Cleopatra  in  a  temple, 
ii.  211;  and  is  put  to  death  by  Cyzicenus  her  sister's 
husband,  211,  212. 

Tryphon,  called  also  Diodotus  the  Syrian,  his  designs 
against  Demetrius  Nicator,  ii.  182,  183;  sets  up  his 
brother  Antiochus  against  him,  ib.;  takes  Jonathan 
by  treachery,  185;  murders  him  and  his  master  An- 
tiochus, 186;  declares  himself  king  of  Syria,  ib. 

Tyrannion  the  grammarian,  preserves  Aristotle's 
works,  ii.  255. 

Tyre,  Ezekiel's  prophecy  against  it,  i.  Ill;  when 
built,  115;  besieged  by  Nebuchadnezzar,  ib.;  taken, 
117;  new  built  in  an  island,  ib.;  taken  by  Alexan- 
der, 369;  besieged  by  Antigonus,  401. 

Tyrians,  friends  to  Solomon,  i.  64;  take  the  trade 
from  the  Jews  and  Syrians,  66;  favoured  in  it  by 
the  Persians,  ib.;  besieged  and  straitened  by  the 
Assyrians,  72;  Isaiah's  prophecy  against  them,  73; 
help  the  Jews  to  rebuild  the  temple,  164;  recover 
their  privileges,  185;  mastered  by  their  slaves,  369; 
governed  by  magistrates,  called  Sutfetes  or  Judges, 
from  the  Hebrew  Shophetim,  118. 

Tyrians,  their  trade,  ii.  54;  their  city  delivered  to  An- 
tiochus the  Great,  74;  know  not  the  name  Her- 
cules, the  Hercules  Tyrius  of  the  Greeks  being  a 
mistake,  109,  (note  1.) 

V. 

Valentinian,  the  title  of  Pontifex  Maximus,  refused 
by  all  his  successors,  ii.  396. 

Vashti  queen  of  Persia  displeases  Artaxerxes,  i.  223; 
divorced,  ib. 

Vatablus,  first  divided  the  Latin  Bible  into  verses, 
with  numbers  affixed,  i.  277. 

VentidiuB,  Antony's  lieutenant,  defeats  the  Par- 
thians,  ii.  329;  Labienus's  soldiers  terrified  hereby, 
desert  him,  ib.;  Labienus  taken  and  killed,  ib.; 
route  the  Parthians  again,  and  slays  their  general, 
ib ;  his  exactions  in  Palestine,  331;  his  victories 
over  the  Parthians,  333;  his  Policy,  ib.;  envied  by 
Antony,  334;  triumphs  at  Rome,  ib.;  was  himself 
led  in  triumph,  ib.;  his  mean  beginning,  ib.;  out  of 
favour  with  Antony,  and  why,  356. 

Verse,  a  line  in  prose,  i.  275. 

Verses,  the  reason  of  dividing  the  Scripture  into 
verMs,  i.  273"  when  begun  by  the  Jews,  ib. 


Verses,  whether  distinguished  at  first  as  now  in  the 
Hebrew  Bibles,  or  only  by  lines,  i.  274. 

Verses,  when  numbers  added  to  them  in  the  Hebrew 
Bibles,  i.  278;  at  first  distinguished  by  letters,  277. 

Victorius  of  Limoges,  his  cycle,  ii.  158. 

Villius  Publius,  ambassador  from  the  Romans  to  An- 
tiochus the  Great,  his  cunning,  ii.  93. 

Virgil  attributes  to  Pollio  what  was  foretold  of  Jesus 
Christ,  ii.  331.  399;  can  admit  of  no  just  interpreta- 
tion, but  as  applied  to  the  Messiah,  404. 

Virgiliana;  Sortes,  what  they  were,  ii.  400. 

Virgin  Mary,  her  miraculous  conception  of  our  Sa- 
viour, ii.  414. 

Vision  of  Serapis,  seen  by  Ptolemy,  ii.  17. 

Vowel  points,  their  original,  i.  282;  none  in  tlie  books 
used  in  tlie  Jewish  synagogues,  ib. 

U. 

Udiastes  the  Persian,  his  tragical  story,  i.  334. 

Universities,  Jewish,  i.  283;  in  Assyria,  ib. 

Uriah  the  prophet  slain  by  king  Jehoiakim,  i.  98. 

Urim  and  Thumniin  treated  of,  i.  155,  &lc. 

Usher,  archbishop,  a  mistake  of  his  in  chronology 

rectified,   i.   219;   another   about  Ahasuerus,   221; 

about  the  seventy  weeks'  prophecy,  142;  procures 

a  copv  of  the  Samaritan  Pentateuch,  152;  corrected, 

ii.  103. 
Usury  forbidden  to  the  Jews,  i.  294;  their  extortion,  ib. 

W. 

Weeks,  seventy,  prophecy  concerning  the  coming  of 
our  Saviour,  i.  227,  &c.;  differences  about  it,  231; 
reconciled,  240;  first  seven  of  them  in  Daniel's  pro- 
phecy, when  ended,  322. 

Wedding,  mirth  of  one  spoiled  by  Jonathan,  ii.  167. 

Whipping,  the  manner  of  it  among  the  Jews,  ii.  214, 
(note  5.) 

Will,  Antony's  extravagant  one  offends  the  Romans, 
ii.  369. 

William  Rufus,  a  great  Simoniac,  ii.  216. 

Winds,  Etesian,  what  they  are,  ii.  306,  (note  4;)  like 
our  trade  winds,  ib. 

Women  delivered  the  heathen  oracles,  ii.  402. 

Word  Aoyo;,  how  explained  in  the  Chaldee  para- 
phrases on  the  Bible,  ii.  3.55. 

Worship,  forms  of,  vindicated,  i.  302;  Jews,  what  it 
is,  ib.  &c. 

Writing,  manner  of  it  by  the  ancients,  i.  375,  &c. 


Xantippus,  the  Athenian  general,  destroys  the  Per- 
sian army  and  fleet,  i.  212;  his  successes,  ib. 

Xenophon's  history  preferable  to  Herodotus's  for 
what  relates  to  Cyrus,  i.  130;  his  retreat  out  of  Per- 
sia with  the  Greeks,  336. 

Xerxes,  a  younger  son  of  Darius,  demands  and  ob- 
tains the  crown,  i.  192,  193;  confirms  the  Jews' 
privileges,  208;  his  wars  in  Egypt,  ib.;  preparations 
for  his  wars  with  the  Greeks,  209;  his  prodigious 
army,  ib.;  enters  Greece,  210;  and  Athens,  211 
frighted  and  returns  ingloriously,  ib.;  his  army  de 
stroyed,  212;  and  fleet,  213;  his  great  disappoint 
ment,  ib.;  destroys  the  Grecian  temples,  and  why 
914;  a  zealous  Magian,  ib.;  returns  to  Susa,  ib.;  de 
stroys  the  temples  of  the  Sabines,  ib.;  his  incestu 
ous  love  and  cruelty,  215,  &c.;  sets  a  price  on  The 
mistocles's  head,  218;  how  he  receives  him,  ib. 
weary  of  his  war  with  the  Greeks,  220;  murdered, 
221;  supposed  by  Scaliger  to  be  Ahasuerus,  ib. 

Xerxes,  son  of  Artaxerxes  Longimanus,  his  short 
reign,  i.  319. 

Ximenes,  cardinal,  his  edition  of  the  Septuagint,  ii. 
47;  an  account  of  it,  ib. 

Xinaetas,  Antiochus  the  Great's  general  in  the  east, 
destroyed  with  his  army,  ii.  71. 

Xiphares  murdered  by  his  father  Mithridates,  ii.  280. 


Year,  the  beginning  of  the  Jewish,  i.  147.  296. 

Years,  called  weeks  by  the  Jews,  i.  227. 

Year,  Chaldean,  three  hundred  and  sixty-five  days, 

i.  239;  Jews  and  Greeks  used  lunar  years,   ib.; 

Arabs   and  Turks,  240;  Greek  year  consisted  of 

three  hundred  and  sixty  days,  239. 
A'ears,  sabbath  of  how  reckoned,  i.  240. 
Year,  lunar  and  solar,  the  difference  between  them, 

i.  311. 


INDEX. 


461 


Tear,  a  very  plentlftil  one,  !1.  209. 

Year,  Julian  aolar,  eleven  minutes  longer  than  the 

true  tropical  solar,  ii.  164. 
Years,  Julian,  of  what  days  they  consist,  ii.  156. 
Year,  Roman,  what  days  it  consists  of,  ii.  316. 
Year,  Egyptian,  ii.  377. 
Years,  leap,  made,  ii.  378;  by  Augustus,  every  fourth 

year,  410. 


Zabdiel,  king  of  Arabia,  delivers  up  Antiochua  to 

Tryphon,  ii.  182,  183. 
Zacliarias,  his  vision  in  the  temple,  ii.  413, 
Zadakim,  Jews,  why  so  called,  ii.  124.  219. 
Zaretis,  why  Diana  so  called,  ii.  137. 
Zarinarus,  a  gyninosophist  ambassador  from  a  king 

of  India  to  Augustus,  ii.  393;  burns  himself  in  his 

presence  at  Athens,  ib. 
Zebina,  Alexander,  an  impostor,  pretends  to  be  the 

son  of  the  impostor  Balas,  ii.  20(1;  reigns  in  Syria, 

207;  leagues  with  Hyrcanus,  ib.;  his  good  character, 

ib.;  put  to  death,  209. 
Zechariah,  his  death,  i.  193. 
Zedekiah,  kingofJudali, his  wicked  reign,  i.  104;  rebels 

against  Nebuchadnezzar,    108;   will   not  hearken 

to  Jeremiah,  109;  is  taken  prisoner  and  bound  in 

chains,  111. 
Zend,  Zoroastres's  book  so  called,  and  why,  i.  201; 

taken  out  of  the  scripture,  202. 
Zendichees,  Arab  Epicureans,  i.  409. 
Zenodorus,  his  exactions  upon  the  Trachonites,  ii. 

389. 


Zenodotus  of  Ephesus,  librarian  to  the  Ptolemies, 
ii.21. 

Zephaniah,  contemporary  with  the  prophet  Jeremiah, 
i.  98.  slain,  112. 

Zerubbabel,  one  of  the  leaders  of  the  Jews  after  their 
restoration,  i.  144;  Cyrus's  governor  of  Judea,  ib.; 
his  assistants,  ib.;  the  prophet  llaggai's  messages 
to  him,  175;  goes  to  Darius,  182;  said  to  curse  the 
Samaritans.  325. 

Zeuxis  sent  by  Antiochus  to  beg  peace  of  the  Ro- 
mans, ii.  97. 

Zibbor  Sheliach,  a  priest  among  the  Jews,  his  office, 
i.  :«)6. 

Zichri,  the  Ephraimitc,  wars  with  king  Ahaz,  i.  62. 

Zidonians,  help  the  Jews  to  rebuild  the  temple,  i.  164. 

Zipaetes,  king  of  Bithynia,  dies  of  joy,  ii.  25. 

Zipajtes,  his  son,  at  war  with  Nicomedes  his  brother, 
ii.  25. 

Zocatora  island,  supposed  to  be  Ophir,  i.  06. 

Zoiliis,  the  critic  on  Homer,  hated  by  Ptolemy,  ii.  59. 

Zopyrus,  his  cruel  stratagem  on  "himself  to  serve  Da- 
rius, i.  179. 

Zoroasties,  the  Persian  prophet,  his  first  appearance, 
i.  194;  of  Jewish  descent,  ib.;  a  servant  of  Daniel 
the  prophet,  195;  alters  the  Magian  religion,  196; 
has  a  Jewish  platform,  198;  has  Pythagoras  for  his 
disciple,  199;  no  magician  but  a  philosopher,  200;  re- 
sides at  Balch  in  Persia,  199.  201;  presents  his  reve- 
lations to  Darius,  ib.;  his  book  taken  from  scrip- 
ture, 202;  slain,  203;  lield  in  esteem  by  the  Greeks, 
204;  Pliny's  saying  of  him,  ib.;  and  others,  ib.;  said 
to  have  foretold  the  coming  of  Christ,  207;  how  many 
lines  his  works  consisted  of,  275. 


THE    END. 


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